Letters from an American - December 7, 2024
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December 7th, 2024. On Thursday, December 5th, in Chicago, Illinois, former President Barack
Obama gave the third in an annual series of lectures he has delivered since 2022 at his
foundation's Democracy Forum, which gathers experts, leaders, and young people
to explore ways to safeguard democracy
through community action.
Taken together, these lectures are a historical
and philosophical exploration of the weaknesses
of 21st century democracy,
as well as a roadmap of directions,
some new and some old, for democracy's defense.
In 2022, Obama explored ways to counteract the flood of disinformation, swamping a shared
reality for decision-making.
In 2023, he discussed ways to address the extraordinary concentration of wealth that
has undermined support for democracy globally.
On Thursday, Obama explored the concept of pluralism, a word he defined as
meaning simply that, in a democracy, we all have to find a way to live alongside individuals
and groups who are different than us. But rather than advocating what he called holding
hands and singing kumbaya as we all tolerate each other, Obama described modern pluralism as active work to form coalitions
over shared issues. His argument echoed the concepts James Madison, a key framer of the
Constitution, explained in Federalist Number 10 when he was trying to convince inhabitants of a
big diverse country that they should endorse the newly written document. In 1787, many inhabitants of the fledgling nation objected to the idea of the strong
national government proposed under the new constitution.
They worried that such a government could fall under the control of a majority that
would exercise its power to crush the rights of the minority.
Madison agreed that such a calamity was likely in a small country,
but argued that the very size and diversity
of the people in the proposed United States
would guard against such tyranny
as people formed coalitions over one issue or another,
then dissolve them and formed others.
Such constantly shifting coalitions
would serve the good of all Americans
without forging a permanent powerful majority.
Obama called the Constitution a rule book for practicing pluralism.
The Bill of Rights gives us a series of rights that allow us to convince others to form coalitions
to elect representatives who will negotiate and compromise and hopefully advance our interests.
Majority rule determines who wins,
but the separation of powers
and an independent judiciary are supposed to guarantee
that the winners don't overreach
to try to permanently entrench themselves
or violate minority rights, he said.
The losers accept the outcome so long as they know they'll have a chance to win
the next time. Obama noted that this system worked smoothly after World War II, largely because a
booming economy meant rising standards of living that eased friction between different groups,
management and labor, industry and agriculture. At the same time, the Cold War helped Americans come together against an external threat,
and a limited range of popular culture reinforced a shared perspective on the world.
Everyone watched the sitcom Gilligan's Island.
Most of all, though, Obama noted, American pluralism worked well because it largely excluded
women and racial, gender gender and religious minorities.
He pointed out that as late as 2005,
when he went to the Senate,
he was the only African American there
and only the third since Reconstruction.
There were two Latinos and 14 women.
In the 1960s, he noted dryly,
things got more complicated. Historically marginalized
groups, Blacks, Latinos, Asians, Native Americans, women and gays and lesbians, and disabled
Americans demanded a seat at the table. Not only did they insist on a fair share of government-directed
resources, but they brought with them new issues, born of their unique experiences, that could not just be resolved by just
giving them a bigger slice of the pie. So racial minorities insisted that the
government intervene more deeply in the private sector and civil society to root
out long-standing systemic discrimination. Women wanted control over
their own bodies bodies and gays
and lesbians demanded equality before the law, challenging religious and social
norms. Politics, Obama said, wasn't just a fight about tax rates or roads anymore.
It was about more fundamental issues that went to the core of our being and
how we expected society to structure itself.
Issues of identity and status and gender.
Issues of family, values and faith.
A lot of people began to feel that their way of life,
the American way of life, was under attack,
just as increasing economic inequality
made them think that other people
were benefiting at their expense. Increasingly, that economic inequality made them think that other people were benefiting at their expense. Increasingly, that economic inequality cloistered people in their own bubbles as
unions, churches, and civic institutions decayed. With the Cold War over, with generations scarred
by Vietnam and Iraq, and a media landscape that would shatter into a million disparate voices," he said,
Americans lost the sense of a common national story or a common national purpose.
Media companies have played to extremes and every election becomes an act of mortal combat.
With that sense, there is an increasing willingness on the part of politicians and their followers
to violate democratic norms,
to do anything they can to get their way,
to use the power of the state to target critics
and journalists and political rivals,
and to even resort to violence
in order to gain and hold on to power.
For all that he was speaking in 2024, Obama could have been describing the
realization of the fears of those opposed to the Constitution in 1787. But he did not agree that
those anti-federalists had won the debate. Instead, he adapted Madison's theory of pluralism to the
modern era. Obama stood firm on the idea that the way to
reclaim democracy is to build coalitions around taking action on issues that matter to the
American people without regard to personal identities or political affiliations. Pluralism,
Obama said, is about recognizing that in a democracy,
power comes from forging alliances and building coalitions
and making room in those coalitions,
not only for the woke, but also for the waking.
And that in many ways identified the elephant
or rather the donkey in the room.
In the 2024 election, the Democratic Party
under Vice President Kamala Harris and Minnesota Governor Tim Walz very deliberately moved away from so-called identity politics.
The idea that a person builds their political orientation around their pre-existing social identity.
During the campaign, Harris rarely referred to the fact that if elected, she would be the first woman, as well as the first woman of color, to hold the presidency.
When attendees at the Democratic National Convention wore white in honor of the suffragists, Harris wore black.
Instead, Harris and Walls embraced investing in the middle class and supporting small businesses. But that shift to the center did not translate into a presidential victory in 2024, and those
on the political left, as well as progressive Democrats, are not convinced it was a good
move.
Since the rise of Donald Trump, the MAGA party has been the one championing identity politics,
rejecting American pluralism in favor of centering whiteness,
a certain kind of individualist masculinity,
Christianity, and misogyny.
Making common cause with Republicans,
even non-MAGA Republicans, in the face of such politics
seems to the left and progressive Democrats self-defeating.
Obama disagrees.
It's understandable that people who have been oppressed
or marginalized want to tell their stories
and give voice fully to their experiences,
to not have to hold back and censor themselves,
especially because so many of them
have been silenced in the past, he said.
But too often, focusing on our differences
leads to this notion of fixed victims and fixed villains.
He stood firm against compromise and core principles,
but said, in order to build lasting majorities
that support justice, not just for feeling good,
not just for getting along, to deliver the goods,
we have to be open to framing our issues, our causes, what
we believe in, in terms of we, and not just us and them."
And he emphasized that such cooperation works best when it's about action rather than just
words because action requires that people invest themselves in a common project.
It won't eradicate people's prejudices, but it will remind people that they don't have The mission requires that people invest themselves in a common project.
It won't eradicate people's prejudices, but it will remind people that they don't have to agree on everything to at least agree on some things, and that there are some things we cannot do alone.
It's about agency and relationships.
Then Obama addressed the political crisis of this moment, the one the anti-federalists
feared.
What happens when the other side has repeatedly and abundantly made clear that they're not
interested in playing by the rules?
When that happens, he said, pluralism does not call for us to accept it. We have to stand firm and speak out and organize and
mobilize as forcefully as we can. Even then, though, it's important to look for allies
in unlikely places," he said, noting that people on the other side may share our beliefs
in sticking to the rules, observing norms, and that supporting them might help them to exert influence on people they've got relationships with within the other party.
The power of pluralism, he said, is that it can make people recognize their common experiences
and common values.
That, he said, is how we break the cycle of cynicism in our politics.
Obama's argument has already drawn criticism.
At MSNBC, Ben Burgess condemned Obama's centrist liberalism as inadequate to address the real
problems of inequality and warned that his political approach is outdated.
But it is striking how much Obama's embrace of pluralism echoes that of James Madison,
who had, in his lifetime, witnessed a group of wildly diverse colonists talk, write letters,
argue and organize to forge themselves into a movement that could throw off the age-old
system of monarchy in favor of creating something altogether new.
["Soundscape"]
Letters from an American was produced at Soundscape Productions,
Dedham, Massachusetts.
Recorded with music composed by Michael Moss.