Mind of a Serial Killer - Jeff Davis 8 Pt. 1
Episode Date: April 13, 2026Vanessa and Dr. Engels dive into the chilling true story of the Jeff Davis 8, the unsolved murders of eight women in Jennings, Louisiana, and the corruption that may have helped their killer stay hidd...en. As vulnerable women tied to drugs, sex work, and police informant networks begin turning up dead, this true crime deep dive explores the dark links between law enforcement corruption, sex trafficking, and serial murder in Jefferson Davis Parish. If you’re new here, don’t forget to follow Serial Killers & Murderous Minds to never miss a case! For ad-free listening and early access to episodes, subscribe to Crime House+ on Apple Podcasts. Serial Killers & Murderous Minds is a Crime House Original Podcast, powered by PAVE Studios 🎧 Need More to Binge? Listen to other Crime House Originals Clues, Crimes Of…, Murder True Crime Stories, Crime House 24/7, and more wherever you get your podcasts! Follow me on Social Instagram: @Crimehouse TikTok: @Crimehouse Facebook: @crimehousestudios YouTube: @crimehousestudios To learn more about listener data and our privacy practices visit: https://www.audacyinc.com/privacy-policy Learn more about your ad choices. Visit https://podcastchoices.com/adchoices
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This is Crime House.
Most of us grow up knowing that there's always someone we can call when things go wrong.
Maybe it's a parent, a best friend, or in more extreme situations, the police.
But in the mid-2000s, that sense of safety was practically foreign to those living in the small town of Jennings, Louisiana.
Local law enforcement had been mired in scandal for years, and it only got worse when women started turning up dead.
As the number of victims slowly grew, so did the sense of paranoia.
Until the people of Jennings were forced to ask themselves
if their waking nightmare was actually the result of a deadly cover-up.
The human mind is powerful.
It shapes how we think, feel, love, and hate.
But sometimes it drives people to commit the unthinkable.
This is serial killers and murderous minds, a crimehouse original.
I'm Vanessa Richardson.
And I'm forensic psychologist, Dr. Tristan Engels.
Every Monday and Thursday, we uncover the darkest minds in history, analyzing what makes a killer.
Crime House is made possible by you.
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Before we get started, be advised.
this episode contains descriptions of drug use, incest, and sexual violence against women.
So please listen with care.
Today, we begin our deep dive into one of the most notorious serial murder cases the Deep South has ever seen.
The Jeff Davis Eight, a string of brutal killings targeting vulnerable women in Louisiana.
Their deaths were intertwined with a level of law enforcement corruption so staggering,
it became nearly impossible to separate the crimes from the system that was meant to stop them.
As Vanessa goes to the story, I'll be talking about things like how some offenders carry out their crimes from their positions within law enforcement,
the psychology behind exploitative crimes like sex trafficking, and how cycles of poverty and abuse pave the way for deeply embedded corruption.
And as always, we'll be asking the question, what makes a killer?
For a long time, Jennings, Louisiana was just a dot on the map, at least as far as outsiders
were concerned, but a storm was brewing inside the small town. And when the dust settled, the damage
was beyond repair. Jennings was part of the Jefferson Davis Parish, which was essentially
the same as a county. It had its own local government, court system, and law enforcement. But in the
early 2000s, rather than keep people safe, those entities became embroiled in a vast and
horrifying scandal. And to understand how these abuses unfolded, we need to first understand what
Jennings was like. The town is located right off Interstate 10, a highway that for decades served as a
major drug trafficking corridor through the south. And where drugs flowed, so did everything else that
came with them, like dealers, users, informants, sex workers, and the seedy motels that lined the
edges of town. These issues kept law enforcement busy. However, some officials didn't crack down
on crime. They were part of it. The first whiff of corruption came in the 1980s when rumors circulated
about members of the Jefferson Davis Sheriff's Department being involved in the drug trade themselves.
Contraband often disappeared from evidence lockers, only to resurface back on the streets,
fueling suspicions that officers were profiting from the very crimes they were supposed to stop.
Then in March of 1990, nearly 300 pounds of marijuana vanished from an evidence room.
It was a major theft, one that likely couldn't have occurred without inside help.
And the misconduct didn't stop with the police.
Throughout the rest of that decade, the Jefferson Davis Parish Jail, which was located in Jennings,
developed a reputation of its own.
Corrections officers were accused of abusing their power by selling drugs to inmates,
coercing sex from them, and in some cases, sexually assaulting women in their custody.
Some female inmates even claimed they were trafficked to the men.
Corruption at this scale usually develops gradually,
and it often starts when people begin justifying small ethical compromises
until they start to feel normal.
And certain personality traits can make that easier.
There's a reason that pre-employment psychological evaluations for peace officers, and that includes
correctional officers, are required. And that's something I've actually had certification and training
to conduct. Individuals who score higher in traits like narcissism, entitlement, or psychopathic
deviance may be more comfortable bending rules if they believe they're unlikely to face
consequences and when the behavior benefits them personally. But one of the biggest factors to
highlight is the environment and the culture. These can matter just as much as individual personality
traits and why those who pass their initial pre-employment evaluations become corrupt later.
So aside from the fact that pre-employment evaluations can't predict future moral behavior,
in hierarchical systems like law enforcement or corrections, there can be intense pressure to conform to
the group. And I saw this firsthand when I worked in corrections. Officers often felt
pressure to be, quote, one of them. If someone refused to participate in questionable behavior or
they spoke up about it, they could be quickly seen as a threat to that group. And once someone is
labeled a threat, the group may begin pushing that person out using tactics like isolation,
retaliation, or other forms of threat or pressure. And that kind of environment can normalize
unethical behavior because the people most likely to challenge it are often not the ones who are
driven out. It's also why people sometimes say the bad apples spoil the bunch. Even individuals
who don't participate in corruption often stay silent about it and silence can become part of the
culture itself. That's why you also hear the term the blue wall in law enforcement or the
green wall in corrections. It's the expected code of silence. There's a lot of abuse, coercive
control tactics, and fear that drives that. And these are examples of how corruption can develop
gradually, and it becomes deeply embedded in systems like this. And of course, that's not to say
that's the case for every single system of law enforcement, but it's frequent enough that most
jurisdictions require that their applicants be screened for these personality traits and other
factors before hiring. I'm thinking about the victims, too. What kinds of mental or emotional
impact can offenses like sexual assault and sex trafficking have on victims, especially the ones who are
actually in jail or prison. How might being incarcerated affect someone's ability to process or
overcome this kind of trauma? Well, we know the psychological impact of sexual assault and sex
trafficking is profound. I mean, victims often experience symptoms like anxiety, depression,
intrusive memories and flashbacks, sleep disruption, trauma, and difficulty trusting others.
And there can also be intense feelings of shame, self-blame, and a loss of control over their own
bodies and safety. A correctional environment adds another layer to that. It's a highly controlled
setting where a person's freedom is already restricted. And in situations like this, the people
responsible for their safety are also the ones causing harm. And what makes that especially traumatic
is that the victim often has no ability to remove themselves from that situation. They have to
see their abuser regularly. They live in the same environment where their abuse occurred. And
they cannot safely plan and escape because they are legally required to remain there.
That creates an extremely powerless situation.
It also makes processing or recovering from that trauma much more difficult.
They fear retaliation, stigma from other inmates, or simply not being believed, especially
because, one, they're going up against someone of hierarchy and authority, but they're incarcerated
individuals, and they're often viewed as less credible due to their criminal history or their
current legal status.
Unfortunately, many of the women who endured this abuse were caught in a vicious cycle,
and that was thanks to a man named Frankie Richard, a local drug dealer and alleged sex
trafficker.
It should be noted Frankie referred to himself as a strip club owner, but he took advantage
of the poverty, substance abuse disorders, and mental health issues of the women who, quote
unquote worked for him. He often paid them with drugs and sometimes petty cash, although it was
never enough for them to actually get by. Frankie mostly operated out of a rundown motel on the
edge of town called the Boudreau Inn. Thanks to him, the motel was a known crime hub. It was like
Frankie's own little kingdom. He sold drugs there, through parties, and supposedly rented out
rooms for clients to solicit sex. But he never got in trouble for it, because many of those people were
suspected members of local law enforcement. Even though Frankie was arrested on a few occasions,
it never amounted to anything. Police dropped his charges and released him in no time.
People believe that the police always let Frankie off because without him, they'd lose access to the
drugs and trafficked women. The exact women they should be trying to protect from predators like Frankie.
Let's talk about the power dynamics of sex trafficking first. In situations like the one-year
describing, it operates through power imbalance and dependency. Traffickers intentionally target people
who are already vulnerable, women dealing with poverty, substance use disorders, unstable
housing, and mental health struggles like you talked about. By controlling access to drugs,
money, or a place to stay, the trafficker creates a system where the person becomes dependent on
them for basic survival and for their addiction. That multifaceted level of dependency makes it
extremely difficult to leave, even when the exploitation is obvious. Psychologically, offenders
involved in this kind of exploitation are not often motivated by sexual interest. They're motivated
by power, control, and financial gain. Being able to dictate where someone lives, who they interact
with, and how they earn money, that's about dominance. And for some, the profit is the primary incentive,
but for others, the control itself becomes part of the reward. What makes situations like this,
especially dangerous is when that control extends beyond the trafficker. If individuals in positions
of authority are also participating or they're turning a blind eye or they're getting kickbacks to
allow it to continue, the power imbalance becomes even more extreme because now there is no safe
authority figure to report to for the victims, which allows this level of exploitation and harm
to continue unchecked. And again, it's worth pointing out that they're intentionally
targeting victims that society already deems less credible.
So when someone is struggling with addiction or surviving through sex work,
their reports of abuse are more likely to be dismissed easily,
even if law enforcement wasn't involved,
which further protects the offender and the cycle of exploitation.
Do offenders like Frankie tend to stop at drug and sex trafficking,
or do those crimes tend to lead to even worse behavior?
Crimes like human trafficking involve a high degree of exploitation,
like we talked about and coercive control.
So it's not uncommon to see criminal versatility,
meaning an offender involved in multiple types of crime.
In this case, we're already talking about trafficking, drug sales,
and a broader criminal network.
Within those environments, violence, threats, and witness intimidation
are often used as tools to maintain control over their operation
or to silence their victims.
All of those are criminal acts themselves.
That doesn't mean that every offender involved in trafficking will go on to commit more severe crimes,
but these kinds of criminal environments can create conditions where violence and exploitation escalate,
especially when the offender believes that there will be few consequences or when people in positions of authority are participating or looking the other way.
No one knew about this power imbalance better than 26-year-old Nicole Jean Gehiri.
Like a lot of women in the area, Nicole had been forced to make impossible choices in order to survive.
By the early 2000s, she was working for Frankie, and she'd been arrested on numerous prostitution and drug-related charges.
Those charges sometimes landed her in the parish jail.
Nicole had always known that Jeff Davis police officers were corrupt,
but from the confines of the jail, she said she witnessed firsthand just how evil those in power could be.
Nicole allegedly witnessed deputies selling drugs to inmates and physically and sexually abusing them,
and more than once the jail's employees turned that abuse on her.
Nicole was told she'd be granted an early release if she had sex with the jail's warden,
Terry Geary, who was also her cousin.
Reportedly, she went through with it, likely because she had no other choice,
and not just because of what could happen if she said no,
but because Nicole was also a police informant.
So were many of the women who worked for Frankie.
They gave up enough information to the police,
so it seemed like they were doing their jobs.
In exchange, they were paid in cash.
However, there was a downside.
Helping the police meant they had an incentive
to get Nicole out of jail and back into Frankie's world
as quickly as possible.
For women like her, it was literally a losing game.
Nicole is in a coercive cycle where poverty, addiction, and exploitation reinforce one another.
It's the same concept that we discussed earlier.
The same people exploiting her are also the ones providing the resources that she needs to survive.
That makes leaving feel not just emotionally difficult but practically impossible.
There's also a psychological component tied to decision-making for survival-based needs.
When someone's living in chronic instability or poverty, the brain often prioritizes it
immediate safety or relief over long-term consequences. So from the outside, it can be very easy
to judge the decisions Nicole is making. They could appear risky or self-destructive. But in reality,
she's navigating multiple environments where every option carries risks that many people, especially
those with more resources or stability in their lives, never have to face. And that's how cycles like
this sustain themselves. The alternatives can feel even more dangerous.
dangerous or uncertain than the exploitation itself.
What would it take for someone in Nicole's position to feel safe enough to speak up in that situation?
When the primary thing would be protection from retaliation, but protection they can actually
trust. The people harming her hold power and connections. So from her perspective, the risk of
speaking out may feel greater than the benefit. That's why it often takes strength in numbers.
When multiple people come forward, it can reduce the sense of isolation and increase
the feeling that they might actually be believed and taken seriously. Many victims in situations
like this have had experiences where their concerns were dismissed or minimized, which makes it
much harder to trust that reporting abuse will lead to real change. And another critical factor
is stability. When someone is worried about housing or they're an active addiction or they have
basic survival needs that they can't meet, speaking out can mean risking the only resources that
they currently have, even if those resources are coming from harmful environments. So access to
support like safe housing, medical care, and treatment can make it far more realistic for someone to
come forward, someone like Nicole. But ultimately, trust in the system matters. And it's very
difficult to trust the system when you're witnessing corruption within it in real time.
Nicole never thought there'd be a way out of this waking nightmare until one day,
in 2002 when she was visited by an FBI agent.
The Bureau had been tipped off about the corruption in Jennings.
And when the agent asked to speak to her, Nicole told them everything she knew.
She wasn't alone.
At least five other women came forward as well.
Many were also sex workers with ties to Frankie Reischard.
The allegations were so serious that three jail employees were arrested and put on trial
for a slew of charges, including rape and sex trafficking.
However, that didn't include the warden, Terry Gehry, and in the end, those defendants
were only convicted of the more minor offenses, like abuse of public position and criminal
mischief.
Nicole learned the hard way that if federal authorities couldn't save her, no one could.
Even worse, those in power might seek deadly revenge for what had happened.
By 2005, the jailhouse sex scandal in Jennings, Louisiana had quietly filled.
faded out of public view, and the women who'd come forward were left exactly where they started.
Nicole Gehry had no choice but to keep working for drug dealer and alleged sex trafficker
Frankie Reischard, and serving as a police informant, which could have been dangerous because
everyone knew she'd spoken to the FBI. But fortunately, she didn't seem to feel any backlash,
so even though the federal authorities had failed her, Nicole at least felt no worse off than before.
At the same time, though, Nicole could sense dark clouds closing in.
She couldn't quite put her finger on it, but the men she knew to be abusive and corrupt
carried an even more sinister air these days.
She probably told herself she was just being paranoid.
However, in the spring of 2005, Nicole realized the evil in Jennings had reached new depths.
It started when she ran into 28-year-old Loretta Chasson.
Loretta was married and had two young sons.
all she wanted was a better life for them.
Unfortunately, long-term substance abuse issues and other health problems had torn her away from her family over the years.
She'd been in and out of rehab, but by April of 2005, the strain became too much, and Loretta and her husband separated.
She couch-surfed for a while.
Then, in desperate need of money, Loretta committed theft and check forgery.
She was caught and sentenced to 60 days in jail, where she met Terry Gie.
Within no time, Terry coerced her into sex.
According to Loretta's cellmate at the time, Terry repeatedly had sex with Loretta in her cell,
despite her poor health and fragile mental state.
However, Loretta allegedly told her cellmate their encounters were consensual,
and that she and Terry had been physically intimate for years.
They first became involved when she was about 13 years old, and he was 19 or 20.
under Louisiana state law, this would have been considered statutory rape, but Terry was never investigated.
Let's just start with the legal and psychological reality. Consent requires the capacity to give it freely, without coercion, power imbalance, or compromised judgment. That is universal across all settings, even marriages, or committed relationships. Loretta was incarcerated. She was in poor health and a fragile mental state and dependent on the people around.
her. In that environment, genuine consent isn't meaningfully possible. It's a coercive dynamic by
virtue of her confinement alone, and when Terry is in charge of not just her, but the entire institution,
everyone is required to listen to him. That makes free choice essentially impossible, but here's
what makes this important to understand psychologically. The fact that Loretta described their
encounters as consensual doesn't mean she was lying, but it also doesn't make it true. It means
she had been conditioned since she was 13 years old to believe that this relationship with Terry
was normal and that she was cared about. That's grooming. What began as abuse likely became framed
as intimacy, familiarity, or even affection, and by adulthood, many survivors who have been
groomed since adolescents genuinely don't identify those early experiences as abuse if they were
never given the framework to do so. Loretta's substance abuse and her mental health struggles
add another layer to this. Both can significantly affect a person's ability to accurately assess
risk and recognize manipulation and trust their own judgment. And that's the reality of what
prolonged trauma can do to someone. Do you think the nature of the town of Jennings itself can
contributed to Terry's ability to groom Loretta?
Like maybe this kind of thing seemed normal or even relatively safe
compared to other things she may have witnessed.
Here's the thing.
No one starts off as a warden.
Positions like that are typically reached over time.
Terry began as a deputy with the sheriff's office.
He moved into jail administration
and he eventually became the warden of the Jefferson Davis Parish Jail in Jennings.
So that means that he had longstanding ties within law enforcement,
the correctional system, and the culture that existed
within it. When someone reaches that level of authority, the behaviors and attitudes that come with it
rarely developed in isolation. Behaviors like abuse of power often emerge gradually within environments
where those patterns are observed, tolerated, or normalized. They had to have already existed,
whether it was in the jails themselves or within Jennings itself or both. People learn what is
acceptable by watching the people around them, especially in institutions where,
authorities concentrated and oversight may be limited. This is actually something I experienced during my years
working in corrections. I'd seen new officers come in on their first shifts. They were kind,
they were polite, professional, eager, sometimes nervous. They were definitely rule-abiding and almost
scared to bend the rules. And then months later, I'd run into them again and you could see a shift.
many began behaving a lot like their more seasoned peers. They were more dismissive, less polite or professional, bending the rules, and in some cases more complacent.
Institutional culture can be contagious, especially in closed environments where power is concentrated, and the norms are defined largely by the people who hold that power. So what that tells me is that the culture there has been deeply ingrained for some time, a time that likely predates Terry, but is influenced by him nonetheless.
And when we look at Loretta's situation, environment matters there too.
She grew up in a setting where adult men pursuing young girls may have been normalized
and where institutional protection was unreliable or absent altogether.
In environments like those, especially while incarcerated,
attention from someone in a position of authority can feel safe, it can feel validating,
or even consensual, especially if it means survival.
And that's one of the most insidious aspects of grooming and high,
risk environments. The groomer doesn't always have to work as hard because the environment's
already laid much of the groundwork. Do you think it's possible that he pursued a job at the jail
specifically so that he could target vulnerable women? It's possible. Some offenders do
deliberately place themselves in environments where people are dependent on them. They see it as
opportunity and access to vulnerable prey, while others enter those jobs for more ordinary reasons
and they later exploit the authority that they're given.
But like you said, in Terry's case, what stands out
is that his predatory behavior appears to have begun long before his career in corrections,
which started with grooming in the abuse of Loretta.
So that suggests the underlying pattern was already there.
The job may have simply provided an environment
where that behavior could continue with far fewer barriers or consequences.
It's possible that Terry,
did position himself strategically.
And while it's unclear whether he introduced Loretta to Frankie Reischard,
once Loretta was out of jail, she fell into Frankie's orbit.
On May 17, 2005, Loretta and Frankie went to the Boudreau Inn together,
the motel where Frankie allegedly ran his drug and sex ring.
That night, they partied with one of Frankie's male acquaintances,
as well as two other female sex workers, Nicole Gehry,
and a woman named Laconia Brown,
who went by the name Muggania.
The group was there late into the night, and when Nicole woke up in the morning, Loretta was gone.
Nicole didn't think much of it at the time. A few days had passed, and nothing seemed out of the ordinary.
But then rumors began to swirl when Terry showed up at Loretta's friend's house, completely unannounced, and said she was missing.
He asked her friend if they knew where she was, but they didn't.
Just like Nicole, they didn't think much of it. Loretta sometimes disappeared for a few days, but she always turned back up.
However, they had no way of knowing that no missing persons report had actually been filed.
It wasn't until a few hours later that anyone started to question Terry's behavior
because a local fisherman found Loretta's body floating in a canal just outside of Jennings.
The responding officers didn't see any sign of injury,
so it wasn't immediately clear how she'd actually died.
Then, when the toxicology results came back,
they showed that Loretta had cocaine and twice the legal limit of alcohol in her system when she died.
It's possible Loretta died of an overdose, but ultimately her cause of death was ruled undetermined.
News of her death spread quickly around Jennings,
and police confirmed that Loretta was last seen at the motel before she died.
When Nicole realized she was one of the last people to see Loretta alive,
it was like all the air was sucked out of her lungs.
she could tell something bad was happening in Jennings,
and she had a sinking feeling that Loretta's death was only the beginning.
But then, the police stopped investigating.
They never questioned Frankie or the other man who was with them that night at the motel.
Loretta's ex-husband even took issue with the fact that he wasn't questioned either.
He knew that when a woman mysteriously died, police always questioned her husband.
So why hadn't they talked to him?
Even if Loretta had died of an overdose, her family wanted to know how her body ended up in the canal.
As more people demanded answers, the authorities simply said there was no evidence of a crime,
but people in town felt like the police weren't treating Loretta with the humanity she deserved.
The reality is, as many people know, not all victims are treated equally,
and that disparity tends to be predictable.
women like Loretta who are marginalized or disenfranchised
tend to fall low on the victim hierarchy.
They saw that she was a substance abuser with a history of mental health treatment
and seemingly filtered the investigation through a biased lens.
Assumptions about the ambiguity of her death
made them less likely to treat it as a crime worth solving
and more likely to project blame onto her lifestyle
rather than ask harder questions.
It's as if they try to treat it.
treated the substances found in her system as an explanation rather than details requiring
further investigation, and they didn't explore how she ended up in that canal in the first place.
The failure to question her husband may be one of the most telling details here.
Questioning a spouse in a suspicious death is standard protocol, at least as I understand it,
though I'm not an investigator.
But to me, skipping that step suggests that they reached a conclusion before the investigation
even began. And the conclusion in Loretta's case appears to have been that her life and death
simply didn't require the same effort as someone else's. If that's the case, then that's a value
judgment. And Loretta deserved better than that. I'm curious these days, how are members of law
enforcement taught to overcome certain biases? Now, I'd like to say that this has improved completely
and things like this no longer happen, but that's simply not true.
Everyone carries biases.
And that said, it has evolved significantly.
Modern law enforcement training does include implicit bias training, which teaches officers to identify the assumptions that they bring into their work.
I taught this myself when I delivered suicide prevention training to correctional officers.
And I saw the biases there, too.
Many of them held the blanket assumption that incarcerated individuals were feigning suicidal ideation,
meaning faking it. And while that does happen often because they're seeking secondary gain,
the risks of applying that broadly is very grave because it can cost a life and it can cost a career.
And from what I understand, there has also been a meaningful push toward victim-centered
and trauma-informed frameworks in investigator training. But the thing is, we can give officers
education and every appropriate foundation. But if we place them back into an institutional culture
that operates against everything that we just taught them, then essentially we are just covering
our bases. And in my experience, at least in correctional settings, when an officer was terminated
for a misconduct, the institution was protected from liability because that officer had received
the required training teaching them not to do the very thing that they were terminated for.
But the institution never held the culture accountable.
And research consistently shows that training alone,
without structural accountability, has limited impact on the actual behavioral changes we need to see.
And real change requires a complete system overhaul with that regard
and consequences that are consistent regardless of who is involved.
As Loretta's family mourned her, the rest of Jennings tried to make sense
her bizarre death, but they barely had time to process things before tragedy struck again.
About a month later, a group of people found another woman's body floating in a canal. It was a
different canal than the one Loretta's body had been found in, and unlike Loretta, the woman's throat
had been slit. She was soon identified as 30-year-old Ernestine Patterson. Before she died,
Ernestine was a sex worker and police informant who suffered from drug addiction. However,
she didn't work for Frankie Reischard, but she was connected to him. One of the last people to see
Ernestine alive was her friend, Muggy Brown, who was also at the motel party where Loretta was last
seen alive. And now Muggy was one of the last people to see Ernestine alive, too. On the night
of June 16th, about a month after Loretta died, the two women had met up with Mugge
his cousin, Lawrence Nixon, and his friend Byron Jones. It's unclear exactly what they got up to,
but by the following morning, Ernestine had vanished. Her body was found a couple of days later.
Because of the severe knife wound, her death was labeled a homicide, which meant now people
in Jennings were becoming more convinced there was a killer on the loose, perhaps even multiple
killers. This time, the police couldn't ignore it, so they interviewed the person closely linked
to both deaths, Muggy Brown, and she told them something shocking.
According to Muggy, Byron had paid Ernestine for sex that night,
and later, she had witnessed Byron murder Ernestine with a hunting knife.
Muggy's silence until she was questioned was about survival.
In a community where law enforcement isn't trusted, for obvious reasons,
coming forward willingly would feel threatening,
especially after witnessing how they seemingly dismissed the investigation until Loretta's death.
If she came forward, she'd be putting herself at risk for an investigation,
she likely didn't believe would be taken seriously,
especially initially without a body at the time.
There's also the reality of witness intimidation
and the psychological weight of what she had just seen happen to Ernestine
and the real fear of being implicated
because she was the last person to see her alive and Loretta before they died.
And witnessing a traumatic event can take time to process.
And most people immediately compartmentalize something that extreme
in order to manage the overwhelming discomfort.
But now that Ernestine's body had been found
and police had come to Muggy seeking answers,
that changes the risk calculus.
That may have made her feel like they were genuinely investigating her death.
and more so than they had Loretta's,
Muggy may have felt safe enough now to speak,
or she may have felt that staying silent
was no longer the safe option either
because she feared she'd be implicated
if she didn't speak up.
She did another risk appraisal, I think, in that moment,
and she made a decision based on that.
Regardless of how long it took Muggy to come forward,
investigators now had a promising lead,
especially because after speaking to Muggy,
they heard from other witnesses
who claimed to have seen Byron and Lawrence carrying a bloody bag the night Ernestine was killed.
But even with these statements, six months passed before the police confronted the men.
Then in January 2006, Byron and Lawrence were finally arrested in connection with Ernestine's murder.
At that time, police also searched their homes for DNA evidence, but they didn't find anything.
Byron and Lawrence's charges were dropped and they were let go.
Despite two women being dead in Jennings, no one was held responsible, and people soon realized that justice may never come.
Because the man at the center of the mayhem was too powerful to bring down.
I'm criminal psychologist Dr. Michelle Ward, and on season nine of Mind of a Monster, we're bringing you the case of serial killer Michael Garjulo.
He either charms him because he needs him to do something, or he stalks him because he's going to kill him.
The repair man,
with Hollywood Good Looks, who stalked and attacked his female neighbors in their own homes.
The jury was shown the photos from her apartment, and it was just covered in blood.
Listen to Mind of a Monster, the Hollywood Ripper, wherever you get your podcasts.
By the spring of 2007, two female sex workers in Jennings, Louisiana, had mysteriously died,
Loretta Chasson and Ernestine Patterson.
Loretta's cause of death was undetermined, but Ernestine's was ruled a holmes,
Still, no one was being held responsible.
As public fear mounted, women who ran in similar circles as Loretta and Ernestine started
getting paranoid.
Even though many of these women continued to act as police informants, they knew that one wrong
move could put their lives at risk.
And pretty soon the anxiety became too much to bear.
In March of 2007, 21-year-old Kristen Lopez was staying in a budget motel room, which was being
paid for by none other than Frankie Reischard. He'd booked it so he could spend time with her
and another woman, Tracy Chassan, who was cousins with the first victim Loretta Chasson.
Kristen and Frankie seemed to have a close relationship. She called him Uncle Frankie,
and he took her in whenever her parents struggles with drug addiction, forced her out of her own home.
But that month, everything changed, because Frankie learned that Kristen had talked to the police
about Loretta's death a couple years earlier.
It's unclear exactly what she had said to them,
but when Frankie found out,
he was furious.
And pretty soon, Kristen was telling people
she feared for her life.
Some people brushed it off as paranoia,
especially since Kristen reportedly
had a drug problem of her own.
However, Kristen was telling the truth
about her problems with Frankie,
which became clear when he kicked her out of the motel room.
This is a trauma bond
where the same person who creates the danger also becomes the perceived solution to it,
the person who causes harm but also provides shelter, money, and protection,
when someone grows up without reliable protection, their model of safety is skewed.
And consistency, shelter, and attention from someone who is powerful or authoritative
can register as protection because their fulfilling needs and roles they otherwise never had.
When that disappears suddenly like this, it's very destabilizing,
because it's the loss of their entire sense of safety,
which in this case they've become dependent and reliant on.
Losing that often produces panic, impaired judgment,
and a desperate search for a replacement source of security.
It also leaves them feeling acutely vulnerable
because the skills required to navigate the world independently
likely never have fully developed in the first place.
Kristen knew something had shifted, she said so out loud,
and the people around her filtered that through her drug,
use rather than taking it at face value. And that's worth acknowledging because discrediting someone's
fear based on their circumstances rather than their words is exactly how credible warnings
get ignored. If Frankie's anger was related to Kristen speaking to police about Loretta,
what might this suggest about his feelings surrounding the investigation? Frankie usually benefited
from the women he controlled cooperating with police. So why would he lash out now?
I mean, it's possible that this likely threatened him personally rather than protected him,
like it potentially put him at risk in a way that his current connections with law enforcement
couldn't protect him from. He's been working closely with law enforcement as it's been alleged.
So to get this worked up over that is very telling. But I think what's more telling is how
Frankie understood his own position. People who manage others through control and dependency don't
typically panic unless they perceive a genuine threat.
to that control. I think what happened here was exposure anxiety. And exposure anxiety that extreme,
and a man with that much to lose, is worth taking seriously as a behavioral indicator also.
With nowhere to go, Kristen walked a few blocks to a nearby house that one of Frankie's
acquaintances owned. The house was widely known as a local hotspot for drugs and prostitution.
There, Kristen and Tracy Chasson started meeting with clients. At some point, that
night Tracy left, but Kristen stayed, and that night was the last time anyone saw her alive.
As the days passed, Tracy grew concerned. She didn't hear from Kristen, so she contacted her
mother and together they filed a missing person report. But the police couldn't do anything to
help them, because three days later, on March 18, 2007, Kristen's body was found floating in a
canal in Jennings.
Kristen was now the third sex worker in the small town to be found dead under unusual circumstances.
An autopsy later revealed drugs in her system, but by the time her body was recovered,
several days had passed.
Decomposition prevented the medical examiner from determining a definitive cause of death.
Investigators considered several possibilities.
Maybe Kristen overdosed.
Maybe she drowned accidentally.
Maybe she took her own life.
But to Kristen's family and friends,
none of those explanations made sense.
They believed her death was not random,
and they insisted she hadn't simply died on her own.
Their pressure forced investigators
to take another look at Kristen's final days.
They soon learned about Kristen's falling out with Frankie,
so they decided to speak with him.
Frankie said the last time he saw Kristen
was when he kicked her out of the motel room he'd rented for her,
and officers believed him.
After that, they stopped looking into Frankie
as a possible murder suspect.
They claimed there wasn't enough evidence
to suggest he had anything to do with Kristen's death.
To many in Jennings,
it seemed like police were offering Frankie
a level of protection
the victims never received.
And they couldn't help but wonder why.
Some suspected he knew damaging information
about members of the Jeff Davis Sheriff's Department.
Others thought the police were simply letting their friend
slide. So there are legitimate reasons why a lead doesn't turn into a suspect. Investigators need
sufficient evidence, witnesses, or alibis that have not been corroborated to formally name a suspect because
the case needs to be strong enough for the district attorney to bring about charges. There are certain
thresholds of evidence they need to meet first. But the issue is law enforcement is the one who is
gathering the evidence to bring to the prosecutor in the first place. And when the potential
suspect has close ties to them, those evidentiary thresholds can stop being neutral and start
being personal. It can then become about loyalty, self-interest, and institutional protection.
Investigators are the ones who can quietly shape what gets pursued and what doesn't or skew which
way the evidence points. And in small communities, we have to also consider the confirmation bias that can
occur even in the absence of corruption when there are existing personal relationships or previous
law enforcement encounters with the victim and they know them personally or they know their
criminal history or their substance abuse history and they can make snap judgments about what
likely happened rather than objectively considering alternatives with new information and if she's
an informant that adds another complexity to the case for example and this is purely hypothetical
If Kristen had been acting as an informant and was providing information to law enforcement about Frankie,
aggressively pursuing him immediately as a suspect could have complicated those existing investigative relationships.
Informant arrangements are often sensitive and exposing them too early can disrupt ongoing investigations or reveal who has been cooperating with police.
That doesn't mean someone should be ruled out as a suspect because of that dynamic, but it
can create a situation where investigators move more cautiously because they're balancing the
possibility of a crime with the potential impact that that investigation can have on other cases
they're investigating or sources that they have for those other cases. That doesn't mean someone should
be ruled out as a suspect because of that dynamic, but it can create a situation where
investigators move more cautiously because they're balancing the possibility of a crime
with the potential impact that has on other cases and other investigations or other sources of
information that they have. They don't want that crime to expose all of those. Now, whether that's
ethically or legally appropriate is a different question, but from a public safety standpoint,
no one should be shielded from scrutiny if they are potentially involved in a crime and a violent one at that.
But operationally, those dynamics can still influence how investigators approach a case.
especially when informants, suspects, and ongoing investigations are all intersecting in the same
network. And I've unfortunately heard of this happening with investigations that were ongoing
and correctional systems as well. What about the fact that law enforcement seemed hesitant to
openly acknowledge the possibility of murder in all but one of the cases? Do you think this was
kind of shady or do you think it was tactful on their part? Okay, let's be objective first. From what we know
currently, Loretta and Kristen's deaths did not have obvious signs of homicide.
Kristen's death was under unusual circumstances that we know because she had been so badly decomposed,
the medical examiner was unable to determine the cause of death as a result.
If the cause of death as listed as undetermined, investigators are going to be hesitant to
publicly describe it as a homicide because that has legal implications and it shapes the direction
of the investigation.
But when you have multiple deaths connected to the same community and the victims are all connected to each other or the same social network and authorities appear reluctant to even consider the possibility of foul play, that can understandably raise concerns.
I mean, it raises concerns for me just hearing this and seeing the patterns.
For families and community members that can definitely feel like dismissal and it's invalidating the concern and it's invalidating the fears.
regarding safety for the community as well.
After Kristen's body was found, pressure on law enforcement intensified.
Rumors about a serial killer spread throughout Jennings.
Families demanded answers, and residents wanted reassurance they were safe.
Sheriff Ricky Edwards attempted to calm things down with a public statement,
but he ended up doing the opposite.
During his speech, Edwards emphasized the victims, quote-unquote,
high-risk lifestyles, which only drew out-rength.
rage from the victim's families and others who felt like he was victim blaming.
Now people wondered if the police even cared about solving the mysteries.
Those doubts only intensified as the nightmare continued.
On May 10, 2007, two months after Kristen's death, another body surfaced.
This time, it belonged to 26-year-old Whitney Charlene Dubois.
Her body had been found on the side of a dirt road.
While her remains weren't as badly decomposed as previous victims,
the coroner wasn't able to establish a cause of death.
When word got out, no one was surprised to learn that Whitney had also worked for Frankie Reischard
and acted as a police informant.
Now, the death toll was at four, and public trust in police was fading rapidly.
Investigators finally ramped up their efforts, beginning with Kristen Lopez.
Part of the reason they started there was because Tracy Chassan was one of the last people to see Kristen alive,
and since Tracy was a known sex worker with a prior marijuana conviction, they easily tracked her down.
During her interview, Tracy reiterated Frankie's claim that the last time Frankie and Kristen saw each other
was when he kicked her out of the motel.
But the police hadn't asked about when they last saw each other,
they'd asked about when Kristen was last seen alive,
and days had passed between those two events.
Feeling a little skeptical, investigators brought Tracy back in for a second interview,
She must have sensed they were suspicious of her because this time her story changed.
Tracy said that she, Frankie, and Frankie's niece, Hannah Connor,
had all been driving around with Kristen the night she died.
According to Tracy, the group was in the middle of a drug binge
when Frankie and Hannah suddenly turned on Kristen and beat her severely.
Tracy claimed they then drove to the Petty Jean Canal and drowned her.
Investigators thought the story was credible,
especially because a female inmate at the Jeff Davis jail later came forward and said that Hannah had described the murder in the same way to her as well.
The police knew that these revelations would travel through the grapevine, and if they didn't act fast, the public outrage might reach a breaking point.
So on May 16, 2007, they arrested Frankie and Hannah in connection to Kristen's death.
People in Jennings were shocked.
Maybe the police were going to put a stop to the violence.
after all.
An arrest like this can send two different messages, depending on the person receiving it.
For those who want to believe that the system can still work as intended, it can feel like
a turning point, like a way to restore institutional trust.
But for those who have been seeing the patterns over the years, it can actually cause more
suspicion.
Instead of relief, they're asking why now?
And rightfully so.
There are now three deaths.
There is public outrage, and law enforcement has to relieve.
that pressure somehow. A high-profile arrest can do that. That doesn't mean that's what happened here,
but it's a pattern worth mentioning. What's also worth mentioning is the timing. The arrests came after
the story began spreading publicly. Whether that timing was coincidental or deliberate is something
we don't really know from the outside, but what we do know is that Kristen's family had been
asking questions for months, and they were putting on the pressure, and they deserved that same
urgency from the very beginning, but so did Loretta and so did Ernestine.
Unfortunately, just as quickly as people started to gain faith in the system, they lost it.
Because within no time, Frankie and Hannah's charges were dropped and they were released.
Frankie returned to his shadowy life, and all the women connected to him lived in fear of when they'd be next.
In what may have been a last-ditch effort to get a killer off the streets, Tracy shared even more about Frankie.
This time, she accused him of killing Whitney.
According to Tracy, Whitney had refused to have sex with Frankie,
so he retaliated by taking her life.
However, police didn't seem to take Tracy's story seriously,
but they did use Tracy's testimony to dig deeper into Kristen's death.
During her first interview, Tracy had told investigators
that Kristen had been brutally assaulted inside a truck before being drowned.
She said the truck belonged to a woman named Connie Siler, another woman Frankie had been trafficking.
After Kristen died, Connie was arrested on unrelated charges.
So when Tracy told investigators this story, Connie's truck was actually in police custody.
However, she wanted to get rid of it before it was repossessed.
So the jail warden, Terry Gehry, helped her sell it to a Jeff Davis sheriff's deputy.
According to other inmates at the jail, the deputy,
had the vehicle deep cleaned after buying it. This raised a disturbing possibility that potential DNA
evidence connected to Kristen's murder may have been destroyed by a law enforcement officer.
One man inside the department took the allegations seriously. Sergeant Jesse Ewing recorded interviews
about the incident and sent the audio directly to the FBI. He feared corruption within his
own department might cause the evidence to disappear if he reported it internally. But the information
didn't trigger a federal investigation. Instead, the FBI routed the issue back to Ewing's supervisors.
It's possible that because of their failed attempt to end corruption in Jeff Davis two years earlier,
they were afraid to ruffle feathers again. Instead, Sergeant Ewing took the fall. Shortly after
the FBI routed the evidence back to Ewing's supervisors, he was fired.
And the truth remained buried, which may be why the violence continued.
The next time a woman wound up dead, her proximity to law enforcement forced people to wonder if the police weren't just apathetic.
But if they'd been behind the deaths all along.
Thanks so much for listening.
Come back next time for the conclusion of our deep dive on the Jeff Davis 8.
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