Legends of the Old West - ORRIN PORTER ROCKWELL Ep. 5 | “Mountain Meadows Massacre”
Episode Date: May 15, 2024In August of 1857, a wagon train of travelers from Missouri and Arkansas rolls into Utah Territory. It’s called the Baker-Fancher party and it’s headed for California. The group camps in a high mo...untain valley called Mountain Meadows in southern Utah Territory, but Mormon settlers in the area believe the emigrants are more than just travelers. The Mormons believe the Baker-Fancher party is connected to the approaching U.S. Army column. As fear and suspicion grow, a Mormon militia attacks the travelers in a tragic event called the Mountain Meadows Massacre. Join Black Barrel+ for ad-free episodes and bingeable seasons: blackbarrel.supportingcast.fm/join Apple users join Black Barrel+ for ad-free episodes, bingeable seasons and bonus episodes. Click the Black Barrel+ banner on Apple to get started with a 3-day free trial. On YouTube, subscribe to LEGENDS+ for ad-free episodes and bingeable seasons. Hit “JOIN” on the Infamous America YouTube homepage. https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCm4V_wVD7N1gEB045t7-V0w/featured For more details, please visit www.blackbarrelmedia.com. Our social media pages are: @blackbarrelmedia on Facebook and Instagram, and @bbarrelmedia on Twitter. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
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On July 24th, 1857, nearly all of Salt Lake City's residents gathered in Big Cottonwood Canyon to celebrate Anniversary Day.
Lake City's residents gathered in Big Cottonwood Canyon to celebrate Anniversary Day. It was 10 years from the day they had first arrived in Salt Lake Valley, their new Zion. Amid the celebrations,
Porter Rockwell galloped in after a grueling 413-mile ride from Fort Laramie. He carried
urgent news for Brigham Young. An army of 2,500 soldiers was marching toward Utah.
Earlier that month, President James Buchanan had ordered sweeping changes in Utah territory.
Brigham Young, president of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints,
had been governor of the territory for six years. The previous American president,
Franklin Pierce, had tried to replace Young three
years earlier, but the lieutenant colonel who was supposed to take Young's place decided to
decline the position. Then, a former justice of the Utah Supreme Court had written some documents
that were highly critical of the LDS church and its practices. President Buchanan used the documents as a basis to make
changes in Utah Territory. He was sending a new governor, a new selection of government officials,
and 2,500 troops to impose a new system on the Saints. The Saints had been forced out of New
York, Ohio, Missouri, and Illinois, and now they felt like they were being persecuted again.
Ohio, Missouri, and Illinois, and now they felt like they were being persecuted again. When Brigham Young heard Rockwell's news of an encroaching army column, it felt like
an invasion, and he put the Saints on a war footing.
He declared martial law and rallied the militias to repel the troops if necessary.
He hoped it would not come to blood, but if it did, the saints would be ready.
As fear and anxiety grew, anyone who passed through the territory was scrutinized with a critical eye.
Travelers could be undercover government agents who were sent to spy on Mormon preparations.
Or the travelers could be undercover advance units of the army with the goal of setting up seemingly innocent camps that could be used as bases for the soldiers. A couple weeks later, a wagon train rolled into that cauldron
of suspicion. It was initially bound for Northern California, and as such, it had charted a course
through Salt Lake City. But after one of its leaders received a cold welcome in Salt Lake,
he advised the group to head south and take the Old Spanish Trail toward Southern California.
The last good place to stop on that trail before travelers had to brave the Mojave Desert was a high valley called Mountain Meadows.
For most of the members of the wagon train, it would be their final resting place.
From Black Barrel Media, this is Legends of the Old West.
I'm your host, Chris Wimmer, and this season we're telling the story of controversial figure Oren Porter Rockwell, the rise of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, and the
infamous Mountain Meadows Massacre.
This is Episode 5, Mountain Meadows Massacre.
As the late summer of 1857 unfurled across Utah Territory, a thick air of anticipation
and fear
clung to everyone in the vicinity.
Mormons were worried about the approaching soldiers.
The Ute, the Shoshone, and the Bannock
were worried about the increasing number
of settlers on their land.
And immigrants passing through Utah
were worried about Mormons and Indians alike.
In the middle of that atmosphere
of suspicion and hostility
rolled the Baker-Fancher Party. It was a wagon train of families and individuals from Arkansas
and Missouri who were headed for California. They wanted new opportunities and a fresh start from
the tumult of the territories they left behind. By the standards of the day, the party was large, wealthy, and diverse, with farmers,
craftsmen, tradespeople, and planters among their ranks. The individuals and families were drawn
westward by the lure of fertile lands for agriculture, the potential of the California
Gold Rush, and the prospect of new opportunities in the burgeoning communities of the West.
of new opportunities in the burgeoning communities of the West.
Party leader Alexander Fancher had made the trek to California twice before and planned on restocking in Salt Lake City in the northern part of Utah Territory.
Fancher led the party to the outskirts of the city in August 1857.
He rode into town and found that the saints were worried about the impending arrival
of 2,500 troops and whatever conflict they brought with them. The saints refused to sell
supplies to the party because they were worried they would need all of their grain and goods for
the fight to come. As a result, Fancher led the caravan south through the territory toward the Old Spanish Trail,
the road that had been blazed by legendary scout Kit Carson and the Fremont Expedition.
Instead of the route to Northern California, the Baker-Fancher party would take the route to Southern California.
In doing so, they traded a brutal climb through the Sierra Nevada mountains for a punishing journey through the Mojave desert.
On the first Sunday of September, the Baker-Fancher Party made camp at Mountain Meadows,
a high-altitude valley that lay at the southern end of the Great Basin.
It was part of a larger network of valleys that were surrounded by rugged mountains and steep
canyons, which provided a natural barrier.
Mountain meadows was dotted with wildflowers and grasses that were fed by natural springs.
It was the perfect spot to rest and allow the oxen to graze and drink their fill of water
before beginning the trek through hundreds of miles of dry country on the final leg of the
southern route to California.
The party wasted no time setting up their encampment.
They circled their wagons for protection, a common practice among traveling groups of
the time.
Inside the makeshift fortification, they erected tents, prepared cook fires, and saw to the
needs of their animals.
Children played in the grass and collected wildflowers,
while the adults busied themselves with chores or took the opportunity to rest and socialize
after the long journey from Arkansas and Missouri.
The first few days at Mountain Meadows were marked by a sense of community and purpose.
The party members were no strangers to the hardships of travel, but here,
in this oasis on the remote western edge of the Colorado Plateau, there was a brief respite. They
baked bread, repaired wagons, tended to their animals, and prepared for the next phase of their
journey. The evenings were filled with the sounds of laughter, crackling fires, and occasional melodies of songs or
fiddles, all of which offered a stark contrast to the quiet of the night around them.
In this instance, that quiet was the calm before the storm. The members of the Baker-Fancher
Party likely thought they had left the tension of Salt Lake City behind them. The city was
three hundred miles to the north, but the impending
arrival of the U.S. Army in Utah Territory had heightened anxieties among the Mormon settlers
across the region. In addition, the local Native American tribes, who had already been displaced
and disrupted by the influx of settlers, viewed all traveling parties with suspicion and resentment.
of settlers, viewed all traveling parties with suspicion and resentment. As the days passed and the animals of the Baker-Fancher party stocked up on food and water, the wagon train
made plans to leave Mountain Meadows. But they were unaware of the watchful eyes that observed
them from a distance. The meadow, with its lush grass and abundant water and protective canyons, had seemed a godsend to the weary travelers.
But the isolation and tranquility that made it an ideal camping spot also made it a deadly place to suffer an ambush, if one could be properly coordinated in secret.
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The Baker-Fancher Party's arrival, so soon after Porter Rockwell's news that an army was headed to Utah,
had stirred deep-rooted fears in the Mormon settlers.
Many of the party's members were Missourians,
some of whom the Mormons said they recognized as the perpetrators of the massacre at Hans Mill 20 years earlier.
Whispered tales of old grievances, including the murder of Joseph Smith, rekindled old wounds.
The Mormons' collective memory was haunted by violent expulsions and persecution.
Their current leader, the man who had led them west to the new Zion, Brigham Young, had declared martial law.
Whatever danger and trials they
face now, the saints were determined to protect their isolation and their sanctuary at all costs.
As the Baker-Fancher party had moved south through Utah with their sizable wealth,
which was evident in the cattle and goods they carried, they roused suspicion. Rumors spread
like wildfire, suggesting the immigrants were actually
secret agents of the U.S. government who were sent to spy on or even sabotage the Mormon stronghold.
The belief was further fueled when some of the members of the party offered ill-timed jokes
about the incoming federal troops, which were perceived as provocations instead of harmless
banter. As the wagon train had made its way through the settlements on its way south to Mountain Meadows,
minor disputes escalated into significant confrontations.
Incidents of bartering gone wrong, accusations of theft,
and misunderstandings over access to water and grazing lands heightened the already
palpable mistrust. Each altercation added another layer of suspicion and painted the immigrants
not just as unwelcome guests passing through Mormon land, but as imminent threats to the
future survival of the church. The party's long stay at Mountain Meadows was seen as a final and overt threat.
Every advantage that made Mountain Meadows a perfect place to rest and water and graze the animals
also made it a perfect place that enemies of the Mormons wanted to occupy.
With its natural barriers and resources, Mountain Meadows presented a strategic military advantage.
Its location allowed control over Southern access routes
into the heart of Mormon settlements,
making it a potential stronghold for any hostile force.
The Mormons feared both a direct attack
and the Baker-Fancher party using the meadow
as a base to gather reinforcements
and potentially collaborate with other anti-Mormon groups
or the US ArmyS. Army.
In the shadow of those fears, a tragic logic took hold amongst the Mormon settlers.
The defensive posturing by the Baker-Fancher Party, interpreted through a lens of paranoia,
seemed to confirm the worst fears of an imminent attack.
The Circle of Wagons, a common precaution on the frontier, was seen as a fortress
being erected in their midst. The laughter and songs of the immigrants, meant to uplift the
spirits during a brief respite on a grueling journey, were heard as mocking jeers of an enemy
camp. With tensions high and suspicions rampant, the situation at Mountain Meadows was a powder keg, and one of the party's cows was the unlikely match that lit the fuse.
A cow strayed onto Mormon land. Starved and stressed, the settlers viewed the animal
as divine providence in a time of need, and they slaughtered it and consumed it.
When the owners discovered the loss,
accusations flew, igniting deep-seated mistrust.
Some Mormon settlers believed the Baker-Fancher Party
had contaminated a spring near Corn Creek,
which led to the deaths of 18 cattle
and possibly two or three individuals,
including a child who ate tainted meat.
Debate raged within church councils over how to respond.
Some leaders, wary of inciting further violence, advocated for a peaceful resolution.
They suggested they provide safe passage for the wagon train and hurry the party out of their lands.
Others argued for a show of strength to deter not only the Baker-Fancher Party, but also the federal government itself.
The initial skirmishes were spontaneous, yet telling.
Small groups of Mormon militia, acting under the cover of anonymity, launched harassment attacks on the encamped immigrants.
They rustled cattle, cut supply lines, and fired shots into the night.
Each was an act of aggression designed to intimidate and weaken the resolve of the Baker
Fancher Party.
And then, in the first week of September, the Saints took the aggression up a notch.
They launched an actual attack on the wagon train that was a huge leap forward toward
tragedy.
there was a huge leap forward toward tragedy.
On the brink of departure from Mountain Meadows,
the Baker-Fancher Party faced an unexpected assault on September 7th.
Disguised as Native Americans, members of a Mormon militia,
alongside some actual Paiute warriors, launched a surprise attack.
In defense, the party ingeniously reconfigured their wagons into a fortification.
They dug shallow trenches and utilized the earth for cover,
creating a formidable barrier against the attackers.
Despite their quick thinking, the initial onslaught was deadly. It resulted in seven fatalities,
which their survivors hastily buried within their
makeshift fortress. It marked the grim commencement of a siege that would extend for five days.
The prolonged engagement severely tested the immigrants' resolve. Isolated from essential
resources like fresh water and game, and with their stockpiles of food and ammunition dwindling,
the situation for the Baker-Fancher party grew increasingly dire. like fresh water and game, and with their stockpiles of food and ammunition dwindling,
the situation for the Baker-Fancher Party grew increasingly dire. Meanwhile, the attackers faced their own turmoil. The cohesion among the Mormon leadership faltered as fear of exposure gripped
the militia. Men worried that the Baker-Fancher Party, crouched behind their encircled wagons,
had recognized
that many of their assailants were not Paiute warriors, but were instead white men. And worse,
they feared that the embattled party would soon realize that those white men were, in fact,
Mormons. The potential recognition of the assailants threatened to unravel the attacker's
facade of anonymity. The realization precipitated a chilling decision.
After five days of siege, assault, and harassment,
a seeming answer to the Baker-Fancher Party's prayers appeared on the horizon.
On Friday, September 11, 1857, the attackers offered a kind of peace treaty.
John D. Lee, a militia representative and two militiamen, brokered a truce with the Baker-Fancher Party. With promises of safety
under Mormon escort to the town of Cedar City, members of the party were coaxed out from behind
their makeshift fort. They unwittingly walked into a meticulously planned ambush. The men were
separated from the women and children, and each man from the party walked beside a member of the
Mormon militia. As they were led away from their circle of wagons, a prearranged signal started
the betrayal. At once, the militiamen turned their guns on the men and fired at point-blank range.
Hidden militia members, concealed within the rugged landscape, unleashed a volley of gunfire on the women and children.
One young survivor later recalled the savagery of the, quote,
hideous demon-like yells that marked the onslaught.
The orchestrated surprise spared only the youngest of the party, those who were
deemed too innocent to bear witness. Nancy Huff, a four-year-old survivor of the massacre,
later recalled the moment when the illusion of escape turned into a deadly trap. As the attackers
emerged from their hiding spots in the tall sagebrush, she said they were killing everybody they came to.
Captain Jack Baker, who was holding Nancy in his arms, was shot and fell dead. Nancy's mother was
struck by a fatal shot to the forehead. The ensuing chaos was a maelstrom of screams as women and
children clung together in a desperate bid for mercy. Nancy said she watched as the attackers used rifle butts as clubs
to bash the heads of women and girls who pleaded for their lives.
The assault probably felt like it lasted forever,
but it was over in a matter of minutes.
The gunfire stopped, the smell of black powder dissipated,
and the cloud of gun smoke drifted away.
Mountain Meadows was quiet once again, and 120 people lay dead on the ground.
As militiamen set about loading up anything of value that the Baker-Fancher party had
in their possession, the orphaned children were dispersed among Mormon families. It was
the move that served several purposes.
It helped to assimilate the survivors
into the local community, and by separating siblings,
it minimized the chances of the children
sharing their traumatic experiences
with each other or outsiders.
A Mormon bishop named Philip Klingensmith
assigned the orphaned children to various homes,
ensuring that the narrative surrounding the massacre was tightly controlled.
In these new environments, the children lived under the guise of care,
but reports and observations paint a picture of neglect and hardship.
Witnesses reported that months later, the orphans were, quote,
half-starved, half-naked, filthy, infested with vermin, and their eyes diseased from the cruel neglect. In the immediate aftermath of the
massacre, the orchestrators embarked on a campaign of deception, blaming the slaughter on Paiute
warriors. The calculated misdirection aimed to exploit existing tension between the settlers and Native Americans,
and it cast the tragedy as an act of indigenous violence rather than a premeditated attack by Mormon settlers.
The cover story worked at first.
It was easy to accept that Native American warriors had attacked a group of travelers.
But as the dust settled on mountain meadows, whispers of the truth began
to emerge. They challenged the fabricated tale of Paiute aggression and slowly unraveled the deception.
Initial probes into the tragedy faced significant hurdles. It was hard to separate the possible
involvement of the Mormon militia
from an attack by Paiute warriors, especially since they had actually worked together.
The isolated and remote site, along with the close-knit nature of the local communities,
further hindered evidence collection and witness testimonies.
But that didn't mean that there were no witnesses, at least to the aftermath.
It just so happened that a small group of Californians passed through Mountain Meadows
not long after the attack.
They were led by John Aiken and his brother Thomas,
and they saw the unburied and decomposing bodies of women and children.
John Aiken wrote an account of the scene,
and it was published by the Los Angeles Star in October 1857.
Less than a month after the event that would eventually be called the Mountain Meadows Massacre,
the word was out to a wide audience, and there was more killing ahead.
Toward the end of November 1857, two and a half months after the massacre, and six weeks after Aiken's article was published, the Aiken Party was caught by a Mormon posse in Utah.
The saints believed the men to be government spies, and they apprehended the travelers.
The posse held the Aiken Party for a short time, and then the posse lynched three of the travelers.
Aiken Party for a short time, and then the posse lynched three of the travelers.
Three men in the party escaped, but they were tracked down and killed two days later.
Reportedly, two of the men in the posse were Porter Rockwell and Bill Hickman. Hickman,
like Rockwell, was a sworn member of the Sons of Dan and had served as a bodyguard for both Joseph Smith and Brigham Young. The ambush of the Aiken
Party, shrouded in rumor and accusation, added to the legends of Rockwell and Hickman.
When later questioned, Hickman admitted to killing one of the Aiken Party under direct orders from
Brigham Young. Whether or not Young gave the order, the murders of the men of the Aiken Party were another tragic consequence of the chaos and suspicion of the Utah War.
As news of the Mountain Meadows Massacre spread beyond Utah, public outrage grew.
The federal government began to push for a thorough investigation.
But jurisdiction over the unique territory was complex,
and it was further complicated by Brigham Young's dual roles as both the territorial governor, who was unwilling to hand over power,
and the church president.
The investigation dragged out because of the unique challenges
to both law enforcement and judicial process.
In the years that followed,
federal investigators faced a wall of silence and evasion.
The Mormon community's solidarity and the intimidating presence of the church's hierarchy
made it difficult for witnesses to come forward.
But reports from non-Mormon travelers passing through Mountain Meadows
and a few dissenting Mormons painted a starkly different picture of events.
dissenting Mormons, painted a starkly different picture of events.
The new reports suggested a coordinated attack by the militia under orders from local church leaders. But it remained an open question as to how high up the church leadership ladder
the coordination went. The role of Brigham Young in the massacre is still a point of
contention among historians.
Some argue that Young's rhetoric in the face of the Army expedition to Utah contributed to an atmosphere of fear and hostility.
Others contend that he would have stopped the massacre if he had known it was going to happen.
On September 10th, the day before the massacre,
Young sent a message to Isaac Haight, one of the commanders of the militia.
The message counseled against interference with immigrant wagon trains, but it arrived
too late to avoid the catastrophe, according to an express writer.
Historian Will Bagley placed direct responsibility for the Mountain Meadows Massacre on Brigham
Young.
Bagley concluded that the evidence supports Young's involvement
in inciting the attack, manipulating the Paiute chiefs, and ultimately attempting to shield the
perpetrators from justice. Bagley wrote, After the massacre, when the surviving children made
it clear that Mormons had orchestrated the murders and events outran his ability to control the situation,
Brigham Young resolved to shield the perpetrators from justice.
As Governor and Superintendent of Indian Affairs for Utah Territory, it was his duty to protect
American citizens and prosecute their murderers.
Claiming that Brigham Young had nothing to do with Mountain Meadows is akin to arguing that Abraham Lincoln had nothing to do with the Civil War.
As investigations dragged on,
the possibility of holding people accountable for the massacre kept falling.
And then the investigation was halted altogether by the outbreak of civil war in 1861.
For the next four and a half years, the government was consumed with the action of war.
And then for several years after that, it was consumed with reconstructing the nation.
For more than a decade, the matter lay dormant. During that time, Brigham Young and the church's
leadership worked diligently to reinforce their version of events,
emphasizing the narrative that placed blame on the Paiute tribe while downplaying or denying any involvement by Mormon settlers.
The investigation was jump-started back to life in 1871 with the sworn statement of Philip Klingensmith.
with the sworn statement of Philip Klingensmith.
Klingensmith was a bishop in the LDS church and a militia member who had helped direct the process
of separating the orphaned children after the massacre.
But he left the church and moved to Nevada
and provided an affidavit of his version of events.
A sworn statement by a Mormon militiaman
who was actually there became a catalyst for change.
by a Mormon militiaman who was actually there became a catalyst for change.
Indictments were issued against Klingensmith and other militia members,
including John D. Lee, the man who had brokered the False Peace Treaty.
Legal proceedings were further complicated by Brigham Young's decision to excommunicate Lee and other key figures from the LDS Church in 1870, an act that underscored
the church's attempt to distance itself from the massacre. Lee's trials, beginning in July of 1875,
were monumental in their scope and significance. The first trial, before a mixed jury of Mormons
and non-Mormons, ended in a hung jury, despite the testimony of five
eyewitnesses, including Philip Klingensmith. The second trial, held before an all-Mormon jury,
resulted in Lee's conviction. On March 23, 1877, nearly 20 years after the massacre,
a crowd gathered at Mountain Meadows.
Over the previous two decades, the high mountain valley that had once been an oasis before
the Mojave Desert had succumbed to overgrazing and erosion.
The springs were dry and the greenery had vanished, leaving only patches of sagebrush
and scrub oak to underscore the desolation.
A crowd had gathered for one final death in the
valley. Dressed in a red flannel shirt and sitting on the edge of the pine coffin that awaited him,
John D. Lee spoke his final words to around 75 spectators who were drawn by a mix of curiosity
and somber reflection. Center my heart, boys, he told the firing squad.
At 11 a.m., the command was given and the squad fired.
Lee's body collapsed into the coffin,
marking a poignant moment of justice and historical reckoning
for one of the darkest chapters in the American West.
Lee went to his death believing he had been made a scapegoat for
the broader involvement of church authorities in the massacre. He, like Bill Hickman, had asserted
that he had been given a direct command from Brigham Young to exterminate the Baker-Fancher
Party, but it's impossible to know for sure. Historical perceptions of the Mountain Meadows
Massacre have evolved significantly over time.
Early accounts were mired in bias and controversy, reflecting the tensions between Mormon and non-Mormon narratives.
Modern scholarship, including the research and writing of historian Will Bagley, has painted a more nuanced understanding of the event.
Like nearly everything in the West, there were a multitude of factors
that led to the tragedy. And the role of the massacre in LDS history remains a point of
contention, with debates centered on accountability, memory, and interpretation.
Next time on Legends of the Old West, we finish the story of Porter Rockwell,
whose life takes a turn that might seem unexpected based on his previous experiences.
The man who was once known as the Destroying Angel opens a hotel and brewery that becomes
a beacon for travelers, and Porter becomes one of the richest men in Utah.
The conclusion of the Oren Porter Rockwell story is next week on Legends of the Old West.
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