Morning Wire - Inside the Groyper Campaign: What James Fishback's Florida Flop Reveals
Episode Date: August 29, 2026Daily Wire managing editor Dylan Houseman returns to Behind the Story to break down his on-the-ground reporting from James Fishback's failed Florida gubernatorial primary bid. Houseman traces how Fish...back built an online following through anti-Israel, anti-AIPAC rhetoric that dog-whistled to Nick Fuentes' "Groyper" movement, then travels to two very different campaign events — a rural church rally full of ordinary populist voters barely mentioning Israel, and an election-night party packed with young out-of-state Groypers who traveled in as if on pilgrimage. Host Tim Rice and Houseman dig into what the split says about whether online extremism actually translates into electoral power, why Byron Donalds' strategy of simply ignoring Fishback may be a smarter model for Republicans dealing with provocateurs, and whether this youth energy fades with age or gets absorbed — and tempered — by the institutions these kids eventually join. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
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Download the pray.com app today. Hello, I'm Tim Rice. Welcome to another edition.
of Behind the Story.
Joining me today is repeat guest,
my friend and colleague,
Daily Wire, managing editor Dylan Hausman.
Dylan, twice in two weeks, man.
I wouldn't have had you back
right one after the other
if this story wasn't really worth it,
but it really is.
So thanks for being here.
Glad to be back to,
it is one of the burdens
of writing regular bangers
is that sometimes you've got to do
the show twice in a row,
but, you know,
that's just the burden I bear.
So speaking of the bangers, and you do write them so frequently, there are many, but this one in
particular is titled, Here Lie the Groypers, a dispatch from podcastistan. And this one took you a little bit out
of your comfort zone and out of the swamp. Tell us first, just broadly, what the piece was about.
Yeah, we can start 30,000 feet above the swamps of Florida. I went from the swamps of D.C.
the swamps of Florida, literally, down into Everglade-ish country.
And people might recall that there was a governor election, a governor primary election last
week in Florida.
They might also recall that there was this fellow named James Fishback, who was running
for governor in the Republican primary.
And the short version of who James Fishback is, is that he launched his campaign,
running very aggressively against Israel, running against APEC, at various times running against
the Jews.
more explicitly, he was really dog whistling with very specific turns phrase and messaging
towards the Nick Fuentes crowd. The Grypers is what they call themselves, hence the title of the
piece. He was talking about there being goy slop, being fed to the kids at school cafeterias,
which is, you know, obviously an anti-Semitic dog whistle. Is it even a dog whistle actually
at that point? I guess it's not. No, I don't think door. It's more of a whistle.
It's more of a shout, a dog shout. Yeah, anti-Semitic whistle. And yeah, he ran this very
online, you know, targeted at these very young men streamer watching anti-Semitic, anti-Israel,
anti-A-PAC folks, and gained a lot of attention on the internet as a result.
Over the course of his campaign, he kind of shifted somewhat.
He still maintained a lot of that base, but he also started running in a more traditional
kind of populist manner. I would say he was talking a lot about data centers.
He lately started talking a lot about flock. He, you know, wanted to return to old Florida
as he put it, very harsh on immigration, on H-1B visas.
So ran this kind of populous nationalist campaign,
but it very much began with this anti-Israel, anti-Apaq,
anti-Jewish at times,
messaging that got all of the online kind of, you know,
alt-right types really into him.
And so I wanted to go down to Florida to see
how does this translate into the real world.
You know, this gets a ton of attention online.
People are fighting on Twitter about it.
They're fighting on Instagram about it.
There's all these snipes back and forth.
between the various camps of the right and the online sphere.
But most of these guys that have run for office this way as basically, you know,
online provocateurs tried to just get attention by being racist and anti-Semitic on the internet.
Most of them have flamed out completely when they actually run for anything.
They don't really go anywhere.
Fishback was a little different in the sense that he was running a real campaign.
He wasn't able to raise much money, but he had some volunteers.
He was doing a ton of campaign stops.
He was taking the, he got one on Tucker Carlson, people might remember, and got a big boost from that.
got backed by Nick Flintes, so he had the, you know, alternative media support fully in his
corner. And so I was like, okay, to the extent that any of these people are serious in their
attempts to run for office, Fishback, in a way, he's not a serious person, as we can discuss more
later. But in a way, he was running a more serious campaign than most of these other kind of
provocateurs. So I wanted to go down there, talk to some of his supporters, go to some of his
events. I actually ended up talking to him himself at one of his events, and kind of observe what
these people were about, do they exist in real life? What are the Groyper's look like outside their
basements, that type of thing? Before we get further into the Groybers, and you already said all this,
but this was just my favorite part of the piece, so I'm going to, I'm going to quote directly from it.
Fishback, uh, he launched his campaign with inflammatory Twitter tirades about Israel and A-Pack.
He secured endorsements from both Tucker Carlson and Fentes. He frequently lobbied racist attacks
against this opponent, Byron Donald's, but the critical difference from other Groyper Grifters was the act
of running a real campaign.
He made dozens of stops in the closing days of the campaign alone,
had a strong digital operation,
an organized group of real volunteers,
and is a gifted communicator
when he isn't triggered into telling a black voter they should be lynched.
Yeah, that is, I was hoping people would get the reference,
if I included it in the piece.
He literally told a black voter at one of his campaign stops,
because he, one step back,
Fishback was credibly accused of dating a 17-year-old.
I don't know if it was ever adjudicated 100%,
but we can go with,
incredibly accused. And somebody asked him about this at a campaign event, a black man. And he told him he should be lynched for asking him this question. So that's like an example of, you know, just so people think this isn't like, oh, you know, pearl clutching, this guy's a racist. Now, he's very actually racist. Yeah. There's no, there's no two ways about that all the time. And so, but, but as I said of the piece in the line you just read, very talented communicator and speaker when he's not being completely unhinged. Like, you do have to hand it to him in that sense.
All right. So you get down to the swamps of Florida. You got down what? It was two days before.
I got there Monday morning. I went Monday night to his final speech of his campaign, which was down again in kind of the swampish country down in South Florida.
And then I went to his campaign watch party, rally, victory party, as he would have called it, whatever you want to call it, on Tuesday night on actual election day.
All right. So just walk us through. You get down there. Just start walking us through your experience.
in the land of the grovers.
Yeah, so the first thing I did, I flew to Orlando.
I knew that Byron Donald was going to be in Orlando on Tuesday for his election night event.
I was hoping to potentially catch up with him if I was able to.
I knew fishback was going to be a tampon, which is about an hour and a half down the road.
So I fly into Orlando, I don't know exactly what I'm going to do first, but then I find out about his closing speech.
It's happening later that night.
It's about three hours dry from where I was in a very rural town, a town of about 7,000 people.
So I drove the three hours from Orlando.
It was being held at this church.
The, I believe it was the turning point.
Church of God was the name of the church.
Really out in the middle of nowhere, very rural area, as I said.
I get there.
I see fish back in the parking lot, helping his volunteers, bring signs into the church and stuff.
This is probably at 45 minutes before he started.
Only a handful of people there at that point.
I walk into the church.
I see the pastor of the church who I looked up before getting there to see, you know,
if he was going to be directly involved with this, what his deal was.
find out he was a fishback supporter.
So I went into the church, went to talk to the pastor.
He was very forthcoming with me.
And the first thing I noticed was that,
and I don't know his exact age,
but I'd peg him as,
he had a 21-year-old son.
I'd peg him as being, you know,
Gen X, probably,
not a full boomer,
but, you know, an older guy.
And he sounded very much like a typical
kind of populist Trump voter in many ways.
You know, he talked about data centers.
He talked about immigration.
He also talked about taxes.
He wasn't big, you know,
he's an economic.
conservative. He didn't want to pay a lot of taxes. Want somebody who cut taxes, things like that.
Didn't talk about Israel at all. Didn't talk about the Jews. None of these kind of conspiracy,
you know, racist, bizarre online things that like the Nick Flintos types are into. None of that
was present in this conversation. And so that was my first thing I noticed. I actually asked him
about Israel at one point in the conversation because I was like, you know, James, he got a lot of
attention with his anti-Israel rhetoric. But I'm just curious, like, as a pastor and a supporter of
his like, where you stand on that. And he said he was pro-Israel.
And notably, as I noted in the piece, his church had foreign flags lining the side of it.
I did a little research, and this seems to be something within his denomination that's kind of a common thing, that it's kind of, you know, they view themselves as a global kind of entity to some degree.
And so there were flags lining the church.
And one of them was the Israeli flag.
It was actually the one all the way at the front directly next to James Fishback while he was giving his speech.
I got a photo of him with the Israeli flag in the frame.
He was 20 feet away from it.
And so he was pro-Israel.
I noticed that, thought that was weird.
He said his son introduced him to James Fishback.
So then I talked to his son.
His son knew him from working with him at this nonprofit that he used to run years ago,
where he was helping, you know, do like debate club training for like teenagers,
which connected into the 17-year-old dating situation.
But again, we don't have to get that rabbit hole.
But he met him through his son.
His son was a fan, again, didn't mention anything about the Israel stuff, the Jews, any of that stuff.
And then, you know, we went inside.
He was about to give the speech.
Before the speech, I started talking to a few other people.
Again, nobody was talking about the Jews.
No, I went talking about Israel.
It was an older crowd, more millennial in Gen X than like the young men who you would think will be watching Nick Vlintez all day.
And they were talking about, again, normal kind of populist issues, data centers, flock,
wanting to reign in immigration, wanting to get a lot of affordability talk as well, a lot of talk about cost of living and wanting to get the economy in a better state than it is.
and nobody was talking about these crazy online things.
The only person who did bring up the kind of Groyper stuff at this event was one campaign volunteer,
who I sat next to and talked to.
And he was the younger guy.
I think he was 21, if I recall correctly.
And he said, yeah, he had gestured to the Israeli flag, which is actually how I noticed it was in the room.
I hadn't even seen it yet.
He gestured to the Israeli flag and was like, yeah, I do have feelings about that flag, you know, over there.
but like the Israel thing is really just a broken record at this point.
And I was like, what do you mean by that?
And he's like, well, you know, we've said what we want about it.
Like people know where we stand and people that just obsessively talk only about it all the time.
You know, it's kind of cringe.
It's kind of a waste of time.
Like it gets old.
There are other things that we need to be talking about.
They're important like the other issues we had discussed.
I asked him what his media diet was.
He very openly told me, I listen to Nick Fuentes.
I listen to Tucker Carlson.
He had a very online Gen Z media diet, I would say.
And again, Tucker Carlson talks about Israel every single episode.
Nick Fuentes virulently anti-Israel.
But this kid was like, yeah, like, I have those opinions.
Fishback has those opinions, but like we don't want to obsess over it.
So that was the crux of the interesting observations from the first night at the church.
And I guess I should close on the last point that Fishback in his speech did not talk about Israel at all, really.
He had one reference to A-PAC, if I recall correctly.
I think he mentioned A-PAC once in the speech, didn't mention Israel by name.
I actually caught up with him after the speech and asked him,
why are you talking about Israel and A-PAC so much less?
And he was like, well, I am still talking about it,
but, you know, I want to talk about the issues that matter to Floridians
and talk about other things as well, blah, blah.
And last tidbit about this night, I guess, actually,
before we move on to the next step is as soon as I got done talking to fishback,
I spent a few minutes with him, talk to him.
I asked him the question of why he's not talking about Israel in APEC as much.
He moves on to go handshake with his supporters.
And a gentleman walks up to me who was older, who I wanted to talk to already,
because he seemed like an interesting guy based on his actions throughout the night.
And he walks up to me and introduces himself and said, the first thing out of his mouth is,
yeah, the Israel thing is dead.
We're not talking about that anymore.
I was like, what are you?
Who are you?
What is this?
And he revealed himself to be an outside.
side advisor to the fishback campaign who said that he would never support an anti-Israel candidate
because Israel is the chosen people of God and the ideologically, you know, we can't oppose Israel.
And he was a Florida political operator who would start advising the fishback campaign, you know,
about a month and a half to two months prior and said, yeah, I told James to cut that out, essentially.
Like no more of the anti-Israel stuff. It's stupid.
And he's like, I don't think James Fishback is anti-Israel or else I wouldn't be advising his campaign.
I was like, okay, man, interesting tank.
But that was a very interesting conversation.
So you go to this kind of his swan song rally, right?
The last rally of the campaign.
It's closing arguments.
It's closing arguments.
And you're thinking, okay, this is, he's not talking about Israel.
There seem to be some adults in the room.
This, if it looks like a political campaign and it quacks like a political campaign,
like my God, might Jimmy Fishback pull it off?
and then came election day, and the crowd at the Fishback Victory Party was a beast of a different nature.
Tell us about that.
Yes, I, you know, we all knew that Fishback wasn't going to win.
He was polling, you know, in the high single digits most polls.
You know, maybe he gets 10%, 15%, but we knew he wasn't going to win.
And so, you know, I'd come down here, wanted to see these crazy supporters.
And after this first event, I'm thinking to myself, maybe my premise was wrong here.
Like maybe there are none of these people in the real world.
And like I'm not going to get to talk to any of them.
And even Fishback himself isn't really talking about this stuff anymore.
Like maybe, maybe I kind of missed the boat on this.
And he, you know, this is just going to flame out and not be that interesting.
Not the case.
I drove back to Orlando.
Tuesday night comes.
I swing by the Byron Donald's election party briefly.
Say hello to a few folks there.
Then I make the hour and a half drive to Tampa and get there at about.
about 7.30 to 8-ish.
And this is after the polls had closed.
It was already clear that he was losing.
The results were sufficiently in that show that he was not going to win.
He ended up winning about 10% of the vote.
It's at the airport Hilton, I believe, pick your big hotel chain.
It was an airport hotel.
And I believe it was Hilton.
I show up, walk in.
There's no kind of signage or volunteers really anywhere.
I go back to the, I finally followed the scream of young kids in suits and dresses, as I put it in the piece, that were kind of mingling about the hotel.
I kind of followed them like breadcrumbs back to where this big ballroom is, and I see the event.
I walk past the credential table, to the extent that it existed, nobody stopped me.
I just walked into the event, started taking the measure of the room.
And this was where you saw the Groyper's in full effect.
This crowd, unlike the previous night's crowd, which was old.
or more kind of rural, I would say normal Americans, so to speak, real Americans who I, even if I
don't agree with them about James Fishback, I could have some similar concerns to them and, you know,
crack a beer with them and have a good time. This was a bunch, this looked like a prom after party.
This was a bunch of kids that looked like they're about 20 years old, dressed to the nines,
to the level that a 20-year-old can dress to the nines. And they were very much talking about
Israel and the Jews and all of these things much more openly. And so I talked to some
the folks there, again, got the vibe that these were the actual Groyper's, but the thing that was
interesting to me there, one of the things is that the people that were most worried about Israel
and were attracted to the Israel stuff and the A-PAC stuff and racism and the edge lordness
and all that stuff were people that were not, by and large, from Florida. There were people
who had come from other places to, you know, I think as I put it in the piece to kind of
pilgrimage, it seemed like, that they thought James Fishback was like the, the
leader of this movement and they needed to come pay honor to him. So it was, it was interesting that
the people that were actually his constituents potentially seemed less concerned with it. But that
was where I saw all these kids who were the Nick Fuentes types. And even then, even there,
there was some degree of, I would say, confusion and kind of a disconnect between fishback's rhetoric
and who was supporting him. Because even there, I talked to a couple people. I noted in the piece,
there was this black girl, a teenager who had volunteered for the campaign who said that she liked
Fishback because she was pro-life and was a Christian, and he was strongly pro-life, and he made
religion a big thing of his campaign.
And she had just seen a social media clip of him talking about abortion and Christianity
and stuff, and that's how she got to know him.
And I asked her, I said, you know, a lot of people think James Fishback is racist.
And do you think he's racist?
And she said, well, we all have our moments, right?
But I don't think he would be so nice to me if you're a racist.
And I was like, that's an interesting answer.
That's an interesting answer.
But yeah, that crowd is very different.
And confirmed to me two things.
One, the Groypers are real.
And in a sense, they do exist in the real world.
They can get out.
They can vote.
They can volunteer to do these things.
But two, they're not, in my opinion, an electorally significant piece of the puzzle.
That was kind of big, been the,
broader debate here amongst Republicans is like, do we need to give in any area to these kids
who are crazy on the internet? Because if we don't, are we going to lose elections if they don't
vote for us? And my conclusion from this experiment is no, because I just don't think there's
enough of them in numbers. Even if all 10% of James Fishback's voters were like this,
then it may be a debate, but they're not, as I learned. So that's one takeaway.
The second takeaway, and you and I talked about this actually when I got back, is like,
there's a youthful energy to this that is real, but it also is the type of thing that tends to fade and evolve over time, in my opinion.
We've all, you know, all of us that are in D.C.
have been involved in politics from a young age have gone to these conventions and these conferences as, you know, high schoolers and college kids and early adults where you are super jazzed about all these new ideas and these new figures and this energy.
and your movement. And like, it usually just doesn't pan out that way. Like the adults in the room
usually still end up being the ones driving the ship. And the youth insurgency, you know, if the youth
insurgency was real, Ron Paul would have been president. And if the youth insurgency was real,
you would have seen a very different, even in this term of Trump, you would have seen a very different
policy platform, I would say, for Trump in a second term. If this youth insurgency was real
and actually taking over the party.
And so, you know, I came away from it not as concerned about this movement, I would say, as I may have previous to them.
So I think that's fair.
And I think for those of us who, you know, are, share your sentiments and are also happy that, you know,
Groopers do not represent the future of the Republican Party.
This is welcome news.
But, you know, these kids aren't going anywhere.
Nick Fuentes isn't going anywhere.
James Fishback certainly isn't going anywhere. I mean, I guess the two questions are,
what do you think happens next, right? What do you think happens, I suppose, in between now and
2028? And is it possible that something could happen that would actually make them more
electorally relevant, right? Like, and is it maybe more of these candidates, more of these
Grooper adjacent candidates following James Fishback's example and trying to actually run real
campaigns while also, you know, being racist and anti-Semitic.
Yeah, I think there's two things that really come to mind on this question.
The first is that these people, these smart ones will moderate to some degree and the dumb ones
will continue to be crazy and they'll flame out.
But they will moderate.
And we saw that with Fishbacks campaign himself.
He ran for close to a year.
And at the beginning of that year, he was talking a very, you know, outlandish way.
And over time, as that outside advisor, you know, poignantly put it to me, he evolved, you could say.
And he started running in a more traditionally populist, you know, Trump-like way than as crazy as he was at the beginning.
And I would even say someone like Nick Flintes, if you observe his rhetoric a little more closely, in the past year or so, I would say he has started to get, and I want to be clear, I'm not saying he's actually changed his underlying views.
I have no way of knowing that.
I would assume not.
But to the degree that his rhetoric represents what he is pushing,
he's like outflanked people like Tucker and Candace from the same side.
Like he asserted to call those types of people crazy and point out times when they're being outlandish and ridiculous.
And I think there's very clearly a tactical move by him.
And he's the person that all of these people look up to and kind of take their cues from.
There's a clear effort by him to at least be like, I'm not a insane.
I'm not Candice of it.
Like, I'm not out there.
I'm not Tucker Carlson who's talking about Israel every single episode.
He's starting to kind of triangulate back a little bit more towards the middle in a way with a lot of his rhetoric and what he's been talking about lately.
And again, I don't think that means he's changed his views at all.
But I think it represents an acknowledgement and an understanding that like being an insane, I don't know if I'm allowed to curse on this show.
Well, you can try.
Yeah.
Being it, the idea that being just like an unhinged poster on the internet as your, as your political.
platform is like actually a way to attain power. There's clearly a recognition that that's not
the move that's happening. So that's the first thing I would say. The second thing I would say is that a lot of
this is going to depend on like the institutions within D.C. and within politics. A lot of these kids
who I talk to at the second event are the type of kids that are going to end up being interns on
the Capitol Hill. There are types of kids that are going to end up in like research assistant
positions at think tanks and at media companies and things like that in a few years once they get
college. The types of kids, you know, large, a lot of them that are going to get kind of
absorbed into the political apparatus. And I think it's going to depend a lot. And we've seen
this happen with places like Heritage, for instance, when they had the whole Tucker Carlson
brouhaha with Kevin Roberts and all that. It's going to be up to these institutions when those
kind of inflection points happen to make clear where they stand on some of these key issues
and to not succumb to what the, what they perceive to be the hot thing of the moment. Because
if you do have the heritage foundations and the, you know, pick your media companies of the world
and the Senate offices of the Republican Party and all these institutions that these kids filter into,
if they all start to be like, well, I guess we kind of have to give it to the groupers a little bit.
That is where the energy is.
I guess we're going to give in and maybe we'll be a little bit anti-Semitic or maybe we'll,
maybe we'll turn on Israel a little bit.
Maybe we'll be a little bit racist.
Like if that starts to happen, then the kids won't grow up because they don't need to.
But if these institutions do kind of maintain a firm line of like, yes, you may have been a little out there in college, whatever.
We don't want to cancel you.
But like if you come here to work at this think tank or at this, you know, in the Senate office or whatever, like, there's an expectation you're going to grow up and like being adult now politically.
If that happens, then I think this stuff kind of naturally filters out.
But that's a big if, I don't know.
I mean, I think the other thing that could come into play and it's less of an active correction than what you just described.
obviously, well, it'll be obvious when I say it.
But one thing that really struck me about this whole campaign was just how little
Byron Donald's engaged with the most extreme rhetoric from Fischback.
And I was, I was constantly impressed.
I like Byron Donald's.
I think he's a great politician.
I think he's very good at this, obviously.
I think, you know, he handily won.
I think it's reasonable to assume he'll be the next governor of Florida.
But he really at no point, and that's rare these days, right?
everyone punches back and punches down.
And if someone gives you a nickname, you give them a nickname back, right?
I mean, it's what's made politics at times a little bit more entertaining, but generally,
really insufferable is everyone's meaming at each other and the Democrats are doing it to
Trump and Trump's doing it back.
And at some point, it's just so exhausting.
But Byron Donald did the rare thing of he, I mean, he engaged with him.
He criticized them on the merits.
And I believe a handful of times, you know, in response to the,
some of the more extreme racist comments that fishback made,
I think maybe once or twice Donald said something,
but otherwise he pretty much just ignored him,
went about running his campaign.
And I think that,
I don't know if that will motivate anyone to change
or if it will inspire any candidates to follow Donald's lead in the future.
But I do think it was an important campaign.
I think the way that he ran the campaign was very important for this moment
because he showed that you still can succeed in,
especially in Republican primaries without necessarily giving into the kind of like drag down
bare knuckle, just like game of constant insults and who can be the meaner meany to their opponent.
Yeah, I'm glad you mentioned that because that is a very important piece of the story.
And I had hoped to talk to Byron at one point in the process of doing the story.
And he was just very busy with election night stuff, obviously.
So it didn't pan out.
But I did talk to some people around him leading up to the election and then on election night.
And it was a very, you're right, he basically ignored him almost entirely throughout the campaign.
And, you know, the people who I talked to were like, yeah, that's a very deliberate choice.
Because one, on just a personal level, like Byron is black man and having a guy make constant tax on him about his race and use racial epithets towards him is not something he is going to want to dignify.
Right.
with a response. And so that obviously makes sense. But then also politically, it is
unnecessary, especially in Byron's position where he had such a strong lead, it's unnecessary
to get down in the mud and someone like that. And I've often, you know, it's hard to have
counterfactuals and know for sure. I have often thought at a gut level that we,
the collective royal we as like sane, conservative media figures and political actors,
probably give too much thought and too much energy towards these provocateurs.
And it depends which one you're talking about.
They're all a little bit different.
But certainly someone like Fuentes or someone at this point like Candice Owens,
it's like, yes, they do have large audiences.
But on the internet, again, but it doesn't translate,
as we've seen, to real world political power.
And I think hinging on their every word,
clipping every questionable statement Tucker Carlson makes on his show,
clipping every single crazy thing Candace Owen says on our show and freaking out about it on Twitter
and doing entire podcast episodes dedicated to debunking them. You have to do some of that.
You do have to make people aware and rebut some of the things that they're saying and make people,
especially someone who, you know, some of these people who have, you know, different audiences that they cultivated previously in their career that may not realize how they've changed.
You do have to do some of that. But I think at times we maybe give too much attention and too much air to these
people. And I think, I do hope, as you alluded to, that, like, some Republicans and other conservatives
look at how Byron Donalds ran this campaign and say, oh, actually, like, if we're running or
dealing with this insane person or we're having a, you know, Twitter fight or podcast fight with this
insane person, like actually, maybe instead of getting in the mud and having a dramatic back
and forth on every little thing they say, maybe just by being sane and presenting a positive
alternative for people to support that people can be drawn to on their own without having to make
it such a direct head-to-head conflict. Maybe that is actually a more a more fruitful path because,
as we all know, kids love things that are rebellious. They love things that are, you know,
dissident, uh, that really rattled the establishment and their parents and their grandparents
that, you know, didn't love them enough or whatever. Like, the kids love that stuff. And so if you
are constantly scolding them and telling them that they're bad for what they're doing,
that might backfire. Whereas if you're just presenting a more sane, reasonable alternative that's
more attractive to them and that they can put two and two together and say, hey, would I rather go
with the funny guy that gets 10% of the vote that's really crazy and makes me, you know,
runs a tangle up my leg? Or would I rather go vote for the guy who, like, is still pretty good,
but actually can win and like I can be an adult and like actually, you know, be part of something real.
A lot of them might choose the latter option if you just, you know, aren't weird about it.
We can only hope. Dylan Hausman is the managing editor of the Daily Wire. Go read his incredible,
I guess we can now call it a post-mortem of the James Fishback campaign. Here Live the Groopers,
it's up on DailyWire.com. As we speak, Dylan, always a pleasure. Thanks for joining.
Thanks, Tim. I will do my best to turn on another banger in the next few days,
so I can come back on next week and continue to monopolize the show.
Continue the streak. And whether it's with Dylan or not, we will be back next week on Behind the Story.
Thanks for tuning in.
