Letters from an American - January 16, 2025
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January 16th, 2025. In his final address to the nation last night, President Joe Biden issued a warning that an oligarchy is taking shape in America of extreme wealth, power and influence that literally threatens our entire democracy, our basic rights and freedoms,
and a fair shot for everyone to get ahead.
It's not exactly news that there is dramatic economic inequality in the United States.
Economists call the period from 1933 to 1981 the Great Compression, for it marked a time
when business regulation, progressive taxation, strong unions, and a basic
social safety net compressed both wealth and income levels in the United States. Every income
group in the U.S. improved its economic standing. That period ended in 1981 when the U.S. entered a
period economists have dubbed the Great Divergence. Between 1981 and 2021, deregulation, tax cuts
for the wealthy and corporations,
the offshore of manufacturing, and the weakening of unions
moved $50 trillion from the bottom 90% of Americans
to the top 1%.
Biden tried to address this growing inequality
by bringing back manufacturing, fostering competition, increasing oversight of business, and shoring up the safety net by getting Congress
to pass a law, the Inflation Reduction Act, that enabled Medicare to negotiate drug prices
for seniors with the pharmaceutical industry, capping insulin at $35 for seniors, for example.
His policies worked, primarily by creating full employment,
which enabled those at the bottom of the economy to move to higher paying jobs.
During Biden's term, the gap between the 90th income percentile and the 10th income percentile
fell by 25 percent. But Donald Trump convinced voters hurt by the inflation that stalked the
country after the coronavirus pandemic shutdown,
that he would bring prices down and protect ordinary Americans from the Democratic elite that he said didn't care about them.
Then, as soon as he was elected, he turned for advice and support to one of the richest men in the world,
Elon Musk, who had invested more than $250 million in Trump's campaign.
Musk's investment has paid off.
Faiz Siddiqui and Trisha Thadani of the Washington Post reported that he made more than $170
billion in the weeks between the election and December 15.
Musk promptly became the face of the incoming administration, appearing everywhere with Trump,
who put him and pharmaceutical engineer Vivek Ramaswamy in charge of the so-called Department of Government Efficiency,
where Musk vowed to cut $2 trillion out of the U.S. budget, even if it inflicted hardship on the American people.
News broke earlier this week that Musk,
who holds government contracts worth billions of dollars,
is expected to have an office in the Eisenhower Executive Office building
adjacent to the White House.
And the world's two other richest men will be with Musk
on the dais at Trump's inauguration.
Musk, Amazon founder Jeff Bezos, and Metachief Executive Officer Mark Zuckerberg, who together
are worth almost a trillion dollars, will be joined by other tech moguls, including
the CEO of OpenAI Sam Altman, the CEO of the social media platform TikTok Xu Zichu, and
the CEO of Google Sundar Pichai.
At his confirmation hearing before the Senate Committee on Finance
today, Trump's nominee for Treasury Secretary, billionaire Scott Besant, said
that extending the 2017 Trump tax cuts was the single most important economic
issue of the day. But he said he did not support raising the federal minimum wage
which has been $7.25 since 2009, although 30 states and dozens of
cities have raised the minimum wage in their jurisdictions. There have been signs lately
that the American people are unhappy about the increasing inequality in the U.S. On December 4,
2024, a young man shot the chief executive officer of the health insurance company,
UnitedHealthcare, which has been sued for turning its claims departments over to
an artificial intelligence program with an error rate of 90 percent, and which a
Federal Trade Commission report earlier this week found overcharged cancer
patients by more than a thousand percent for life-saving drugs. Americans
championed the alleged killer. It is a
truism in American history that those interested in garnering wealth and power
use culture wars to obscure class struggles. But in key moments Americans
recognized that the rise of a small group of people, usually men, who are
commandeering the United States government was a perversion of democracy.
In the 1850s, the expansion of the past two decades
into the new lands of the Southeast
had permitted the rise of a group
of spectacularly wealthy men.
Abraham Lincoln helped to organize Westerners
against a government takeover by elite Southern enslavers
who argued that society advanced most efficiently when the capital produced by workers flowed to the top of society where a
few men would use it to develop the country for everyone. Lincoln warned that
crowned kings, money kings, and land kings would crush independent men and he
created a government that worked for ordinary men, a government of the people,
by the people, for the people.
A generation later, when industrialization
disrupted the country as westward expansion had before,
the so-called robber barons bent the government
to their own purposes.
Men like steel baron Andrew Carnegie explained that,
the best interests of the race are promoted
by an industrial system which inevitably gives wealth to the few. But President Grover Cleveland
warned the gulf between employers and the employed is constantly widening and
classes are rapidly forming, one comprising the very rich and powerful
while in another are found the toiling poor. Corporations, which should be the carefully restrained
creatures of the law and the servants of the people,
are fast becoming the people's masters.
Republican President Theodore Roosevelt tried to soften
the hard edges of industrialization
by urging robber barons to moderate their behavior.
When they ignored him, he turned finally
to calling out the
malefactors of great wealth, noting that there is no individual and no
corporation so powerful that he or it stands above the possibility of punishment under the law.
Our aim is to try to do something effective. Our purpose is to stamp out the evil.
We shall seek to find the most effective device for this purpose and we shall then use it, whether the device
can be found in existing law or must be supplied by legislation. Moreover, when we thus take
action against the wealth which works iniquity, we are acting in the interest of every man
of property who acts decently and
fairly by his fellows."
Theodore Roosevelt helped to launch the Progressive Era.
But that moment passed and in the 1930s Franklin Delano Roosevelt too contended with wealthy
men determined to retain control over the federal government.
Running for re-election in 1936, he told a crowd at
Madison Square Garden,
"'For nearly four years you have had an administration which instead of twirling
its thumbs has rolled up its sleeves. We had to struggle with the old enemies of
peace, business and financial monopoly, speculation, reckless banking, class
antagonism, sectionalism, war profiteering.
They had begun to consider the government of the United States as a mere appendage to
their own affairs.
We know now that government by organized money is just as dangerous as government by organized
mob. Never before in all our history have these forces been so united
against one candidate as they stand today, he said.
They are unanimous in their hate for me, and I welcome their hatred.
Last night, after President Biden's warning,
Google searches for the meaning of the word
oligarchy spiked.
Letters from an American was produced at Soundscape Productions, Dedham, Massachusetts. recorded with music composed by Michael Moss.