Judging Freedom - Lt. Col. Karen Kwiatkowski: Mossad in the Pentagon
Episode Date: June 25, 2024Lt. Col. Karen Kwiatkowski: Mossad in the PentagonSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info. ...
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Thank you. Hi, everyone. Judge Andrew Napolitano here for Judging Freedom.
Today is Tuesday, June 25th, 2024. Lieutenant Colonel Karen Kwiatkowski will be with us in just a moment to tell us about the Mossad in the Pentagon without security clearances.
But first this.
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karen welcome here my dear friend always, it's a pleasure.
Before we get to the Mossad in the Pentagon, today Julian Assange was finally set free from a hellish confinement in Britain's top, most oppressive, most secure, maximum security prison. As we speak, he's either in
the Mariana Islands or on his way there. It's a bit of a screwy deal. He agrees to plead guilty
to one count of conspiracy to commit espionage, and then will be sentenced to time served. And as soon as he's sentenced to time
served, he flies to Australia. I'm ecstatic that he's free, but I'm disgusted that the
feds got their pound of flesh. Now, as a judge, I probably accepted more than a thousand guilty
pleas. I know that people don't always plead guilty to something for
which they are guilty. They do it to end the prosecution. They do it to protect somebody else.
They do it for a variety of reasons. Not only is he not guilty of anything, he's an American hero.
Your thoughts? No, I agree 100%. Yeah. It is sad that he had to plea, but at least it's just one thing.
And he is still, I mean, I think the U.S. can pardon him.
The next president can pardon him and clear the record if need be.
But yeah, it's great to see him out.
You know, years ago, a couple years ago, I had a contact who had contacts among the guards.
At least that's what he told me, in Belmarsh.
Belmarsh is the prison where he was housed in solitary for five years.
Yes. And this was, I guess, was in the early part of his incarceration. And he was reporting to me,
and I wrote about it at Lou Rockwell. He was reporting to me the use of chemical and chemical, you know, chemicalization
of his treatment, you know, interrogation chemicals, a lot of the tactics of torture
that we are well familiar with in military and government prisons that were being used on him
to weaken him, to break him, to destroy him and to punish him. And, you know, at some point he had
no, he no longer had information for me. He said that
the guys that were, or the people that were informing him had been moved off of the, of the
case. They were no longer working in Belmarsh in where, where Julian was held. But, and so I don't
know how true it was, but I believe it was true. This guy since has dropped off the radar. So for
all I know, it was a, it was some sort of op.
I don't know. I don't trust really anything anymore. But I believe he was ill-treated on
purpose. He was used, we all know this, used as an example to put fear in anyone who wishes to
tell the truth about what government does, particularly the ugly truth, which is most
of it. So it's great to see him and the people that have worked so hard to help, you know,
get him free. I'm still concerned about a lot of things, but he's out of prison. So that's good.
Are you concerned about his safety or his mortality at this point?
Well, he looked, in the image of him getting on the airplane, looked pretty healthy.
But the mental abuse and the mental strain for a guy like him, he's very strong and tough.
But I'm worried about the long-term effects of that.
But also, he's in Australia, and I know that's his home country.
But Australia does whatever we tell it to do. They didn't support him at any point in time,
only just very recently when the US decided they needed to end this because it's really,
I'm sure the pollsters told Biden, this is not a positive. We need to get this off the plate before Trump pardons him and makes it your problem. So, you know, this is a way of them dealing with the political problem. It has nothing
to do, you know, our government still hates Assange. Pompeo would still send a team after
him if he could. And Australia has done, the Australian government has, I can't, I don't have
any evidence that they've done anything to assist him in this long travail, even when he was in the Ecuadorian embassy in London.
They didn't do anything.
They didn't care about him.
They felt that he was guilty of all this and more.
So he's in Australia.
That's his home state.
But what kind of government do you have in Australia?
You don't free speech in Australia. I was surprised he didn't want to
go to Ireland, which has no extradition treaty with the United States or with Great Britain.
He'd be there. He'd be welcomed. There's a number of places that I think he would be safe.
And Australia isn't really one of them. But, you know, this is good. I mean, it's...
Yeah.
Chris, can you put up a clip of him getting on the plane or whatever we have of him today outside of the prison?
I believe that's his father.
There he is. That is him yesterday getting on a private jet for the first leg of his flight.
What you're looking at, those papers that you were looking at, that's his wife. The papers you were looking at were the documents actually filed by the federal government. That's a famous or infamous picture of him from the Ecuadorian
embassy. I just finished writing my column about him, which comes out Wednesday night.
And in it, I say, I hope that as soon as he gets to Australia, he does three things. Tell the world
how horribly he was treated. Renounce his guilty plea because he only did it
in order to escape the clutches of totalitarian governments. He's not guilty of any crime.
And then resume the WikiLeaks revelations. Many, many more to come. I don't know if he can do that
comfortably because, as you just pointed out, Australia is under the American thumb. I don't know if he can do that comfortably from Australia.
He may have to go somewhere else to do it. That's the scene outside Old Bailey today. That's not
the jail. That's the British court. Well, I also have to say this. I said this earlier.
I hold myself out as an expert on the American judicial system. Who the hell knew there's a federal court in the Mariana Islands? There is a bona fide Article III judge, meaning a judge appointed by the president, confirmed by the Senate with lifetime tenure and all the staff and regalia that comes with that sitting in the Mariana Islands.
That's where this guilty plea will take place.
Yeah. Well, they took it out of the Eastern District Court there.
That's the one that handles. It's the evil court.
I mean, it's everybody's guilty.
Nobody's acquitted there.
That's right. So that's a good time.
This is the part of Virginia where the Pentagon and Dulles Airport are located.
So the Constitution says you have to be tried in the place where the crime was committed.
That's in there because the British in the colonial period were trying people in London for alleged crimes committed in Boston.
So they put that in the Constitution.
Then they put in there, if the alleged crime was committed overseas,
you have to be tried in the first place where you enter the U.S.
Well, the feds figured that one out.
They just lied people to Dulles where their favorite courthouse is
and where they always get convictions, even though Dulles has nothing to do, or Virginia has nothing to do with even what the government
says he did.
All right, we're all familiar with the government's games there.
I don't blame him for pleading guilty, but Julian, don't renounce that guilty plea until
you're home.
Don't taunt the alligator until after you cross the stream.
Yeah, that's right.
He has to be, I mean, he's been through so much.
And I hate to ask him to do anything more than what he's already done.
And his whole career has been so world-changing, really, and certainly educated so many people on the dangers of not just the
American state, but all the governments. And, you know, I hate to ask him anything more,
but I look forward to seeing your piece, because I think that's a good message to have out there.
Thank you. Were you surprised that on a major Eastern Orthodox Catholic holiday, a beautiful Sunday summer afternoon,
families relaxing on the beach of the Black Sea in Sevastopol were suddenly hit by cluster bombs and children were murdered? It shouldn't have surprised me. But yeah,
I mean, I read an article by one of your frequent guests just this morning, Alistair Crook, and
he said that the result of the meeting last week in Switzerland, the Burgenstock,
was really that the rest wants
to continue this war with Russia. Contrary to any knowledge, any evidence, any morality,
any strategy, they want to continue this. And if that's true, then this is part and parcel of it.
And the U.S., clearly the problem here, not just U.S. cluster bombs, which are illegal. Why the U.S., clearly, the problem here, not just U.S. cluster bombs, which are illegal. Why
the U.S. sends cluster bombs around the world when we're supposed to be the leading light?
I don't know. But not just cluster bombs and attack them and American equipment, but apparently
American guidance and intelligence, supporting the target selection, guiding the attack.
And what the Ukrainians said, of course, the Ukrainian media and the government said,
oh, we didn't aim at the beach.
You know, it was the Russians intercepting it.
That's what caused all the cluster bombs to fall on the beach and kill people.
So it's not our fault.
Well, that's sociopathic lies, basically.
But we're part of that. And I think increasingly what this shows the world is
just like we are part of the Gaza extermination of Palestinians. We are part and parcel to that.
We're also part and parcel to what Ukraine is doing. Increasingly, it's obvious.
This is not just a proxy war. This is an American war. We are engaged in war with Russia,
a game that we will lose and Europe will lose. Very bad things will happen as a result of it,
but they don't, they don't seem to care. It's very concerning.
What do you think the response will be from the Kremlin, aside from the denunciations we've heard?
We'll play one of the denunciations in a minute, and I'll read one of them because we don't have the tape of it in a minute as well.
But Pepe Escobar, another colleague of ours, says nobody in Moscow was talking about anything but this.
And he described the collective attitude of folks in Moscow, ordinary folks in the street,
that he interacts with academics, he interacts with military types that he interacts with.
He used one word, fury, fury at what the Americans have done. And the belief is universal that the Americans
intended this. Now, Putin is going to have some pressure, Karen, from the right and from his
military leaders to do something dramatic and powerful. What do you think he'll do?
He's known for restraint, Putin. Yeah, it puts him under pressure, which is actually one of the tactics that the CIA and
the neocons are hoping to pursue here. They are after Putin, and I think they're not stupid.
So this does put a lot of domestic pressure on Putin, but the problem is he's smart and capable,
and he has a team of
people around him that he trusts that are patriots, not patriots like American patriots. We have very
few American patriots in Washington. They have many Russian patriots in Moscow and across their
country. So they are unified in that respect. So, you know, I think Putin is going to amp it up.
And I think we've already seen that to some extent. You know, he's going to turn the lights off in Ukraine.
And I think that if those F-16s get anywhere near Ukraine, including in the border regions
that are NATO countries, I think they're going to be taken out.
I think they're going to be destroyed.
I think, you know, Russia knows where the ammunition depots and other things are. And Russia has laid off of Kiev, I think purposely, because they want somebody to negotiate with.
They want the parliament, the Ukrainian parliament, to negotiate with.
They want it standing.
In fact, that's what they have said.
They recognize the parliament is legitimate, not Zelensky, now that he's in a post-presidential condition of his rule. I mean, his position has
expired and he has not had new elections, which he would lose if he did have them, which is why,
of course, he isn't having them. So the parliament remains as a representative of the people.
Russia wishes to negotiate with that. So I'm hoping that they don't destroy Kiev. But certainly that is an option. That is an
option. So, yeah, imagine how we would behave. You know, I imagine how furious Americans would be
in a similar situation and what we would demand of our government. I mean, we've seen it before
when we become enraged, whether it's justified,
whether it's based on truth or fact, well, you know, 9-11, whatever that was, we became enraged.
Well, the Russians are legitimately enraged, and they have the capability to put a stop to this. And, you know, it's due to this restraint of thinking people in Moscow that they haven't so far.
This is some fresh video of the residents of Sevastopol laying flowers at memorials.
Sevastopol is part of Crimea, which has legally been Russian since 1730, but of course has gone back and forth.
The people of Crimea voted by 99% to 1% to remain in Russia. The Ukrainian government claims the people in Crimea are occupiers and therefore are legitimate targets. This is an absurd,
counterintuitive argument that has no basis whatsoever in international law. I haven't
heard anything, I don't know if you have, from the Kiev government, but commentators listening to
Kiev television have been recounting this nonsensical argument.
I guess there are many surrounding Putin,
not the least of whom is his predecessor president,
former president, former prime minister Medvedev,
who wants serious, effective military responses
like attacking the places in Poland and Romania where these drones
are assembled and from which they're launched. And those places are manned by American troops
in uniform. Well, we shouldn't be doing that. They're taking a known risk. And, you know,
I would have, you could not fault Russia for doing more. It's a blessing to the American lives, really,
and that they haven't, that they've been restrained in their response. It's also
interesting that they chose the Pentecost Sunday as a day to attack synagogues and, of course,
the Orthodox churches. This, in, I forget the name, it's a little bit south than southern Russia.
Because the same day the Sevastopol attack, we also had these church attacks.
Well, they slit the throat of a priest.
Yeah.
And that is terrorism.
And it's similar to the kind of thing that happened with the Crocus city issue.
And the Russians in that one said
they knew who it was. The Americans immediately said, oh, it's, you know, it's ISIS or whatever,
but that's a confession, because we own ISIS, and it's completely a tool of the American-slash-Israeli foreign policy. So, you know, this complexity is obvious
to the Russians. It may not be obvious to average viewers in America. You know, we listen to,
you know, Ukrainian news, and we think that's the truth. Well, the fact that the world sees this,
and for what it is, makes it extremely dangerous because they know who to go after.
If they want to stop this, if they want to change the trajectory of American violence
and European violence and ISIS violence that we're pulling the strings on, if they want to change
that trajectory, they have to do something to do that. And when they do, we won't be surprised,
but other people might be because they're not paying attention. The rest of the world will not be surprised. They will cheer. They will cheer when Russia avenges this.
And it's just sad. It's unnecessary. Were you present in the Pentagon
when you were on active duty, when Mossad agents were there?
Well, you know, were they Mossad agents? They were generals, Israeli generals. And I wrote about it in my short series that I did for the American Conservative back in 2003 and 2004 after I'd left time of the day it was, but people were gone, and they were looking for someone.
They said, we have an emergency requirement.
There's Israelis at the gate.
We have to go bring them up.
Because after 9-11, the security situation had changed.
Of course, before then, they just walked in.
Most of us walked in with an ID or whatever.
Then they required any groups of three, if you had
under three people, it was one escort was required from inside the building, more than three up to
six, two escorts, you know, one per three was the ratio. So they needed, I guess, that second person
and I don't know if I was the first or the second or the only, but in any case,
they called people. I was there at my desk, get down there and get these guys up here.
So they were very angry and impatient. Who was angry and impatient? It was about three Israeli generals. And then a number, a guy, the ambassador was there. I believe
it was the ambassador from the Israeli. He's well-known. You know who I'm talking about.
But he was the ambassador in the 2000s.
He's been around for a while, in and out.
And some civilian clothes people.
Some were in uniform.
Most were in civilian clothes.
And they were waiting at the gate closest to Rumsfeld's office, those guys.
And that part, that was the entry that they were at.
They were very upset that they had to wait. They wanted to go through. They were kind of pushing
through and the guards were saying, wait, wait, you have to wait for an escort. So when I came,
obviously I was there. As soon as they saw me, the guards got out of the way and they rushed through.
I don't know if they were showing IDs or not. I saw no IDs in their hands. And they then led the way. They were walking very fast.
Did they go through magnetometers to-
No, I don't believe so. At that point in 2002, I don't believe there were magnetometers there. It
was just the gate maybe with the turnstile type of thing. Yeah.
Is it typical if you were a lieutenant colonel
that you would be an escort?
Is that typical for a lieutenant colonel?
In the Pentagon, yeah, it's typical in the sense that
they would take anybody.
I mean, an enlisted guy could have gone down there.
They just needed a person.
In where I worked, you know, majors were the lowest rank.
So, yeah, it's,
is it a waste of resources? Of course it is. There's so many things in the Pentagon that are,
but no, that was not atypical for, I personally did not get called down often for that kind of
thing. In fact, this is the one time I really remember it. And it was an emergency because I
was not a trusted one of their people. They were
looking for David. No, I can't remember. He's written a couple of books. He worked in the,
on the Iran desk next to where I was and they were looking for him. He was not around. So I was,
they grabbed me anyway. So I go down there, they rush through, they pour through this large group
and they, they don't, they don't pay any
attention to me as the escort. I'm just the rationale. You were just the escort. You didn't
know who you were escorting and you didn't check their IDs. No, no, that wasn't part of my thing.
And I was just the excuse to let the guards, let them through. The guards were having, it looked
like a little social pressure. And so they moved out of the way. The escort was
here. That was me. And these guys surged ahead. Cause I remember saying, we're, you know,
I'll take you up there. And they, they just ignored me, surged ahead. I was walking fast
and I'm a fast walker, but I was walking pretty fast to keep up with them. And we, they went up
to, I don't know if it was Wolfowitz's office, but it was up in the Wolfowitz and the Rumsfeld area into that common entryway.
And there's a big so they surged into that door. I'm right behind him.
There's a sign up book there. They walked right past the sign in book, which is required for everybody.
And walked right into I guess it was Wolfowitz's office because it was over to the right.
And they walked in there.
His door was shut.
They pushed it open, and the secretary jumped up from behind her desk and said, he's in a meeting.
And she pulled the door shut.
So these guys are milling around.
And so I said, trying to be useful.
And honestly, I was seriously trying to be useful.
I said, well, hey, they can sign in. They haven't signed in yet. Let's take this time when they're
waiting and they can sign in. And the secretary looked at me, waved her hands like this. No,
they don't need to sign in, she said. And of course, they had the guys there, these gentlemen
or whatever they were, officers and men in suits from Israel, they had no intention of signing in.
They did not need to sign in. This was not their, this was not a part of their procedure.
And so at that point, I pretty much left. My job was done.
Is this the way foreign generals and foreign intelligence agents are treated or is this unique for Israel? It has to be unique for Israel because I worked North Africa,
so I would bring in ambassadors from Tunisia and Algeria and places like that.
Morocco, we made our sign.
Our guys had to sign in.
Our guys had to wait.
Our guys didn't call and demand an escort.
They waited.
You know, it's an attitude thing and a procedural thing.
Clearly, to me, and I think to
the secretaries that worked there, there were two sets of rules, one for Israelis and another one
for everyone else. So this was 2002. I wasn't a student of the history of U.S.-Israel relations.
I was concerned about neocons.
I knew what, I understood the neocon foreign policy.
I understood how destructive it could be.
Just in an early stage, I could see that.
But I had nothing, you know, I was shocked, frankly.
I was shocked to see this.
It was clearly, you know, the Israelis run the Pentagon.
And again, part of it was these are Wolfowitz's
friends. Like if you had your wife and kids coming in, you'd still make them sign in. I mean,
seriously, but they were that friendly. It was as if this is part of us. It wasn't part of us
in my perspective, legally, constitutionally, it is not part of us. Okay. But it was for the
folks running the Pentagon at that time, and I imagine it hasn't
changed much. Wow. This is what Ray McGovern told us you'd tell us, but with more detail and more
nuance and more frustration. Thank you, Karen. Thank you for your time today. Thank you for
your insight on all these matters. We'll hopefully see you again next week.
Absolutely.
Thanks, Judge.
All the best.
Coming up at one o'clock today, Matt Ho, longtime friend of Julian Assange and confidant of the folks at WikiLeaks, with the inside story on Julian's release, and if we can, his plans for the future.
Judson Napolitano for Judging Freedom. Thank you.