Noble Blood - The Mind of Émilie du Châtelet (Part 2)
Episode Date: May 12, 2026Part two of our episode on Émilie du Châtelet, the brilliant female mathematician and physicist who helped to redefine our understanding of how the world works.. Support Noble Blood:&mdas...h;PRE-ORDER 'THE ARCANE ARTS'— Bonus episodes, stickers, and scripts on Patreon— Order Dana's book, 'Anatomy: A Love Story' and its sequel 'Immortality: A Love Story'See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
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Hi, this is Dana Schwartz, and just one quick personal note before we begin.
If you are listening to this episode on its release day, next Tuesday, May 19th, is the release of my newest book, The Arcane Arts.
It's called The Arcane Arts. It's by pseudonym, Nome de Plume, S.D. Coverley, because I co-wrote this book with my friend Dan Frye. We alternated perspectives. I wrote the female point of view. He wrote the male point of view. We went back and forth. It's a very fun novel. It is about a elite graduate school, a murder mystery, a secret society, sexy, forbidden magic. It is slightly sexier. So if you are a younger reader, this is not the book for you.
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Let's jump into today's episode.
One evening, sweating in the early summer heat of the French countryside, Emily Douchat-Lay was observing the fire in the estate's massive iron furnace.
By her side was Voltaire, her lover, collaborator, and full-time house guest.
This was not a romantic outing for the couple while they gazed into the fire.
Instead, they were attempting to recreate the experiments of the Dutch scientist Peter von Muchenbrook to discern the nature of fire, although perhaps that was their idea of a date night.
The two had instructed the iron master to melt various metals. They took notes as hundreds of pounds of lead and iron transformed before their eyes.
For Voltaire, their experiment clearly proved Newton's theory that fire was matter and therefore subject to gravity.
Emily, however, was shocked that they could look at the same results and reach such different conclusions.
She noted the experiment produced disparate outcomes.
While melted iron maintained its essential nature and weight when cooled,
lead became a powder and gained weight.
We now understand this process as calcination.
The lead was converted to an oxide at the temperature of the furnace,
but such a concept had not yet entered the 18th century lexicon.
The shifts in weight, Emily argued,
were not due to fire possessing its own weight
and being added to the metals, but rather due to the inherent qualities of the materials being burnt.
To her, it was clear that fire did not share the same defining characteristics of other forms of matter.
Today, we understand fire as a chemical reaction rather than a distinct state of matter.
While Emily did not actually reach that conclusion, she was correct in rebutting,
and Voltaire's assessment.
She must have tried to convince Voltaire of her perspective,
but he was stubborn in his belief
and continued to attempt various experiments
that he believed would prove him right.
He needed to be correct because his results
would form the basis of his entry
to the Royal Academy of Sciences 1738 essay competition.
Voltaire had been long,
snubbed by the Royal Literary Society and was perhaps turning to the sciences for more recognition
that he felt he deserved. The topic that year for the competition was the nature and propagation of
fire, and the competition was the reason the pair began their experiments in the first place.
Originally intending to act solely as Voltaire's assistant, Emily was so determined.
to communicate the true results that she decided to write her own entry.
She later confessed to a friend that she only began writing her paper two weeks before the deadline
and included a modest disclaimer at the end of the entry.
Quote, I hope that my love for the truth will stand for me in place of eloquence
and that the sincere desire that I have to contribute to knowledge will gain
forgiveness for my faults."
She submitted her entry anonymously and only told Voltaire that she submitted at all
after the winner was announced.
They both lost.
Though she feared he might react negatively, he was seemingly quite pleased,
campaigning for both of their papers to be published despite losing.
Born for the arts of pleasing, he won't.
wrote of her, she prefers the truth. Emily's paper, dissertation on the nature and propagation of
fire, was published in 1739 for its intellectual merit. It became the first work the Academy
published by a woman. Emily still insisted on anonymity, although the author would have been clear
to those in the right circles. The essay was ultimately attributed to, quote,
young lady of high rank. By the time her essay was published, Emily was already finishing work on
what is now considered her magnum opus, Institutions de Physique. While part one of this two-part
series introduced you to Emily, part two will explore in more depth her short but impactful
intellectual career before she tragically passed away in 1749.
Famous during her time, lost behind Voltaire's shadow in history, and now honored once again,
Emily's legacy ultimately belongs to her achievements.
As described by the Academy, she was, quote,
a young woman of the first condition who honors our sciences by the taste she has for them.
I'm Dana Schwartz, and this is Noble Blood.
When we last left Emily, it was the summer of 1735, and she had made the decision to leave Paris to join Voltaire at Cure, the Duchelais estate in Champagne outside of the city.
Voltaire, if you recall, had gotten into trouble with the government yet again, and Emily and her husband were given the right to sequester him outside of the city, in sort of a glamorous house arrest.
Emily was known to follow her own path, but she still worried about both public opinion and the opinion of her husband in making such an unorthodox choice in joining her lover.
While her husband, the Marquis, was not known to be jealous and had just recently used his status to advocate for Voltaire, Emily was moving in with another man, writing to a mutual foreman.
mutual friend, she asked him to assuage her husband's potential doubts.
Quote, just speak to him of Voltaire, but with interest and affection, and above all,
try to insinuate that it would be crazy to be jealous of a wife with whom one is content
that one esteems and who conducts herself well.
Emily Duchat-Lay, pioneering woman in philosophy and considering that Voltaire was
in fact, her lover, gaslighting. Her husband agreed with her assessment. When he began to deliver
his wife's manuscripts from Seire to Parisian publishers, he did the same for Voltaire's.
On leave from a campaign, her husband spent the winter of 1738 in Seire, co-habitating with his wife
and her famous lover. Despite his lack of showmanship, he participated.
in the plays and operas the couple frequently staged for friends.
As for the public's opinion, newspapers painted the pair as artist and muse,
which was a more acceptable arrangement than extramarital paramours.
Gossip, of course, still persisted.
A year after Emily arrived at the estate,
she wrote to the Italian philosopher Francesco Agarotti, saying,
quote, my kingdom of Cirre is not of this world.
This was true in multiple ways.
Suray, for better and for worse, isolated her from society.
Voltaire acknowledged that she made a sacrifice when she chose to live by his side, writing
that she was, quote, someone who had done everything for me, who, for me, left Paris, all her
friends and all of the charms of life, end quote.
While Emily no longer had access to the pleasures of society, she also was free from many
of society's restrictions. There were inevitable trade-offs. Emily had more time to devote
herself to her studies than she would have in Paris, but she was now also responsible for
overseeing a country estate and its tenants. C. Ray, as a home,
was in disrepair, needing constant expensive upkeep. She bemoaned the sort of housework that
had been designated to women, in this case specifically wealthy women who owned estates,
writing of, quote, the pointlessness of life she could have avoided, quote, if I had been a man.
That was in a letter to her tutor, Mopertui. At least at Cere, she no longer had to wait for
him outside of mail-only cafes for philosophical discussion. At the estate, he would come to her.
Cirre, the estate, became Emily's intellectual haven. In her words, Mon Academy. She meant that,
semi-literally, Cerey began to host fellow intellectuals, such as Montpertuie, who stayed for
extended periods of time to work on his own projects. As a hostess, Emily did not play
the role of the traditional noblewoman.
Guests were expected to fall into her and Voltaire's established routine.
For less intellectually inclined visitors, such as the Marquis' cousin, Madame Grafignier,
this could be intimidating.
Grafini noted she studied Locke in preparation for her stay.
According to her, guests were summoned in the morning to Voltaire,
rooms where he or Emily would read aloud for an hour and a half. One morning, Emily read a book
that proposed the inhabitants of Jupiter must be as large as King Og of the Old Testament
based on distance and light. Grafini was, quote, astonished when she noticed the book Emily was
reading from was in Latin. Emily had been translated. Emily had been translated.
the text out loud into French on the spot, and was making her own calculations in real time
to describe the size of the mythical giant. Thanks to visiting friends making deliveries,
Emily and Voltaire began to build their library. For Emily, this was an opportunity to pursue
studies in new fields, to discover the knowledge that had been denied to her through a lack of secondary
education. Quote, I have a very pretty library, she wrote to Al Garotti, quote, Voltaire's is all
anecdotes, and mine is all philosophy. In this letter, she was enticing the Italian philosopher to, quote,
spend the winter philosophizing with us, and he accepted the invitation. It was during his six-week's
day that he worked on his, quote, Newton for the ladies.
an introduction to Newton's work portrayed as a conversation between the author and a woman who took some inspiration from Emily herself.
More on this Italian philosopher later.
Ceres' growing library, its collection of Locke and Newton in particular, was responsible for Emily's growing interest in natural philosophy.
While it was surely Voltaire who acquired Mandeville's Fable of the Bees, it was Emily who devoured the text.
She finished her translation in October 1736, transforming the book through, in her own words,
quote, my own reflections on the material I was working on, including her thoughts on women's education,
quoted in the first part of the series.
While Emily thought Mandeville's work was brilliant, she was not as cynical as he was,
and she added her own nuance to his perception of a vice and virtue.
Emily's commentary was made distinct from the original text through quotation marks.
In the book's preface, she told readers she found literal translations dry and preferred, quote,
lively turns of phrase and animated expressions that render the force and grace of the original.
At the same time, Emily collaborated with Voltaire on his work,
his unpublished treatise on metaphysics, which took on little topics like God, society, and human nature,
was believed to have been written at Emily's request and with her assistance.
She would be more involved in his next project, elements of the philosophy of Newton,
for which she is credited as a co-author in its introduction.
Inspired by Agarato's translation of Newton for an Italian audience,
it was the first published introduction to Newton in French.
It was also Voltaire's first foray into the world of science.
While he believed in Newtonian theory, he was not as a.
as mathematically minded as Emily was, and he sometimes struggled with even basic calculations.
Emily, by contrast, found herself thriving in the scientific work.
It was she who filled pages of notes with commentary on the movement of the planets,
the relativity of motion, and the weight of air and water.
It is clear which sections of the publication were written by Emily, because the same
ideas show up later in her own works. Her writing style was also distinct from Voltaire's,
neat and full of real-world applications. In the book's dedication addressed to Emily,
Voltaire writes, quote, your solid study of many new truths, and the fruits of so meritorious
an application are what I now offer the public for your own and the glory of your
sex. In the front piece of one edition, Voltaire sits at his desk dressed as an ancient philosopher.
Two figures are depicted as gods above him. Newton, on the left, sits atop a cloud and
gazes at a ray of light descending from the heavens. Emily on the right holds a mirror to reflect
the light down upon the page Voltaire is writing. While the engraving acknowledges her present in the work,
it's also somewhat demeaning. She is portrayed with one breast bare, and she simply reflects the
light rather than creating something of her own. The Muse. Voltaire, while ultimately supportive
of Emily's work both publicly and privately, was still a man in the eighth.
century. In letters to male friends, we see him use subtly mocking nicknames, such as
My Lady Emily Newton that were thus passed around in the intellectual circles of Parisian men
that Emily was excluded from. While seemingly pleased with their collaborations,
Emily had a greater drive for scientific discovery than Voltaire did, following their experiments
for the Royal Academy's essay competition, Emily became obsessed with learning through experimentation,
working day and night. Her preferred strategy for staying awake was to put her hands in ice water,
walk around the room, slapping them on her arms, and then return to her writing.
RIP Emily, you would have loved a lemon-lime Celsius.
physics became a focal point for her. While she waited on the results of the essay competition,
she asked Voltaire's bookseller in Paris to procure for her own copy of Newton's Principia
to be covered in Russian leather with gold tooling, as well as, quote, all the books of physique that you
will find come your way. Another book Emily was particularly excited about was the new
release of Al Garote's Newton for the Ladies, which he had promised to dedicate to her, which we had
mentioned earlier. Emily had even been learning more Italian and, quote, training myself in the art
of translation with the idea of writing a French version of the book. When she got her hands on a copy
in May of 1738, however, she was shocked at what she saw. For one, it was not actually dedicated to her.
Then there was the matter of the character allegedly inspired by her.
Algarati belittled her intelligence and wrote their conversations about Newtonian principles
as often devolving into sexual jokes and metaphors.
One particular joke about a famous calculation annoyed Emily so much
that she mentioned it in letters to friends on three separate occasions.
Voltaire rose to her defense, declaring that she knew more than Algarotti, despite the fact that he, Voltaire, likely contributed to the way that people perceived Emily as frivolous, thanks to his little nicknames.
It was not long, however, before Emily's own work was recognized and published by the Academy.
She was evidently quite proud of that particular accomplishment.
Amongst her papers catalogued following her death was the notarized receipt of submission
signed by the secretary of the Academy Fontenelle, whom she had known since childhood.
He likely had no idea whose entry he was signing off on at the time,
given that she had submitted it anonymously, wanted it evaluated for its intellectual merit.
With formal recognition from the scientific case,
community, Emily's next step was to write her own treatise on natural philosophy.
The publication of her work on fire had given her great confidence. It was her first step towards
her, quote, glory, as described in her posthumously published discourse on happiness.
Her 1740 work, Institutions de Physique, was originally intended as foundational teaching material for her then,
10-year-old son, Florent-Louis. The text would contain, in her words, truths which I want to
engrave on his soul. The work evolved, however, to cover what she called a, quote, vast terrain,
far beyond her lessons for her son or even her previous work with Voltaire. The text introduced
readers to the foundations of Newton, but also combined philosophy and physics to a
a, quote, unified theory, which would describe not only how things happen in the universe,
but why they happen in the particular way they do. She presented Newtonian ideas, yes,
but also the ideas of Descartes and those of the German philosophers, Wolf and Liebnerz.
At this time, all students of philosophy would have been familiar with the 70s,
17 correspondence between Liebnitz and the Newtonian Samuel Clarke, which popularized the belief that their calculations were fundamentally opposed.
Emily looked beyond this binary to see the value in both perspectives. Some scholars believe her viewpoint paved the way for the one developed by Emmanuel Kant later in the century.
A great source of her inspiration came from time she spent in Brussels, where in 1739, she, her husband, and Voltaire, all briefly moved to claim a Duchelé property there that was being contested.
It was in Brussels she took lessons from a tutor who had studied under the German philosopher Wolf.
In her opinion, quote, when it concerns a book of physique,
one must ask if it is good, not if the author is English, German, or French.
Emily was not afraid to question, even sometimes reject, the conclusion of the, quote,
great men, Aristotle, Galileo, Newton, Descartes, you name them.
Her criticism of these figures, combined with her reverence for them, is what makes her work
so unique. It would be another year and a half before her book was published.
published, notably under her own name. She sent the first copies to Frederick of Prussia,
to her tutor, Montpertu, and her other intellectual correspondence. The prominent Journal
de Cévent published a positive review, which was likely an enormous confidence boost. One recipient
of an early copy, the new secretary of the academy following Fontenelle's retirement, was not
not as pleased. If you recall the introduction to part one of this series, Emily's book featured
an accurate disavowal of the calculation that force is proportional to velocity. In his first
public act, the new secretary of the academy published a pamphlet attacking her argument.
Far from his intention, the publication only further established Emily's legitimacy.
What other woman had the Academy deigned to acknowledge, let alone engage in public academic debate with?
The secretary, Moraine, was shocked when Emily fought back with a 37-page response of her own.
She picked apart his letter, paragraph by paragraph, and matched his condescending, sarcastic tone.
However the public decides, she wrote, I hold myself honored always to dispute against a person of your merit.
It seems this was not just polite posturing.
She wrote in private letters to friends that she was excited to have such an adversary.
Still, she, quote, wanted to pierce him to the soul.
Quote, the conclusions that you have drawn were always false,
because that which implies contradiction can never become true.
She notes that she could break down exactly why his claims were false again,
but only, quote, if I had wanted to bore my readers.
The secretary did not issue another response.
In Parisian circles, it was decided that Emily won the debate handedly.
Quote, his has succeeded very badly, she wrote to her tutor.
It has had three quarters of the success of mine.
Her book was a great success, partly fueled by the publicity of the debate,
and it received much public praise from academics.
As Emily found new success, her relationship
with Voltaire became strained. For one, he deemed himself no longer capable of sex due to his
various chronic illnesses. Voltaire never had a large sexual appetite, which Emily accepted,
but abstinence altogether was difficult for her. At the same time, he became increasingly upset
over her diverging views. So dedicated to Newton, he deemed Emily's book a Libneesne
Zanetsian work, despite its fusion of multiple viewpoints.
Voltaire began to mock Emily more frequently in his letters, and even published a critical
review of her work.
To be fair, this was something Emily had also done in earlier years, though in better spirits.
Most pedally, in his revised 1741 edition of elements, he cut down his dedication, erasing his
praise and diminishing Emily's contributions. It is perhaps worth noting that Emily's book was
better received than elements. Over the past few years, Emily's book institutions was translated
into both Italian and German. Emily was elected to the Bologna Academy of Sciences, where she
chose the name Uranie, the poetic name Voltaire had once given her, as her honorific.
She was especially excited to not be the only woman in the room.
The Newtonian, Laura Bossy, a lecturer at the University of Bologna, was another member,
and she used Emily's book as material in her classes.
It was, quote, an encouragement for persons of my sex, Emily wrote,
to engage in and cultivate the scientists from which prejudice had up to the present.
appeared to exclude them.
In Germany, it was likely that it was the philosopher Wolf himself
who arranged for the translation.
Despite his initial disbelief that the work was actually written by a woman,
he came to accept Emily as a, quote, phenomenon,
appreciating, quote, the clarity with which she can talk about the subtlest things.
In the summer of 1744, Emily,
had the idea for her largest project yet, a translation and commentary on Newton's notoriously
difficult Principia. She embarked on this project during the busiest time of her life.
Quote, I lead the life of the world's most disordered. I pass my days in the antechamber of the
Minister of War to obtain a regiment for my son. I go to bed at four in the morning, and I work
when I have the time,
spoken like a real woman trying to have it all.
She had recently relocated from Siri to Louis' court
in favor of the advancement of her son,
as well as to support Voltaire's ambitions
to join the academy.
And Emily struggled to balance the lifestyle of the intellectual
with the lifestyle of the courtier.
In her day, no other physicist,
or philosopher had undertaken even a partial translation of Newton's Principia,
but Emily intended to translate all three volumes.
The work was so complicated that many contemporaries, including her tutor, Morpichu,
acknowledged that they found it hard to follow.
It was not just a simple translation either.
She had to choose which mathematician's interpretations of the work to include,
and add her own calculations, even if they contradicted Newton's.
While she was on course to have the translation published in 1746,
she had to pause in 1745 following a revelation.
Voltaire, it appeared, had regained his sexual appetite,
only not for Emily.
She had discovered a collection of letters between,
Voltaire and Marie-Louise Denis, a 33-year-old widow and Voltaire's own niece.
Though rumors circulated, Emily did not go public with the scandalous betrayal, and details were
only uncovered after the letters were sold at auction in the 1950s.
She wrote about her reaction to the discovery, withholding specific details in her possible.
published book. In their years without a sexual relationship, Emily believed, quote,
I was loving for two. I spent all my time with him and my heart, free from suspicion, delighted
in the pleasure of loving and in the illusion of believing myself loved. But now, quote,
I have lost this happy state, and this cost me many tears. They eventually rekindled their friendship.
Voltaire's place in her life as a collaborator and friend was ultimately more important to Emily than his place as a lover, despite their ten years spent together.
She wrote, quote, terrible shocks are needed to break such chains. The wound to my heart bled for a long time. I had grounds to complain, and I have pardoned all.
And quote. Once recovered from heartbreak, Emily returned to Newton. She transported her books,
her notes, and her drafts to the court at Loonville, where she joined her family and settled in to work.
It was during this time, however, that a new lover entered her life. Jean-François de Saint-Lanbert was 10 years younger than she was,
an officer of the King's Guard and a novice poet.
He was no intellectual match for Emily, or Voltaire for that matter,
but that wasn't important to her at the time.
Their courtship was swift.
She wrote to him,
You are the only one who has made me feel that my heart is still capable of loving.
Over the next few years, they built a relationship,
but her lover was fickle,
sometimes accusing Emily of loving him too much,
sometimes accusing her of not paying enough attention to him.
She, in turn, accused him of not understanding the importance of her work.
She wrote to him,
This book is a weighted, promised begun two years ago.
My reputation depends on it.
But Emily was not only due a book, but also a baby.
In January or February of 1749, Emily realized she was pregnant.
At 41, she was considered long past,
childbearing years. It's very likely she and San Lambert didn't believe pregnancy was a possibility.
We don't know how her husband, or San Lambert reacted to this news, but court gossip obviously had
a field day. There had been long whispers of the affair between Emily and her young lover.
No one believed the baby was her husband's. Despite this, in another demonstration of his character,
The Marquis claimed paternity to protect his wife and excitedly told courtiers of his hopes for another boy.
Despite his poor performances in Voltaire's little plays,
apparently the man had convincing enough acting prowess.
From February to June of 1749, despite her state, Emily recommitted herself to quote,
My Newton.
She moved back to Paris.
isolating herself in her apartment, and she was determined to stay in Paris until her work was
finished. Part of her determination to finish the project stemmed from fears surrounding her
pregnancy. In a letter to San Lambert, she explained that she must see to her affairs before the
birth. Quote, I want to leave them in order and take measures about my papers. She followed through on this
desire, neatly binding important documents and leaving a letter for her husband only to be
opened in the event of her death. Emily spent the last three weeks of her life devoted to translating
Newton. She was often joined by Voltaire, who had returned to Paris, and by a mathematical correspondent
who checked her calculations. Her routine was once again grueling. She wrote,
rose at eight or nine and worked straight through to three in the afternoon.
She took an hour break for coffee and then began again at four.
She took dinner at ten, followed by conversation with Voltaire or her mathematical correspondent.
She then worked through the night and into the early morning hours from midnight until 5 a.m.
She acknowledged to her lover that this required, quote, a mind and body of iron.
but that finishing the book was a frightening need.
Before the birth, she returned to court where she was joined by a number of female friends,
as well as by San Simone and Voltaire, her current and previous lover.
At four in the morning on September 4, 1749, Emily gave birth to a daughter.
Over the next few days, she was expected to remain in bed,
where she likely continued to finish work on Principia's translation.
In that time, she finished correcting the printer's proofs,
packaged up all the papers of her commentary,
and sent them to the Royal Librarian.
A day or two later, she developed a fever, then a violent headache.
She had developed a blood clot that had cut off her breathing.
The royal physician was called, but within 10 minutes,
as her lover cried out, Emily was no more. She was 42. The Gazette de Hollande in her obituary called her
the Sappho Modern and noted her various scientific writings, including her then yet to be published
translation of and commentary on Newton's Principia. It was a decade after her death when the return of Haley's
Comet sparked a public excitement for scientific phenomena that Principia was published.
It became an integral text for French physicists of the era and remains the only French translation
of the work to this day. But we know how the story goes. Voltaire became Voltaire, the idol of
the revolution, and Emily was reduced to a footnote in his story. Overshadowed.
by proximity to his famous greatness.
Her work gradually disappeared from shelves,
but in recent years, scholarship surrounding Emily has increased
and her individual accomplishments are recognized by many.
A crater on Venus is named after her.
An opera depicts her final moments.
Duke University present an annual Duchette Prize
in Philosophy of Physics.
Their 2025 topic was physics in the writings of women, 1700 to 1900.
Hopefully the winner brought another forgotten woman to light.
That's the second part of our two-part series on Emily Duchat-Lay,
but keep listening after a brief sponsor break to hear a little bit more about Emily's legacy in popular media.
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in 2023, a new play received its New York premiere off-Broadway. Emily Le Marquis de Chalet
defends her life tonight. In the play, Emily finds herself having slipped through the space-time continuum
lingering between life and death. Her unfinished business is quantifying her legacy. Did her work matter?
And how? Emily watches her own life play out before her eyes.
all while trying to determine what it meant.
The playwright Lauren Gunderson shared,
she's a scientist so she needs proof,
even though it's impossible to quantify a life's meaning.
In the end, she is met by two realizations.
Her science did matter to the world.
She was right about squaring speed,
and that the only person who needs to believe that she mattered is herself.
And now keep listening for a sneak peek of the audiobook of my newest book, The Arcane Arts.
From Storer.elsbeth to Rollins-D-AA.
Subject. Your Arcane Mechanicals Course.
Hi, Professor.
First, let me apologize for writing an email to you at all,
given that I'm sure with classes just starting, your incredible.
incredibly busy. And I'm also sorry for beginning said email with hi, when you might find that
incredibly overly familiar and unprofessional. Please be assured that I went through several
drafts of initial salutations. Deer felt informal and strained. Two, robotic to the point of rudeness.
And so, I'm left with high. Hi. Hi. A bit about me. I graduated from St. Andrews, first class
honors with an independent study in Augrey under Professor Arthur Binder that received the Flint
Marksy Prize for undergraduate achievement. I spent the fall of last year living in London while
studying for the Arcannis, planning on applying to graduate programs in the spring.
Unfortunately, my plans were derailed by life circumstances that I would be happy to discuss more
in person. But suffice it to say, with an incomplete Arcannis score, I was well aware that I would not
have merited any significant consideration had I sent in a formal application to the graduate
program for admission this term, which is why I am writing to you now, in the hope that a personal
appeal might be the best way forward. Please be sure, I am well aware of how competitive the DAA
program at Newland is, with only a small group of hand-selected students each year. But I know
I would be an asset to the department. And, as I said, I would be happy to offer an explanation
of the extenuating circumstances around my arcanness, and convince you why that result is not
at all reflective of my passion or my natural predisposition for mechanicals.
Here is where I should offer another apology. I snuck into your introductory lecture yesterday morning
and borrowed your email address off the syllabus. If you happened to notice a 20-something girl in a red
sweater a few sizes too big, looking like a child on Christmas morning, that was me.
I've never seen anyone talk about arcane mechanicals the way you did. In the past, when I heard
teachers discuss conservation of matter and the rudimentary mechanicals, they made it sound so
sterile. You made it sound like we were conductors in a symphony, like the strings of reality
are ours to be teased out at will and played in harmony. That is not
To say, I don't appreciate the incredibly rigorous mathematics required to study arcane mechanicals.
Because I do.
I'm attaching my transcript below, in case you're curious, and in case this email hasn't already wasted enough of your time.
And if you find yourself curious, please be sure to check my undergraduate coursework in differential equations and multivariables.
Top of the class in both.
I know, traditionally, you wouldn't accept students into your program once the semester has already begun.
And I realize this is an incredibly unorthodox request.
But seeing as I don't have access to a genie, time travel, or a fortunatus favori ritual,
there's only one course of action left to me.
You.
If there were ever a chance you could make an exception,
I can promise you will never teach a student more willing to work hard than me.
I've already taken up too much of your time.
And so, I'm sorry, again.
Best.
How is that?
Ellsbeth Storer.
From Rawlins DAA to Storer.
SORDAZE.
Subject, re-your-R-K Mechanicals course.
Miss Stoller
Many a young applicant has felt improperly represented by her Arcanus score,
but often that indignation arises from a misunderstanding of
the test itself. The exam does not seek only to measure intellectual capability, but is an
instrument intended to assess holistic fitness for the rigors of this study and the responsibilities
of its practice. If the face, I vaguely recall, connected to that unfortunate red sweater
is any indication you are quite young, and as such you may lack the self-awareness to
soberly judge your own shortcomings. Evidently, I am in a procrastinate,
mood and avoiding the quizzes piled upon my desktop, because many words have now been written,
and perhaps one would suffice.
No.
Best of luck with your studies.
T.M. Rawlins, D.A.A.
Noble Blood is a production of I-Heart Radio and Grim and Mild from Aaron Manky.
Noble Blood is hosted by me, Dana Schwartz.
Writers for Noble Blood are Hannah Johnston, Hannah Zwick, Paul Jaffee,
Natasha Lasky and me, Dana Schwartz.
The show is edited and produced by Jesse Funk and Nome's Gripen
with supervising producer Rima Il Kali and executive producers Aaron Manky, Trevor Young, and Matt Frederick.
For more podcasts from IHeartRadio, visit the IHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you listen to your favorite shows.
Joy is essential and it's also elusive, but now there's a new and excited.
way to start your journey toward a more joyful existence. Joy 101. It's a new podcast hosted by
me, Hoda Kotby. If you're craving inspiration to maximize your joy, tune into these candid,
uplifting, and moving on-air chats. Open your free IHeart Radio app. Search Joy 101 and listen
now. Joy 101 with Hoda Kotby is presented by CVS. Every family has its secrets. But what happens when you
discover that your dad has been living a double life.
That is not the look of an innocent man.
Is everyone lying to me about who they are?
I felt such desperation.
I felt it was what I had to do.
Listen to Deep Cover the Family Man on the IHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever
you get your podcasts.
I've been hearing for decades that the markets can solve climate change.
Today, we have more incentives for market solutions than ever, and emissions are rising.
On this season of drilled, Carbon Cowboys, the story of three market solutions colliding in one multinational boondoggle.
You got to give Bruce of the guys credit.
They're Republican.
They don't give a shit of money.
Listen on the IHeart Radio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.
This is an IHeart podcast.
Guaranteed Human.
