Modern Wisdom - #933 - Brad Wilcox - Why Are Liberal Women Becoming Unhappy?
Episode Date: April 26, 2025Brad Wilcox is a Professor of Sociology at the University of Virginia and Director of the National Marriage Project. Why are some people naturally happier than others? Whether it's genetics, upbringin...g, or life circumstances, how can you finally rediscover joy and feel like your true self again? Expect to learn why young liberal women are so unhappy and why in contrasts conservative women are happier, if finding your one true soulmate is actually a myth, if people should be pursuing happiness instead of marriage, the factors that predict social mobility and how people can rise up out of poverty, what you can learn about the heritability of family desire and family stability, the current state of American politics based on the demographic results of the last election, and much more… Sponsors: See discounts for all the products I use and recommend: https://chriswillx.com/deals Sign up for a one-dollar-per-month trial period from Shopify at https://shopify.com/modernwisdom Get 4 extra months of Surfshark VPN at https://surfshark.com/modernwisdom Get 5 Free Travel Packs, Free Liquid Vitamin D, and more from AG1 at https://ag1.info/modernwisdom Extra Stuff: Get my free reading list of 100 books to read before you die: https://chriswillx.com/books Try my productivity energy drink Neutonic: https://neutonic.com/modernwisdom Episodes You Might Enjoy: #577 - David Goggins - This Is How To Master Your Life: https://tinyurl.com/43hv6y59 #712 - Dr Jordan Peterson - How To Destroy Your Negative Beliefs: https://tinyurl.com/2rtz7avf #700 - Dr Andrew Huberman - The Secret Tools To Hack Your Brain: https://tinyurl.com/3ccn5vkp - Get In Touch: Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/chriswillx Twitter: https://www.twitter.com/chriswillx YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/modernwisdompodcast Email: https://chriswillx.com/contact - Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Transcript
Discussion (0)
What do you think about the story of the book Eat Pray Love?
You know, Liz Gilbert's book obviously got a lot of attention, a lot of popularity among women especially and
You know, it's kind of first glance really attractive and appealing
But what's I think striking about the book is that she kind of ends off by, you know, this sort of storybook romance in
impossibly romantic Bali in Indonesia
sort of storybook romance in impossibly romantic Bali in Indonesia.
She meets what seems like the perfect guy who's a feminist, a great cook,
a great lover, et cetera, et cetera.
They have this incredible connection.
But then you learn 10 years later, Chris, what do you think happens?
Did I already know how this story ends, unfortunately, because I did my research.
Yeah. She leaves him for another soulmate.
And so the point I make about this story in my own book is that we have
a kind of like the soulmate myth out there.
There's kind of like the perfect person that will complete us with whom we'll
have like really no major problems and with whom we'll have a kind of this
incredible kind of romantic and emotional connection on a prickly regular basis.
And I think the Eat, Pray, Love book and the last kind of storybook romance that she gives
us in that book is kind of emblematic of this whole way of thinking and approaching relationships,
love and marriage.
And yet the problem with it, of course, is that by making feelings the foundation of love, feelings the foundation of
marriage, you're kind of putting things on a very insecure footing. And that's why what we see in
the real world is that Liz Gilbert seems to go from one person to the next on a regular basis,
including the guy that she meets at the end of, again, Eat, Pray, Love.
Um, including the guy that she meets at the end of again, eat, pray, love.
I noticed that you de-gendered person because she pivoted from the guy in Bali
to a woman for, I think about five years. And then really sadly, uh, that person passed away and then she started dating
the woman's best friend who was a guy.
And then recently announced that she was happily single at 55 and had broken up
with that.
So look, Elizabeth Gilbert, fantastic book, did very, very well, super successful.
But I do think it's fair to say that she makes for a tenuous role model
for happy marriage and love.
I don't think that that's a particularly controversial thing to say. Yeah. So I think kind of looking at love and marriage is primarily an opportunity
to kind of have this strong emotional connection.
And she talks too in her book about kind of her desire to kind of
directly pursue happiness.
If that's kind of, if you've kind of this more romanticized understanding
of love, and if you're directly seeking happiness in love or in marriage, I
think you're kind of headed for love or in marriage, I think
you're kind of headed for trouble.
And I think certainly her, her own life is emblematic of the way in which at
least if kind of like your goal is to have a strong and stable marriage and
family kind of taking the Liz Gilbert soulmatey approach to, uh, to love a
marriage is not a, a great strategy.
What's a better foundation or framework to build your marriage on than feelings?
Well, you know, St.
Thomas Aquinas talked about love as kind of pursuing the good of the other.
And in my book, I kind of talk about this in the sense of sort of having a
family first approach to love and marriage where you understand and
appreciate that you're trying to pursue the good of your spouse and your marriage kind of more broadly, if you will.
And then if you have kids kind of of your, of your kids.
So there's a kind of way in which I talk about a family first approach to
marriage, which allows you to understand and appreciate that your marriage is
about more than just an emotional connection.
It's about kind of building a sense of solidarity in your relationship.
It's about having a strong financial foundation that supports both you and
your spouse.
And then if you have kids and most people still do today, it's about kind of
understanding and appreciating how much your marriage matters for your kids and
really your kin more broadly.
So this is kind of, again, a family first approach to marriage and it kind of
makes the emotional connection a little bit less important
and helps you to understand and appreciate that there are really many
different goods that you're pursuing in marriage and having kind of that more
diverse set of goods, I think makes you, um, less nervous when you do have
conflict or when, you know, things are incredibly romantic or wonderful in
your, in your emotional side of your relationship, because you realize and
appreciate that there are other dimensions with your marriage that matter and are worth honoring.
To fight for the other side, surely part of the job of being married or a good
amount of the job of being married is not to suffer in silence in a
relationship, which is unfulfilling.
You know, you've got a slippery slope down to mistreatment here. job of being married is not to suffer in silence in a relationship, which is
unfulfilling, you know, you've got a slippery slope down to mistreatment here
where somebody is genuinely being forgotten about by their partner, not
treated in the way that they should.
And, you know, you can go right down to some really sort of nasty dark, dark
corners that women and I guess some men as well get, get stuck in.
and I guess some men as well get stuck in. How do you square the circle of knowing
when the feelings that you have about your relationship
are a signal that this is something really,
really not good, that this is a fundamental incompatibility.
Perhaps this is before children have come along and you're thinking,
do I really want to bring kids into this? This, uh, this is the model of, of love, of, um,
uh, relational care.
Is this really what I want to show them?
Um, you know, you can, I understand there's
more serving the other.
Right.
But I think it's also why we have to think too
about kind of not just when you're married,
Chris, but of course, before you're married.
Right?
So the point is, is that you want to try to find
someone who shares your commitments to marriage, to love, who also has those virtues
that make for a good marriage, loyalty, charity, patience, fortitude, et cetera. So the point is
that if you're more discerning about the kinds of things that would make for a good spouse, you're less likely to land
in a kind of dark place that you're talking about.
And I think just it's important to understand and appreciate that the
kinds of people who really value marriage as institution and who kind of have a
symmetrical commitment, both to one another and to marriage as institution,
kind of heading into marriage are both to one another and to marriage
as institution kind of heading into marriage are less likely to get into that dark place
you're talking about.
But of course, it's certainly the case that people, even with the best of intentions,
do land in difficult places and dark places.
And so in terms of thinking about divorce, and I'm particularly concerned about how
this all plays out to for kids, what we see in the research about
this particular question is that when there is high conflict, when there are
dishes going through the kitchen on Friday and Saturday nights, when there's
regular screaming, you know, matches, maybe when one spouse is, you know,
abusing drugs, for instance, in those contexts, yes, it makes eminent sense for,
you know, people to split, separate for the sake of their kids. But in lower conflict situations,
where more like the Liz Gilbert situation where she left her husband in New York because she just
wasn't kind of feeling it. In those kinds of situations, Chris, if you're kind of concerned
as if you have kids in the household, for instance, kind of really
for their welfare, then the research is also pretty clear on that is it'd be
better for at least your kids in that particular kind of situation to stay
together.
And I would say also to kind of find a way to, to get your marriage on a
stronger footing as well.
Yeah, it's this interesting balance, I guess, between kids coming from broken homes where
the partners have separated or kids coming from breaking homes that just never actually
break out and how I think the last time that we spoke, it was, it's your belief that there's
not no such thing as a good reason for divorce. It's that the barometer that most people are using in order to justify whether
that breakup should or should not occur has been brought down to a level of
Elizabeth Gilbert sensitization, which is too soon.
Right.
And so again, I want to stress in some cases, I think, you know, separating is
the right thing to do for yourself and for your kids.
Um, but I think, yeah, in today's world, we tend to kind of set the bar too low
for what kind of counts as a problem that would merit heading towards divorce court.
Exactly.
Okay.
What's happening with this conservative happiness premium thing?
My Twitter DMs are a light with different studies that you've been sending
me over the last couple of weeks.
Yeah.
So we're just kind of seeing and looking at kind of trends in happiness, Chris,
today that, that conservatives are happier than liberals.
And we just came out with a recent study showing that among young women,
aged 18 to 40, liberal mode about three times as likely to be very happy or
actually completely satisfied their lives compared to conservative women.
And a lot of the story is about the way in which they're more likely to be married.
And then other work have been happily married. And then also they're more likely to be religious.
So we find in this recent study, for instance, that a majority
of young women who are conservative are married and only a minority of young women who are
liberal are married. We find the majority of conservative women are attending religious
services on a regular basis compared to a very small minority of liberal women.
And so I think the point here in part is that kind of being integrated into core
institutions in American life, you know, marriage faith, um, is a big reason why
conservative women, for instance, are happier than liberal women.
And he probably knows been discussion like John Heights, for instance, talked
about kind of like a catastrophizing mindset that explains why liberal men have kind of worse
mental health than conservative women.
Gene Twenke has kind of weighed in on this as well.
I think that's part of the story.
But I'm pointing kind of beyond just the mindset and just making the point that, you know,
we are social animals, Chris, right?
And when we are connected to other people, like in the context of marriage or some
kind of faith community or other forms of community, we tend to be much more
likely to flourish.
And so what we're seeing today is that conservative women at Missyney research
are more likely to be connected to these core institutions that give our lives
meaning, direction, purpose, and a sense of happiness as well.
Why is this focused on women and not just conservatives versus liberals?
So this recent research that we, uh, that we did was focusing on women, but my book
focuses on both men and women.
And what we find in the, in the broader research too, is that conservatives
in general,
Chris, are more likely to be happy. So for instance, kind of in a larger population,
for men and women, we find that conservatives aged 18 to 55 are 60% more likely to be very
happy. And for this larger research from my book, we find in that is that again, a big part of that
story is that conservatives are more likely to be married today and they're also more
likely to be happily married.
And those two factors account for about a third of this happiness premium we're
seeing in comparing conservatives to liberals with their lives in general today.
Yeah.
So young liberal women, very unhappy because, or at least in part, because
church and marriage, accounting for a big chunk of this gap, was it only 12% of
liberal women said they are completely satisfied with life compared to 37% of
conservative women, self-described moderates are happier than liberals with 28%
agreeing that they're fully satisfied.
And then, so that's, I guess, structural. percent of conservative women self-described moderates are happier than liberals with 28% agreeing that they're fully satisfied.
And then, so that's, I guess, structural.
You know, this is something that's happening in their life.
But as you hinted at there, there's this issue that maybe liberal women see themselves at
the mercy of societal forces and sort of less agentic maybe that they are at, the world
is happening to them. They're sort of a victim of larger structuralic maybe that they, they are at, that the world is happening to them.
They're sort of a victim of larger structural realities
in that way.
Yeah, so this is kind of the point that Jonathan Hyde
has made in his research on this and Jean Twenge as well,
and some other psychologists too.
So they're just kind of observing that today,
liberal men have kind of less of a sense
that they're captains of their own fate
and that they're kind of living in a world that is
oppressive and hard, whereas conservative women are less likely to have that.
They're more likely to think of themselves as steering their own ship,
captains of their own ship, and they're less worried about the nature and
character of the world that they find themselves in.
Yeah.
You had this interesting parallel that you drew between after the Donald
Trump election, where lots of young liberal women were in hysterics and saying
they were going to shave their heads and swear off having sex with men because
they laid Donald Trump's success at the feet of men and this was a way to get
back at them, but the equivalent thing didn't seem to happen on the right when Joe Biden
got elected, despite, I imagine people on the right being just as upset.
Yeah, no, I do think there's a way in which, I mean, despite what you might
kind of glean from Twitter sometimes, right?
And I think there have been critiques, you know, out there, for instance, Noah
Smith had a big critique lately about kind of saying conservatives are, you
know, they're sort of saying in theory, they're all about community, family and
faith, but in kind of in reality, they're, they're just about kind of, you know,
basically tweeting from their, their mom's basement.
And so of course there are some conservative voices online who are kind
of living deeply anti-social lives.
voices online who are kind of living deeply anti-social lives.
But I think we do see kind of in the sort of
national data is that generally speaking,
conservatives are more likely to be out and
about, to be married, to be involved in their
communities in meaningful ways, including the
religious communities.
And that, you know, helps to ground and guide
them and kind of keep them protected from this
more catastrophizing mindset. Hmm.
I, the question that comes to mind is like, let's say that you're somebody who believes
in democratic ideologies and you think, huh, this isn't particularly good for maybe my
life outcomes in the evidence, you know, that Brad guy, he seems to know what he's talking about.
He suggested that people that are conservative.
What do you suggest people do with this information?
I should change my belief structure and start to believe something else?
Well, you know, I think one of the things they
talk about in my book and get married, Chris, is
kind of this idea, this sort of reality we see out
there today is that a lot of, of a lot of liberals,
particularly more educated liberals, college
educated liberals, talk left, right?
But they walk right.
So kind of, you know, in terms of how they would sort of
talk about family issues, for instance, marriage,
for instance, they would tend to kind of publicly,
or even in terms of the worldview,
kind of devalue the importance of marriage.
But in their own private lives,
they kind of implicitly understand and appreciate,
you know, how much marriage matters for them and for any kids that they have.
And so I think part of the solution here is for, and there are plenty of, you
know, democratic elites who kind of do this, I talked about them in the book.
But I think, you know, one solution here is to kind of actually basically preach
what you practice to paraphrase Charles Murray on this score, right?
So kind of, I think for liberals to understand and appreciate that, look, you know, it is better generally speaking to get married, to invest in your kids.
There's just a tremendous amount of meaning and happiness that, you know, typically flow from this kind of family oriented life.
And we should celebrate and help our fellow progressives kind of, um, embrace marriage and family life in larger numbers.
They're of course going gonna do it in different ways
than conservatives might,
but we could actually do a better job
of kind of making the case for marriage
so that more progressives would find their way
into the institution on an even earlier basis.
And we have seen pieces in New York magazine,
for instance, kind of reflecting on this possibility as well. So there might be some openness in the part of, I think, liberals and
progressives to begin to kind of rethink the distance they've put between
themselves and marriage and childbearing as a way of, you know, giving their
lives greater meaning and purpose.
What's the incentive to talk left, but walk right?
What, why is that the case?
So I think the incentive here is that partly kind of there are ways in
which in the sixties and seventies, you know, it was progressive.
So really kind of charting a new path when it came to marriage and family.
And they came to see kind of marriage as a kind of patriarchal, traditional
institution, they wanted to embrace newer family forms, they came to see kind of marriage as a kind of patriarchal, traditional institution.
They wanted to embrace newer family forms.
They wanted to embrace the possibility of kind of living a larger portion of your life,
single, free, et cetera.
Um, and then also kind of, there was concerns too, about sort of associating marriage with,
uh, the Moynihan report, which is kind of talking about the intersection between
race and marriage and family.
So there's kind of a wide range of reasons why progressives begin to code
marriage and family as more conservative, you know, issues and institutions.
And desire not to be seen as conservative.
But I think the challenge though, for liberals now is that while, you know,
as I said, many liberal elites actually do
talk left and walk right.
I talk about Reed Hastings, you know, the co-founder of Netflix as a, as a kind of
example of this, for instance, stable marriage, he had some marital difficulties,
worked through them with help of counselors, two kids, you know, all this kind
of probably lives in some ways, a pretty conventional family life, right?
Except he's super rich.
Um, and yet, you know,
he's also very progressive on a lot of cultural issues. The problem though with this kind of
dynamic for the left, I would say, is we're now seeing today a majority among age 18, 55-year-old
Americans of conservatives are married, but only a minority of liberals are married. And so I think
partly that's because
they're just not prioritizing, you know,
getting married and having a family
in the same way that conservatives are,
and they're not realizing that they're really losing out
on one of the most important things that, you know,
many of us will do in our lives.
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Yeah.
Birth rates on the left fell after the last Trump presidency.
Do you think that's likely that it's going to happen again?
It's certainly possible.
And we also have seen kind of a stronger relationship between fertility rates and
voting patterns regionally that a colleague of mine, these two were family studies
did. And then we also seen in some new work too, at IFS that's in process, that
when you look at kind of the fertility rate for 40 year old conservatives is
about two kids per woman on average.
Whereas the fertility rate now for 40 year old liberals is just one child per woman on average, just a huge,
a big difference, a huge difference there.
So again, I think, um, I actually wish we didn't live in a society where,
you know, marriage and family becomes so polarized.
Um, but we do.
And I think it's one of those ways in which in this particular, not every
area, but in this area, I do think it's actually progressives who are losing out.
I'm going to guess that that's not only because they're less happy, they're more
subject to depression, they're less integrated, but that over a couple of
generations, the kids that come along will be the kids of the kid having type.
And if on average it's conservatives and religious people, as opposed to
liberals and secular people, you end up inheriting the civilization of the people that came before.
Right.
And so one reason, I mean, we're already kind of seeing that kind of conservatives
are in a better spot than the otherwise would be because they're more likely to have kids
than liberals are.
But there's also, as I think everyone knows, a lot of kind
of conversions happening out of conservative households, religious households into more
progressive and secular, um, you know, adult communities.
So there's, there is kind of a lot of, um, you know, migration, you know, happening.
And so it's not the case that just because conservatives have more kids, we're necessarily
going to see a society down the road that's becoming more conservative.
have more kids, we're necessarily going to see a society down the road that's becoming more conservative. But if we do see, particularly, I think, you know, conservatives having more
success in keeping their children kind of in the fold, so to speak, you could see a kind of
development like we've seen in Israel, right? In the last couple of decades, where Israel has migrated
culturally, politically, and religiously more to the right, you know, as more
religious and more conservative Israelis have had more kids and have done a
generally, you know, pretty good job of keeping their kids kind of in the, in
the fold, so to speak, as they move into adulthood.
Yeah, I, uh, I'd love to speak to somebody that's been able to run the projections
for what the next sort of hundred to 300 years looks like. Uh, I'd love to speak to somebody that's been able to run the projections for
what the next sort of hundred to 300 years looks like.
Yeah.
I mean, I think that's, I mean, there's so much, I think, you know, happening,
um, in the near future, Chris, as you well know, and I think AI is going to be an
incredibly disruptive force when it comes to, uh, both employment and when it comes to potentially relationships
as well.
And so one of the things that we're seeing on the relationship front, of course, is that
one reason why marriage is down and fertility is down, not just here in the United States,
but globally in many places, is just that the technology has become so engaging and
so engrossing that people are not socializing as much, they're
not dating as much, and of course they're not mating, marrying, and having kids as much.
And so as the technology gets even better and better, I think the question part is,
what does that do to our capacity to find common ground romantically and family wise. Um, and then when it comes to as well, kind of the challenges that AI
will, will pose to the labor market, what does that do to kind of the,
the ability of people to have families and afford families?
So there's just, there's just some major, I think, in part, technological
innovations coming down the pike that are going to have a serious impact on contemporary
relationships.
Although I would say here, it could be the case too, that conservatives or religious
communities might be more resilient in the face of these new technological challenges,
maybe better able to protect their kids from spending too much time, for
instance, staring at a screen or, or, or engaging a robot.
Have you thought about how mimetic marriage and family life is that if
you're in the sort of environment or local ecology that doesn't have many
marriages and people having kids, everyone's a solo entrepreneur,
just Tinder swiping their way through a couple of situationships.
You don't necessarily have someone teaching you or showing you, well, actually
this is a style of life, which is really enjoyable.
And that means that maybe you could do it too.
And you end up with this like R naught number that spins down or
spins up based on where you are.
Yeah, that's a great point, Chris.
I mean, what we see in the research is that, you know, basically marriage, childbearing divorce, for instance, are all
incredibly contagious. You catch them from your friends and family members, your close family
members. Right. And so if you're in a network of people who are getting married, you're more
likely to get married. If you're a network of people who are having kids, you're more likely
to have children. If you're in a network of people who are getting married, you're more likely to get married. If you're in a network of people who are having kids,
you're more likely to have children.
If you're in a network of people who are getting divorced,
you're more likely to get married.
Oh wow, so if your partner's best friend gets divorced,
you should pay a little bit of close attention.
Completely.
Nicholas Christakis has done work at Yale
on this whole question of divorce being,
yeah, really heavily networked.
And so the point I make is like,
you are your friends, Chris, right?
You are your friends. And so if your friends are, you know, staying single and steering clear of parenthood, your odds of doing the same thing are quite high. And by contrast, if your friends are
getting married and having kids and doing a pretty good bang up job of, you know, being decent
husbands and fathers, wives and mothers, you know, your odds of doing the same are because we are,
as you said, mimetic, you know, and so we tend to imitate what
we see. Um, and that's why it's also important to be deliberate about
choosing friends who are going to be, um, I would say like, you know, challenging
you, you know, to kind of raise your, your game as maybe a spouse and a parent.
Um, but also just kind of giving you a good example and, and standing with you
too, and when times are tough in your marriage or in your family life.
Sorry, honey, I do love you.
I care about you an awful lot, but Amy, uh, she just got divorced and, uh, I can't
help, but I just think it's kind of the new fashion that's in at the moment.
So, uh, we're done.
Yeah.
Yeah.
Uh, going back to the sort of talking left, walking right thing, a lot of the
time, a lot of the conversations end up discussing education, poverty, housing
issues, uh, why is what happens in the home never spoken about sort of how to
actually move people out of poverty and get social mobility going?
Yeah, it's interesting.
I mean, you, you've had Rob Henderson on your podcast, I'm sure.
And, you know, Rob tells the story of kind of growing up in a very chaotic,
you know, home situation, living in a working class community where there's a
lot of family instability, and then through an amazing turn of events, landing
at Yale university and, you know, mentioned that when he was at Yale,
he was in this class on childhood and the teacher asked him, how many of you had been raised in an
intact married biological family? And astonishingly, 18 out of 20 of the kids at Yale
had come in that class, had come from an intact married family. He realized, oh, wait a second,
a lot of the privileged kids here at Yale are coming
from intact married families.
And yet the irony was, and we was talking to me about this whole experience
at Yale was when he kind of tried to kind of address this issue of family
structure, family stability, and kind of public conversations at Yale about
things like poverty and mobility for poor kids, they were very reluctant to
kind of talk about the family
structure angle and instead would kind of pivot towards talking about things like poverty or
things like economic opportunity or things like the availability of good jobs. So there was kind
of an assumption that part of many of the more progressive minded both students and professors
at Yale that what really matters when it comes to kind of realizing their dream in the U S is factors like, you know, poverty,
um, job quality, schooling, et cetera.
And they're quite reluctant to sort of reflect on the ways in which a family
also plays a big role in all of this.
Why so reluctant?
Well, again, I think because the sort of public ethos of our universities and
our elite culture more generally is quite progressive. And because it's progressive,
it tends to value things like tolerance,
it values individual choice,
it values kind of embracing the newest thing,
in the sort of whole love and family arena.
And all of those kinds of orientations towards,
more choice, more freedom, more individuality.
And just thinking about families unfolding
in some kind of progressive way,
I think makes
people very hesitant to really embrace marriage per se or kind of understand and appreciate
how many, of course, not all of the kind of traditions that we associate with family life
actually tend to help people navigate family life rather than serve as a hindrance to
doing so.
Well, you saw this with Melissa Carney's book, the two parents advantage, two
parent privilege, and before it even came out, Melissa Carney is as sort of policy
wonk, DC, pill, probably center left, I would imagine, a lovely lady, softly
spoken, very well researched and writes this book saying, look, there is kind of
the freest advantage that you can give your kids.
That was the golden sequence or whatever it's called.
And I think maybe even the book cover, I don't even think it was the chapter list or maybe it
was the chapter list too, but at the very least the book cover got released on Twitter.
And she gets absolutely flamed for daring to write a book about this thing,
which as far as I could tell was coming from a very sort of liberal, we want to raise people
up, this is where social mobility can actually come from.
But yeah, not breaking up a household has become so right coded that writing a book
that explains the freest way that you can help to give your kids a leg up, i.e. staying together,
was seen as like, I don't know, Minecam version two. Yeah, no, and she talks too at the beginning of her book about the way in which she would kind of raise the sort of marriage issue or the family
structure issue and economic, you know, discussions and people kind of pull her aside and sort of say
to her, you know, why are you doing this? Kind of like, this isn't something you should be talking about in kind of polite
companies. I think the dynamic here, although I do think in fairness, there
have, I mean, I think her book has really helped the discussion.
Um, my book has been treated very nicely by the New York times, you know, five
different pieces on my book, you know, multiple pieces on her book and the Times,
the Atlantic as well.
So I do think there is a way in which we may be opening up on the part of sort
of center left, you know, intellectuals and, you know, in some universities and
some mainstream media outlets, hopefully in some public policy arenas too, in the
democratic party to the ways in which, you know, marriage and family are pretty
important for kids.
I just actually wrote a piece on Richard Reeves, you know, marriage and family are pretty important for kids. I just actually wrote a piece on Richard
Reeves, you know, has written this great book, actually of boys and men here. And the one, I
think, big problem I have with the book is he kind of argues at the end that we've got to figure out
a new way to do fatherhood apart from marriage. The kind of marriage is sort of, you know,
receding into the distance. Not really acknowledging that kids in married father families
just do way better than kids in families where dads
don't live with mom, and that's much more the case
for unmarried families.
And then also doesn't, I didn't really appreciate too
that we've actually seen a slight uptick
in the share of kids, Chris, who are being raised
in intact married families in really the last decade.
So that sort of idea we're going to head to, you know, marriage being completely
out of the picture is no longer kind of true. So I'm just hoping, you know, he wrote a piece
that three days ago, it was kind of acknowledging more kind of the importance of marriage, both for
men and for the kids that they raise. And so maybe there'll be some rethinking about this issue in the
kind of center left, more elite precincts going forward. If fewer people are getting married, does that suggest that
the people who do get married are more committed to the institution and that explains the reduction
in divorces? Yeah, so there's sort of good news and bad news here, right? So the bad news from my
perspective for adults is that fewer Americans are marrying.
We're projecting now that about one in three in an adult stable never married.
It's going to be a record low permanent bachelors, permanent bachelorettes.
Right.
And that's problematic because they're more likely to be floundering on any number
of emotional, social, and financial measures contra and rotate.
Um, but the good news here for kids, right.
Is it because marriage and family life fertility become more
selective in this contemporary, what that means is the kinds of
people today who are having families or getting married are
relatively more advantage, more affluent, more educated, more
religious, and also more conservative.
And those families, not surprisingly, what we're seeing is they're also more stably married as well.
Yeah.
So people on the left say poverty, people on the right say genetics.
What can you learn about the heritability of family desire, family stability, stuff like that?
Yeah.
And I think it's important to acknowledge that both the left and the right, as you kind of frame,
the issue are correct to argue that poverty matters. Growing up in poverty is very stressful. It really can, it also it's about networks too. When you're poor, you don't have as many
good models in your immediate network of marriage, family life. The same time too,
the folks on the right who would talk about genetics are correct to argue that,
we know for instance, having like a gene or genes that would make
you vulnerable to depression also makes you more vulnerable to get divorced when you're
an adult and then makes your child more likely to be depressed as well.
And so some of the things that I would say about the importance of marriage and family
for adult and child wellbeing would be chalked up by the left economics and by parts of the right to genetics. And they're correct to an extent. We also have
good evidence as well from economists and when it comes to the importance of economics,
that that's not the only thing we know from Raj Chetty's work and looking at regional patterns
in economic inequality, for instance, and
family structure, that family structure is actually a better predictor of poor kids rising
that rags to riches mobility story.
So that kids, for instance, born poor in Salt Lake City are markedly more likely to rise
into riches or affluence as adults compared to kids born in Atlanta, where there's a lot
more single parenthood.
So again, it tells us that it's not just money, it's also about family structure and
looking at one key outcome, kind of the American dream. On the genetic side, we have more and more
crisp twin studies that are telling us that kids who are born to female identical twins,
where one twin gets divorced and one twin does not get divorced. The kids who are in the non-divorced household who are being, you know,
tracked in these studies do better socially and emotionally.
We also have a twin study too of men looking at identical twin guys, um,
in Minnesota and finding there that the identical twin brother who got married
earned about 26% more than his identical twin brother who did not marry.
And we have a whole body of research kind of telling us that men who get married tend to work harder, they work smarter, they make more money.
They're for instance, less likely to be fired compared to roughly equivalent people, you know,
if they're married versus, you know, the guy who's single in their, in the workplace.
They're also more likely if they're upset with their job,
the married guy to kind of look around and get that other job
before he quits his current job.
And by contrast, the unmarried guys who are employed
and who don't necessarily like their job are just more likely to quit their job
without having first identified another job to kind of move into.
So we just have, I think, evidence both from the sociological research,
kind of on norms and behaviors, but also from economists and now from psychologists studying twins,
that again, part of the marriage story is about the power that marriage has in institution
in encouraging, you know, men and women to be more responsible,
more prudent, and to enjoy kind of the benefits
of having, generally speaking, a friend in their corner
who's kind of encouraging them, advising them
to do the right thing in any number of contexts.
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It's interesting about the childhood environment
being so impacted because a lot of the stuff that comes out
about twin studies kind of says,
this is a lot that you can do in the childhood environment
that kind of doesn't really make that much difference.
I think when you control for socioeconomic factors, even moving your kid from the worst
school in the area to the best school in the area is not a huge change.
It's not this vast, oh my God, it's all about, we've got to pick up the house and we've got
to move to the new catchment area because this is a school and if they don't go there,
they're going to be on the street and they're on drugs and all the rest of it.
And we have something here, which seems to be very predictive and very powerful in terms
of actually adjusting the outcomes that kids get.
Yeah.
I mean, I think, you know, on the twin study issue, there's certainly some, you know, Judith
Harris, for instance, is famous writing this book kind of arguing that, you know, because
of genetics, there's not much that parents can do to really influence lives of their
kids. I think on some key outcomes in terms of education, income, and maybe some of the emotional stuff
that's true to an extent.
But my late mentor, Sarah McClain at Princeton, also kind of reviewed a lot of this sort of
more biological research and did find that, well, she found, for instance, in looking at family structure that on the sort of like, you know, the GPA stuff and,
you know, standardized testing stuff that seemed like genetics were much more important than family
structure, for instance. But on some of the social and emotional outcomes, family structure was a lot
more predictive, you know, for, for young adults. But I also want to just kind of remind us too, that there's more to life than just, you know, scoring high on the SAT, right?
And I think it's important to understand and appreciate the sort of networking point
we were making earlier in our conversation.
And that is that one of the most important things that parents do for their kids is help
to shape their kids' networks, right?
And so it's like what you do on Sunday or don't do on Sunday, what you do, you know,
in your free time on the weekends or what kind of things you do on networks, right? And so it's like what you do on Sunday or don't do on Sunday, what you do, you
know, in your free time on the weekends or what kind of families you're
having over at your home, right?
So there are, there are kind of very kind of, I think, subtle but important
things that different kinds of parents do differently when it comes to
rearing their kids that end up, I think, being pretty consequential for their
children's sense of what counts in life and how do they find meaning and purpose in life as well.
You know what I learned the other day, which I feel embarrassed about having
looked at behavioral genetics for ages.
Steve Stewart Williams wrote about the biggest meta-analysis that's ever been
done, it's basically every twin study that was ever, ever, ever done.
It's a five million points of data or something like that.
It's every twin person's 1960.
And, um, it's kind of commonly touted about the IQ correlates
point eight by the end of your life.
It's about 80% of your outcomes in terms of IQ can be explained
through your genetics.
I didn't realize that for almost everything else, uh, psychologically,
it goes in the other direction, the direction that you would expect, which is you kind of start off as a genetically predisposed, but
environmentally blank slate.
And that over time, things happen to benefit and insult you and then you get toward the
end of your life and things change.
But that makes it, that makes all of this stuff much more explanatory.
It makes you less kind of genetically robust or genetically predisposed,
which actually does suggest, well, be careful what you do with your life.
Be careful the people that you spend your time around.
Be careful the stuff that you put into your eyes and your ears and your mouth.
Yeah.
I mean, I'll say it's important.
Well, so, and we see too, in terms of just kind of this sort of longitudinal Harvard
story, you're kind of looking at, you know, tracking first men and now women as well,
kind of over the course of their lives. And then kind of finds,
this is to kind of check in with people who have lived into their seventies and eighties,
and they're kind of asked, what's most important to you? And it turns out,
you know, not surprisingly, you know, at this point that kind of how well they did professionally,
while important was not nearly as important as their friendships and their family relationships, especially their marriages as well. So that's
certainly one point I would make, but I think just also it's important to understand and appreciate
that on the genetic side, there's just a lot of evidence too, that there's a strong interaction.
Right? So it's not like you've got a gene for say depression that just sort of acts upon someone
in kind of some kind of straightforward way.
It's more like there's often these interactions.
And there's been work done by again, my late colleague Sarah McClanahan showing that for
boys who have some kind of risk for kind of more anti-social behavior, like if they get
a lot of time with dad, for instance, they're more likely to be flourishing in exceptional ways.
But if they're separated from their father, they're more likely to land in trouble and
engage in more risky behavior as well. So the point is that I think when we're thinking about
genetics and family structure or relationships more generally, it's important to just to kind of bear in mind that there's often an interaction between genetics
and sort of these profound social experiences
that we have or don't have in our lives.
Yeah, so looking at, you mentioned earlier on
about some of the different sex outcomes
that we're getting at the moment.
Read an article from the Center for Social Justice.
From the day they start primary school to the day they leave higher education, the progress of boys lags behind girls.
The proportion of young men failing to move from education into employment or training has been steadily growing for 30 years.
Since the pandemic alone, the number of males aged 16 to 24 who are not in education, employment or training,
needs has increased by 40% compared to just 7% of
females.
For those young men who are in work, the much of wanted gender pay gap has been reversed.
Young men are now out-earned by their female peers, including among the university educated.
What do you make of that?
Yeah, so I think there are a couple of things happening here.
And there's obviously a very similar story that's sort of unfolding.
It's not quite as bad in the United States as what you're explaining in the UK.
Um, but the, the dynamics I think are very similar.
So I think when it comes to education, kind of big education has done kind
of profound disservice to our boys, you know, in terms of the curriculum, in
terms of the ethos, in terms of the amount of recess that boys get, they're
just not getting enough kind of stuff happening in their schools that would
kind of allow them to focus, engage and really kind of, um,
embrace learning, you know?
And so that helps to account for why they're more likely to be kind of
dominating the lower ranks of school performance and not kind of doing well
when it comes to either vocational education and then college, you know,
later in life.
Um, that in turn then sets them up oftentimes for failing professionally,
as this report you just mentioned indicates.
I think big tech is also having a big hand in this.
We all know from Jonathan Haidt's work,
from Jean Twenge's work,
that social media is bad for our teenage girls,
for our young women as well.
Kind of makes them more anxious and depressed
among other things.
We haven't talked as much Chris about kind of the way in which I think gaming is really undercutting
teenage boys and young men's capacity to do well in high school and then, you know, other forms of
education to develop meaningful hobbies, to socially interact with the opposite sex, to date, you know,
and then marry later on. And it's really kind of, I think,
degrading young men's capacity to do well in a wide range of spheres, including also in the
social arena as well. So that's, I think, one, you know, big factor that's in play here. And then
I think the other major thing I would mention is just the kind of inability of our society to kind of paint a positive portrait of masculinity, you know,
for our teenage boys and for our young men to kind of give them a sense like, look,
you're important. You're valuable. You have a distinctive mission to fulfill. You've got to
get off, you know, the gaming device.
You've got to focus on either college or a vocational, you know, education.
Take your 20 something years seriously job wise date, marry someone, you know,
get on with it because you're important, you're valuable and you've got a new
contribution to make both to potential family and to your larger community and to our society as a whole.
And so absent, you know, a clear and compelling vision of masculinity.
I think too many of our teenage boys and young men aren't really motivated.
Um, don't feel like they have a clear path to walk down.
And so that helps to account to, for the kinds of statistics you just, um,
you know, touch time.
Yeah, there's a lot happening all at the same time, which I don't think makes very
fertile ground for young men to do well.
Um, it seems like when you take the brakes off women socioeconomically in this new sort
of brawn based economy, they're just really good.
They're more conscientious on average, they're better organized, they do their homework, they're highlighter girls.
They then go into the office, they turn up, they don't get drunk as much,
they don't do risky behavior.
Sure.
That means there's going to be fewer female CEOs because they're not going
to go and do the crazy, ridiculous, obsessive stuff that some of their
male counterparts will, but I think, you know, the middle roles, the relatively
desirable middle-class good earning jobs, it already seems to be the case
that they're going to be dominated by women, especially ones that have a prerequisite that
you've got a college degree because it's two women for every one man completing a full
year US college degree by 2030.
Then on top of that, you would expect there to be, I guess one of two things that would
happen either at sort of bottom up or a top down solution that would step in.
If we see any group falling behind in society, typically we don't tell them
to pull themselves up by their bootstraps.
What we do is we say, here is a government organization and a fund and
research that's going to work out what's going on.
So that would be sort of the top down thing, which I don't think is existing.
And then the bottom up, which would be, um, you can, you can do this. Here is some, a positive image for you.
There was this really interesting Reddit thread.
I think it was in maybe r slash liberals or something like that.
It's a little old now.
And someone had asked, who do you think of as being a really
great positive role model for men?
If you, we don't like Joe Rogan and we don't like Jordan Peterson and we don't like Andrew Tate.
I think the top voted comment was like Aragon from Lord of the Rings.
Like if we have to go to a fictional fantasy character in order to be able to find someone,
by design, what are you doing?
Well, you're being able to imagine a world in which there was a man that you were happy
with and did have the balance of whatever it is that you think that guys should have.
And yeah, if anything approximating traditional masculinity is vilified and seen as horrible, misogynistic, right-wing bigotry,
you know, a return to old traditional patriarchal values that we're not dispensed with this
already.
You want women to get out of the workforce and back into the kitchen and you're not going
to be able to get away with that.
It's not going to go well.
Right.
And so I think obviously we're not going to go back to 1955, Chris, but I think we have
to figure out again, a kind of a contemporary model masculinity that's compelling and that
has at least a substantial purchase and a decent number of the key sectors of our contemporary
worlds. And absent that, we're just going to continue to see, I think, what I call the
closing of the American heart, but it's a closing of the heart more globally now unfolding where women don't find enough of the men in their lives to be as compelling and as worthy
of commitment as they would have in a previous era.
And so they don't date, they don't mate, they don't marry, they don't have kids.
And that's not a great scenario.
So I think the alternative is to acknowledge, know, we need to offer men a compelling and distinct
division that they can get around and that women can appreciate in them and kind of to form again,
kind of the basis for some kind of agreement, where there's kind of some division of labor
in the relationship and the family. And also where you kind of understand and appreciate that women and men are, you
know, on average, different in important ways.
And you appreciate that your, you know, your boyfriend, your husband brings
different, you know, gifts to the relationship and then later on to the family.
And absent that, we're, you know, we are headed for a kind of catastrophe.
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What do you make of the medium term future for dating if things don't change?
Not good right now.
So there was a recent study done by my colleague, Dan Cox at the American
Enterprise Institute, finding that more than half of both single women and
single men are not very optimistic about their prospects for finding a good
partner, right?
So I think there's a lot of reasons for concern right now, but I think one of the mistakes that many of us make, including me, Chris, is
that we tend to think about a lot of our problems, like unfolding kind of in a
linear fashion, you know, kind of things getting worse in some way, or, you know,
or moving in this direction in some way.
And yet I think at a certain point, oftentimes, at least the successful
societies or the successful subcultures figure out a way to build up a new institution or pattern.
And so I do think we're going to figure out, or some subcultures, Chris, are going to figure
out how do we get kind of dating on track again, because they recognize either explicitly
or implicitly that this is so vital to adult flourishing
and to the future of our, you know, of our society as well.
Yeah, there's a, it is interesting to me whenever I see women, particularly
liberal women, uh, sort of castigating men for falling behind sort of, oh, poor whining patriarchy, um, sort of,
almost scolding men for not, not performing the way that they should.
And you know, women are doing it.
Uh, you can too look at all of the advantages you used to have.
And then, you know, within the next couple of weeks from the same Twitter
account or the same publication, asking where are all of the good men at, but
when it comes to dating prospects.
And you think you do understand that we're seeing cause and effect occur here,
that men falling behind and not them struggling in this new world in terms of
the workforce is creating precisely the dearth of eligible partners that you're
going to complain about in future.
So, you know, it is of benefit to both sexes for both sexes to flourish.
And it is of detriment to both sexes for either sex to fall behind.
Yeah, exactly.
I mean, I think it is kind of ironic, you know, some of the critics of my own book
get married, have kind of made the point, well, how can Wilcox, you know, argue for
marriage if it's so hard for me as a, you know, a talented or decent young woman to find a good guy.
Um, and, but they're kind of making this argument from the left and they're
not kind of, I think, appreciating how so many of our institutions have
gutted, you know, boys and young men's chances of flourishing and they're not
attentive to the ways in which again, in education, in even some ways in the labor
force today, and in the larger society, we're kind of not giving our boys and young men
the kinds of supports and the kinds of challenges and the kind of cultural identity that would
allow them to be the kind of man that they would
want to date, mate and marry later on in life.
And they're often opposed to, to some kind of distinctive vision of masculinity for fear
that that might be, you know, misogynistic or inegalitarian or whatnot.
Again, I'm not saying we have to go back to the 1950s or the 1550s, right?
But I do think we're not gonna make progress, Chris,
unless and until we can kind of tell young men
that yeah, you have some unique gifts you bring to,
you know, to relationships and family life
and to the broader society.
And we want you to cultivate those gifts
and we're gonna honor you for, you know,
making an effort to be a good guy.
And then interesting that, you know,
when Title IX got introduced about 50 years ago, a lot of what was lauded as the sort of traits that women should take on were
drive, agency, independence, desire for mastery and sort of conquer and upward
mobility and all of that stuff.
And, you know, lo and behold, 50 years comes along, the glass ceiling has
been fully fucking blown off. And they're now right now, you know, lo and behold, 50 years comes along, the glass ceiling has been
fully fucking blown off and they're now rising up.
And when you hear a lot of the advice from similar sorts of places now for
men, it's the opposite, it's your problem is your masculinity, your problem is
your desire for master and concrete and self agency.
And really, if you were able to be more like,
look at the girls, look at how nice and placid
and agreeable, but hardworking and conscientious,
look at them.
Like if you were just less masculine,
your main problem with your masculinity is your masculinity.
And if you were just a little bit more feminine,
if you were a little bit more female with it,
despite the fact that that was the road,
precisely the roadmap that
kind of got women out of the issue that they were in only half a century ago.
So I want to say something that's sort of, I hope appropriately nuanced here.
So on the one hand, what, one of the things that I find in my book is that
women who are married to men, they rate as better providers, Chris, and also is more protective,
are more happily married. And so I think these would kind of correspond roughly to what we'd
sort of classically associate with kind of pro-social masculinity, being a good provider and
being protective of your, in this case, your wife. Um, and I, for instance, talking to the book about there's one moment
she was, she was in a subway, um, it was late at night, they've been out,
you know, dating and on a date and, um, the subway was emptying out.
And finally it was just this couple and then some sketchy guy.
And as the subway moves from one station to the next, this guy approaches
and, you know, demands their money.
And her boyfriend at that point stood up and put himself between the sketchy guy and the woman.
And protected her. Thankfully the next station was pretty crowded. They just darted out and they
were fine. But she said that was kind of a bookmark moment for her. That this guy was willing to kind
of put his own body between her and this guy and was clearly
kind of protective in the right kind of way. So again, kind of having a husband or a boyfriend
who's protective and is capable of providing financially in meaningful ways is still very
much valued in the 21st century. But I also find in my chapter on gender that having what I call a
husband who pays attention, so it's three P's, it's about providing, protecting,
and paying attention, both emotionally and practically,
to you as a woman and to your kids when you have kids,
was also super predictive of her flourishing,
intermarriage, be she on the left or on the right.
And so I think we have to sort of realize
that there are some ways in which this contemporary moment, I think is better.
Um, we do expect men to do more in contemporary families than was
the case for our grandfathers.
That's good.
But I think the challenge is we don't have a, a kind of enough regard for the
ways in which, um, you know, even women themselves, when they're kind of asked
questions about what makes them happy, when they're kind of asked questions about
what makes them happy in their marriage, are kind of revealing that having a guy who's
in some ways more classically masculine is still, you know, a benefit for them.
I remember reading a study about, maybe it was women who imagined their partner, there
being some sort of altercation, like the one that you spoke about and then imagining them not
standing up and not protecting them.
And it is, I think it was more destructive to attraction than infidelity.
So you're actually better off cheating on your partner than you are not standing
up for her when somebody comes up to try and take her purse.
Right.
And obviously my point is like, yeah, be faithful, but also,
that's another justification to be like, Hey, I'm going to sleep with your best friend.
But I did stop that guy from stealing your purse yesterday.
Exactly.
But, but again, I think, and the problem here, right, is that we don't do enough,
you know, of basically encouraging, like, so I was raised by a single mom, Chris,
right?
And so I didn't have a father kind of like giving me like the, you know, you
know, all that sort of wisdom about how to treat a woman or treat a girl.
Right.
One of the things that kind of surprised me in talking to women for my book was
that I can't tell you how many women said that they really appreciate it when a
guy would, when they're walking on a sidewalk, like in a, you know, some kind of urban context or some kind of like, you know, they're out about town, right?
They appreciate it when the guy takes the street side of the sidewalk and kind of keeps them on
the inside portion of the sidewalk. I'd never heard that, right? Before interviewing these women,
but it was like a reoccurring theme. But it's just one way again of like, the guy is sort of,
again, it's like the guy is sort of, is basically physically expressing his kind of, you know, desire to be protective.
And, and the women that I spoke to, and again, on both left and the right kind
of appreciated that, that kind of, uh, more chivalrous behavior in the part
of their boyfriends and husbands.
Yeah.
It's interesting.
Um, just thinking about what are the underlying fundamental traits that this is talking about.
So I guess cheating is seen as a betrayal of trust, but it doesn't actually indicate
weakness.
It doesn't indicate cowardice in quite the same way.
Again, we're not saying that it's got to be one or the other here.
Right.
And let me know what's interesting too, is that one
moment I spoke to also mentioned that, you know, recently successful
woman living in the, in the Rockies that when she came home in the evenings
to her apartment, that she would kind of, she was somewhat afraid she kind of,
you know, look around, look in the closet and things like that.
And, and her kind of comments just reminded me that, you know, when you
talk and kind of survey women more generally, they're much more likely to be concerned about
their physical safety than guys are. And for good reason, obviously as well. Right. And so I think
we, again, in this kind of modern world that we live in, we don't talk about that that much.
Right. But I just think that, again, like women are more attentive to their physical safety.
that again, like women are more attentive to their physical safety.
And given that, you know, having a boyfriend or, or a husband who kind of is attentive to that as well and can kind of, you know, stand in the breach
if need be is definitely appreciated.
So I learned from you that young men are more likely to end up in prison or jail
in the U S than they are to graduate from college if they're raised in a non intact family setup.
Do you think that this men's session thing that we're dealing with at the moment
could perhaps be due to a disproportionate impact of broken homes on boys versus girls?
So, um, I do think certainly one of the reasons why young men are floundering in today's world
is that they're less likely to have, you know, um, a married dad in the picture than was
the case, you know, 40 or 50 years ago or 60 years ago.
Um, so yeah, that's certainly, I think part of the, you know, the, the dynamic we're seeing
and it's, you know, it was like the most surprising statistic for me in the book
for looking at kids was just again, that we do see today, as you mentioned, that
boys are more likely to land in prison or in jail today, if they're raised outside
of intact, you know, household, um, then they are to graduate from college.
It's a pretty striking, at least for me, statistic.
Um, but we do see even kind of for boys who are hailing from intact, you know, married families,
they're more likely to be floundering than their sisters are, you know. So that's part,
I think, of the dynamic we're talking about today in terms of the relative problems that
boys and men are having, but it's not the only factor in play as well.
With this tall girl problem of socioeconomically successful women
struggling to find a equivalently or more socioeconomically successful
partner is the stay at home dad model, a workable solution.
Can we just pivot the flip the dynamic in that way?
Yeah.
You know, it's interesting, Chris.
I think there are certain, I mean, I know plenty of guys who have, you know, been
successfully, you know, at home for periods of time while their wife is out
working, um, to provide financially for the family and I've done fine.
Right.
But at scale, Chris, the answer is no.
And the reason I say that it's both in my book, I do find that for married moms,
they're less happy
when their husbands are at home, you know, as stay at home dads, than women whose husbands
are employed full time.
We also know that when it comes to divorce, when women lose their jobs, no effect on the
risk of getting divorced.
When men lose their jobs, their risk of divorce goes up 33%.
So it tells us that, you know, again, even today, there's a way in
which providing is still coded, you know, more, more masculine.
And then the other thing too, is that in the average marriage, even when guys are
at home, they're just not as attentive to all the kind of details and nuances of kids' schedules
and of kind of keeping the home as sort of clean and well functioning as the average
wife would like it to be.
And so what often happens is that when the wife is the primary earner or the sole earner,
she feels like her husband isn't doing his share when it comes to kind of managing the household
and also kind of managing the kids' lives.
And the other thing that's interesting here too, Chris, is that what my book shows is
that there's been a lot of talk about kind of the rising number of female breadwinners
out there in today's world.
But people haven't really kind of focused on how it's incredibly stratified.
And what I mean by that is that we're seeing that sort of female dominated, you
know, breadwinner households are overwhelmingly working class and poor kind
of pattern and upper middle class and upper class households are much more
likely either to kind of have roughly, you know, similar earnings between mom and dad, or to have dads kind of leading
out when it comes to their earnings.
And what do you see in general?
You see, obviously, upper middle-class, upper-class homes, much more marriage,
much more stable marriage.
Because again, I think we still associate for, you know, a number of important reasons,
I think we still associate for a number of important reasons, bread winning with men and marriage and family stability.
So again, at scale, I don't see trying to have large numbers of men stay at home and
care for their kids as being a good way of handling the challenges we're facing now. We's also interesting that we have some new work at IFS and super family
studies, kind of just showing that there's this kind of continuing gap.
And you look at who's getting married today, Chris, even though women are
outperforming men educationally, it's still the case that when you look at
who's getting married, you know, men are way more likely to be earning more
money than their, you know, newly married, you know, their spouse.
Oh, okay.
So in that way, do you think that the decline in marriage rates
could be laid at the feet of economically less desirable men?
Right.
And so I think what we have seen also,
you know, there's a new piece for Richard Reeves group,
showing that almost all of the recent decline in marriage
is among less educated women, not college educated women.
And what's fascinating about the college educated women is that even when they're
marrying guys who are less educated than they are, they tend to be marrying guys
who have good income.
So they're marrying, you know, cops, firemen, guys in the trades, you know.
So they're kind of picking the cream of the crop, you know, financially, even
when these guys don't have the same kind of educational credential
that they do.
Right.
And so the fact is that we're seeing a lot of guys who don't have as much education,
they're doing less well in the labor force.
So one statistic that I find in my book, for instance, is about one in four prime age guys
who don't have a college degree are not working full time.
Of course, that's a huge issue financially and otherwise, and would be one reason why or prime age guys who don't have a college degree are not working full time.
Of course, that's a huge issue financially and otherwise, and would be one reason why we're seeing kind of, you know, less marriage in working class and poor
communities in the U.S.
And the same thing is true for the UK as well.
Yeah.
Why you mentioned to me about the South Korean election with a twist.
Why do you think that's a good analogy to draw?
To Trump you were saying?
Yeah.
So, um, what we saw obviously in South Korea in the most recent presidential
election was just that, um, the more conservative candidate managed to kind
of win the election because he got a lot of younger men who had turned kind of in a more conservative direction, more anti-feminist direction to vote
for him. And what's fascinating about sort of South Korean case, I think as well as in part
the American case is that it looks like when young men are floundering and they're feeling
they're not really doing that well, like in school and in the workplace, they're more likely to
identify with a kind of anti-feminist or kind of hyper-masculine
ideology, a kind of Andrew Tate ideology, if you will. And I think that helps to explain why
South Korea turned to the right among young men in the recent election. Of course, the young women
in South Korea were kind of turning to the left culturally. And we saw, you know, kind of a similar dynamic playing out here in the US to some extent in the most recent elections where, you know,
young men voted, one survey found 56% young men voted for Trump and by contrast, 58% voted for
Harris. And this is kind of emblematic too of the way in which I think a lot of young men are kind of
which I think a lot of young men are kind of frustrated with their performance in school, their performance in the workplace.
And it makes them gravitate sometimes to a more kind of anti-feminist or hyper-masculine
ideology.
And they would certainly see that in some ways, I think, with parts of the MAGA coalition,
including Trump himself.
Yeah.
Well, a lot of people thought that the rise of black votes, immigrant vote, Hispanic vote, single vote would fuel the democratic sort of coalition,
the emerging democratic majority.
How come it didn't work out that way?
Do you think?
Well, in part because, you know, larger numbers of black men and especially
Hispanic men, you know, voted for Donald Trump.
And some of that dynamic is about, again, you know, younger guys who are kind of
finding it difficult to, you know, find a good footing or a foothold in the
economy and society, um, and even I think relationally, you know, and worrying
about their prospects as breadwinners and potential husbands down the road. And so they kind of find, you know, Trump's message, just both more macho and also much more directed towards men, you know, as appealing.
I think that's part of why we, we saw, you know, Trump win a majority
of the voters in this round.
Yeah.
Well, it wasn't it.
Trump's success was really, you know, it was a big success.
And so, you know, I think that of, uh, the voters in this round.
Yeah. Well, it wasn't it.
Trump's success was really, uh, it was pretty much everywhere.
Like his, uh, 46% of women voted for Trump, 55% of white women voted for
Donald Trump, 45% supported Kamala Harris.
So yeah, I mean, it's certainly the case that, you know, it wasn't just
the gender dynamics that we're talking about today that were in play for Trump.
I think there was also kind of a real sense that, you know, obviously the
cost of living and inflation had been pretty high under Biden.
So there are a number of different factors kind of driving the Trump story.
But I think certainly part of the story here is that, you know, men have
gravitated towards Trump and moved towards the right, including black and
Latino men to some important extent.
And they've done so in part because they feel, Tyler Cohen wrote about this last
summer, he talked about the vibe shift, you know, before Trump was elected,
because he was already kind of anticipating this vibe shift.
And he was kind of arguing that one reason the vibe is shifting again, is
that too many guys feel like they're, um, they're not doing well.
They feel like women are dominating, you know, their institutions, their
workplace, their schools, et cetera.
And they look at, you know, at Trump and Republicans as, you know, vehicles for,
um, you know, boosting the fortunes of men in today's America.
Yeah.
Another really shocking stat Trump gained support among every racial
group, except for white people where he lost 1%.
Wild.
Right.
Super wild.
I mean, look, it's another case, I think of rules for the, but not for me, or the
sort of talking left, but walking
right or the luxury beliefs thing from Rob Henderson, it's, it's largely, um,
the rubber meeting the road with this stuff.
Okay.
What's actually going to happen when my, uh, my potential future is on the line.
Am I going to behave or vote or procreate or design my household or have,
you know, move forward in my career in the way that seems to be fashionable?
Or am I going to do something that, I don't know,
ultimately people sort of vote with their efforts.
And it seems like, I don't know,
a little bit of a falling away of the able to say this while doing something else.
I don't know how long that can continue to go for.
Right.
And I do think, you know, one of the more hopeful signs is that I would.
Look for from the center left is just kind of a growing willingness to sort of
speak, you know, simple truths that have been kind of hidden for a while, just
because they would like to kind of re-engage
their possibilities of speaking to the broader electorate.
We have seen, for instance, pieces in the Atlantic recently on the importance of cities
taking a harder line when it comes to public safety.
I think this is kind of the kind of thing that the left needs to do if it wants to kind
of move back to the center and have a greater shot at, you know, again, winning a
majority for the next presidential election and just elections in general as well.
What is most interesting from a research perspective over the next couple of
years for you, what are you going to be focused on?
Yeah.
The big question I'm thinking about is whether or not, uh, it's not just that
marriage matters, Chris, but that it might matter more than ever for both kids and
for adults.
And what I mean by that is that, um, I think in a world that's more
technologically distracted in a world, it's more economically unequal and a
world where a lot of our core civic institutions are weaker now than they
used to be, it could be the case that, you know, getting married and having a
family for adults is more valuable emotionally and socially and financially.
And then for kids as well, because
especially nowadays when dads are more engaged with their kids. So the point is again, that having
like a spouse having a family could matter more than ever for our, you know, adult men and women.
And then also for our kids. And I've already seen this with kids and college graduation, for instance,
we're seeing that the link between having an intact family and graduating from a college is stronger for millennials than it was for
boomers.
So I'm just exploring the possibility empirically that on some key outcomes,
you might be finding in the near future that again, having a family, getting
married, staying married could be more valuable in a world that in some ways is
more precarious now than it was, you know, 30, 40 or 50 years ago.
Interesting stuff. Well, I look forward to seeing what you discover. Brad Wilco know, 30, 40, or 50 years ago. Interesting stuff.
Well, I look forward to seeing what you discover.
Brad Wilcox, ladies and gentlemen, where should people go?
They want to keep up to date with everything that you do.
So familystudies.org has a lot of interesting stuff from my colleagues at
IFS and family studies, and then I'm on Twitter at Brad Wilcox, IFS.
Heck yeah.
Brad, I appreciate you until next time.
Okay.
Thanks Chris.
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