Odd Lots - The Fed's Michael Barr on Real-Time Payments and the Basel Endgame
Episode Date: November 17, 2023Michael Barr is a busy man these days. As the Federal Reserve's vice-chair for supervision, he's looking at ways of making the financial system safer through the next-generation of US banking regulati...on, known as the Basel "endgame" proposal. In July, he also unveiled the central bank's new real-time payment settlement system for banks, called FedNow, after years of development. Of course, all of this is happening at an interesting time for banking. This year saw the collapse of three banks following deposit runs. There have been big losses on bond portfolios as interest rates rise, a cyberattack that briefly unsettled the US Treasury market, and there's still a lot of general uncertainty over the direction of the US economy. In this episode, which was recorded live onstage at The Clearing House annual conference in New York, we speak to Barr about how he's thinking about the payments space, big changes to bank regulation, and the macro outlook.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
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Hello and welcome to another episode of the Odd Thoughts podcast.
I'm Tracy Allo.
And I'm Joe Wisenthaw.
So you are about to listen to a very special episode.
This is a live conversation that we recorded with Michael Barr,
the Fed's Vice Chair for Supervision,
at the Clearinghouse Annual Conference in New York on November 17th.
What should we talk about?
There's nothing going on.
It's not like there's been any development in payments or bank regulation.
kind of boring. Yeah, I don't know. No, okay. There is a lot to talk about, so I should get started
right away. Why don't we start with payments? We are at the clearinghouse conference, so that's
probably a good place to start. You know, you launched Fed Now, the new real-time payments clearing
system a few months ago in the summer. How's that going? What's the take-up been like, and what have you
learned since launching that? Well, I think it's going well. I think the important thing to remember about
take-up is that it's going to take a long time. When we've seen any payments innovation in our
economy, it takes a long time for people to get used to the idea, to develop it, to figure out
how they're going to use it. But right now, what we've done is built the rails. And those rails
can be used by the making sector to provide new services to their customers, to households and
businesses. Take-up really requires banks to decide that their customers really want the service.
and then they can innovate on top of it,
and that's what we're looking forward to over time.
Do you have any way of gauging,
sitting aside that it's going to take a while?
It's like what constitutes a benchmark
that we should watch for,
okay, this is taking up, again,
setting aside that we, maybe decades,
but what should we be looking out for to see?
Is this going well?
Again, I think the right way to think about this
is over the very long term.
If you think about any payments innovation,
whether it's the development of banknotes or the rise of checks in the 1700s or really any kind
of innovation we've seen in payments, they take a very long time to build a network. Once that
network gets built and you have scale, then it really takes off and everybody assumes it's been
that way forever. So we're really at the very early stages of this. So speaking of development,
I am not a payments expert. I used to know more about the space when I was a bank.
banking correspondent, but that was like more than 10 years ago at this point. But I do remember
10 years ago, the clearinghouse also developed its own real-time payment system. Is it weird that
we've ended up with two, basically a publicly owned one and a sort of privately owned?
We actually have a very long history in this country of having both public rails and private
rails. That's the way most of our payments technology has evolved over time. And most of our
payment systems today have both public aspects and private aspects. We really think of these things
as complementary. We work really closely together. You know, David and Mark were taking selfies yesterday.
These are close collaborations. Peace. Peace. Great. Glad we could be here to facilitate it.
But just on this note, I mean, could you get a situation where, for instance, a lot of the higher volume
payments from the big banks are traveling along the clearinghouse pipes, whereas a lot of the
smaller payments from smaller banks are going along the public rails.
Basically a fracturing or a fragmentation of the system.
I don't think that, if we ended up that way, I don't think that would be a fracturing.
We have lots of systems now where larger volume payments travel one route and smaller volume
payments travel the other.
That could end up being the efficient way to do it.
It would be fine if it ended up that way.
It also would be fine if there were a mix of transactions on both kinds of rails.
They really are complementary.
I think that, you know, if you move it.
forward many years, we would expect that banks would have access to both kinds of rails.
They could choose which rail to send an individual payment on. That would be great.
Why are they complementary? Because if they do roughly the same thing, and I would intuit that most
payment systems essentially benefit from network effects and the bigger one makes it more valuable
to use that one. Why wouldn't we assume that it's just going to be one wins and one loses?
Well, you know, again, if you look at existing payment systems today, we have private rails for ACH, we have public rails for ACH.
I don't foresee this being a conflict. I really do think that banks are going to be able to have optionality in the systems that they use, and they might use different rails for different kinds of payments.
Why did it take so long to develop a real-time payment system? Because, again, I mean, I spent a lot of time in the UK. I think the UK had something equivalent in like,
2007, and we're here in 2023 just launching it. It has taken a long time. I would agree with that.
Look, the Federal Reserve is a conservative institution, and I think that's appropriate.
You know, people expect us to be able to provide trustworthy, reliable services, and we earn that
trust by being very, very careful about everything we do, and that's true with Fed Now as well.
Does the fact that there are these two competing payment systems, or maybe complementary,
but ambiguity about which one will gather more volume and for which type of payments,
do you think it slows down adoption at all in terms of a bank having to decide which one
they're going to invest their time and energy or turning into a retail-facing application of it
and thinking about which one is going to win?
You know, my expectation is that banks will end up again over time.
probably adopting both the public rails and the private rails and using them for complementary
kinds of services. It's going to take a time. I would say especially for community banks,
one of the key issues here is making sure that core service providers get up to speed quickly
and offer the service to all the community banks in a fair and equal and accessible way. And so we
are very focused on working with those service providers to make sure they're offering that service
to community banks. Can you give us a sense of the take-up and the expansion so far?
What I would say is you should be thinking about this as taking years to do. Take-up is always slow at the
start. It's going according to what we thought, but that's very slow, and we expect it to be
slow at the beginning. Will you come back on our podcast of 10 years to assess? I would be delighted
to. That would be really fun. Well, I mean, talking about long timescale,
There is a sense of irony in that the Fed was working on this for a long time, and then they release it in the summer of 2023 right after we've seen essentially a bank run on Silicon Valley Bank. And I've seen some commentary about a potential tension here. You're making real-time payments possible, more instantaneous deposit withdrawals 24-7 at a time when deposit withdrawals have become problematic. I think Joe Abate over at a
Barclays was talking about how you're basically allowing banks to kind of slim down their inventory
in really efficient ways, but in a way that as we learn from the pandemic, could be problematic
if something happens. How are you balancing that tension? Well, you know, if you look at the situation
today, obviously Silicon Valley Bank failed without any new technology. People were able to withdraw
very, very quickly. The real issue in Silicon Valley Bank was deep mismanagement of interest rate risk
and liquidity risk and then the highly networked nature of their deposit based. The technology side
of that made it possible for them to withdraw, but not in any fancy new technology, technology
that's been around since the 1970s. So really what we need to do is focus on the fundamentals for banks
to make sure that they are appropriately managing their risk.
With respect to the new technology, with respect to FedNow,
the individual banks can set their own limits on the way in which they use the technology.
They can set size limits if they want.
They can cap it.
So I don't think it'll introduce new significant risks into the system.
The risks in the system that are there, we need to make sure we manage appropriately.
Setting aside, whether it's Fed now or the private sector, clearing a house one, in the U.S., does the fact that arguably
banks make a lot of money from the lack of real-time payments, whether it's overdraft fees,
laid fees, there's a lot of money in the business of people not making timely payments.
I also wonder, and maybe it's off the mark, but I wonder, you know, we're in a high interest rate
environment.
So people want to hold on cash maybe for a few extra days.
Does that, when we're thinking about timelines, do you think that that affects,
their trajectory of these timelines, the business of slow payments, basically?
I do think we have to look forward to a system in which businesses and households can get
their funds right away. We might end up in a situation where we can have a significant effect
in reducing overdraft fees, insufficient fund fees, a situation where a small business can get
paid right away for the work they've done. That would be a huge benefit for American society.
do think that one of the potential upside benefits of Fed now is the ability to actually deliver
for households and businesses the kinds of banking services that they want and that would reduce
risk to them. I think that's a wonderful thing for society. Just in terms of the payment space,
you've finally unveiled this. What's on the agenda now? What other payments improvements could be
made for the U.S.? Well, I think it's a great question. Look, you know, I said before
that we're a very conservative institution, and we are. But we also need to continue to think about
innovation. Fed Now will continue to be an important part of the way that we innovate. So we're looking
to add additional features to Fed now over time. And those features will make it easier for banks to
use, better for banks to use, better for banks to offer to households and businesses. I think those
kinds of innovations are really important. And then we're also doing very basic research.
in newer technologies around distributed ledger technology, using encryption techniques to send payments
back and forth. That very basic research might help us to continue to innovate in our payment systems.
Since you mentioned digital ledger technologies and people talk about other sites, other types of
payments, central bank digital currencies, I always have a hard time wrapping my head around,
I guess the why of some of this. I mean, I understand these are interesting.
technologies, maybe, but why? What is, what do you feel as the impulse when people talk about
exploring some of these new, I don't know, paradigms of money or paradigms of payments,
what people hope to accomplish some of this? You know, it's hard for me to say what lots of
other people think, but I'll just say, just from my perspective, you know, I think the research
is important because we might uncover ways to be much more efficient with the payment system.
and payment system efficiency can help banks and households and businesses conduct their
transactions in a lower cost way.
So I'm not super into all the very large claims people make for central bank digital currency,
but I do think that the underlying technology, if it can lower costs, improve efficiency,
those things are worth researching.
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Joe, you want to talk about bankreg?
Let's talk about bankreg.
All right.
So, again, I used to be a very...
a former banking correspondent. And I remember whenever I pitched a story about bank regulation to my
editors, their eyes would just sort of glaze over. But now- You're going to fix it now.
Well, I don't have to because now, you know, there are adverts about Basel playing during NFL
games, which is- Our own listeners are often, our own listeners of the podcast often talking about
learning a lot about Basel endgame. Yeah, this is something I never thought I would see in my
lifetime. I feel like it's a slippery slope to the point where everyone starts including their
position on the Basel Endgame proposals in their like Tinder profile or something like that.
It's a new talking point, but have you been surprised by the amount of discussion that this is
generating? I have been surprised by it. I mean, I do think that some of the advertisements and
things you're seeing in the public are extremely unusual for bank regulation. Normally, we issue a
proposal and then we get very detailed comment letters back.
and we take those comment letters into account and we finalize our rule.
That's sort of the normal process.
So seeing ads at football games, that's kind of unusual.
How does it feed through to you?
I'm always actually curious when an industry group does something like this or even when I see
an ad for some sort of B2B software or something.
I'm not the, how does it actually filter through to you in your job in terms of,
okay, actually, decision and the pressure that maybe builds on you.
You know, like in the peanuts, when adults talk and it goes,
that's what they're accomplishing.
Money well spent.
Well, I mean, in fairness, this is a big deal for banks.
And I think there is some discussion around making the cost of capital more expensive
or less available for obvious reasons.
And one of the criticisms that you hear now is this is going to make mortgages.
more expensive for Americans. How would you tackle that particular issue or that particular criticism?
Look, you know, any time that you change regulation, there are costs and benefits to that regulation.
The big benefit of having higher capital is that you make the banking system more resilient.
You know, one of the things that we saw in the global financial crisis is that it really crushed the
American economy. It caused millions of households to lose.
their homes to go into foreclosure. That financial crisis shuttered American businesses. It caused
massive unemployment, huge harm to the economy. We want to make sure that the banking system doesn't
crush households and businesses again. At the same time, when you have higher capital levels,
that increases the private cost to banks. Banks use more equity and a little bit less debt
to fund their mortgages or their trading activity or the like.
The capital proposal that we put forward mostly changes the rules for trading and other non-lending
activity. A very small portion is actually related to lending. And when you look at that increased cost
to the banks with respect to capital, that translates, on average for a typical loan to an increase
if all of it is passed through to the borrower. If there's no competition at all and all of it is
pass through to the borough, the average increase would be 0.03%. So it's a very, very small change in the
cost of credit and a significant increase in the resiliency of the banking system. Just on the point about
the different ways that big banks versus smaller banks are treated, I mean, my understanding is
the U.S. is one of the only jurisdictions that actually created carve-outs from Basel for smaller
banks. And I guess going back to the Silicon Valley Bank example, I mean, given where trouble
in the banking system was this year, is that something we should still be doing? Well, you raise
an excellent point. So, you know, what we've done in this proposal is say that those stricter
capital requirements should not only apply to the top eight banks in the country, but they should
also apply to banks that are over $100 billion. So there are 37 banks in the country that are over
100 billion. There aren't that many. We have over 4,000 banks in the banking system, so less than
40 out of 4,000 are covered. And it would have covered institutions like Silicon Valley Bank if we
had had this place in place before. And I think one of the lessons from that experience was that
it's important for large banks that might have an effect more broadly on the economy to have that
real resilience to them. And, you know, with respect to Silicon Valley Bank, they didn't have to
account for the unrealized losses on their balance sheet, reduction in value of securities.
And under our proposal, those institutions at that size would need to account for that now.
I don't want to jump ahead too much. And it's still a regulatory question. But at the FMC, at the Fed,
do you think much about the interplay of rate policy and financial stability or regulation?
Because I feel like often we talk about these two different things.
There's the supervisory aspect of the Fed, the regulation of the banks, et cetera,
and then there's monetary policy, and that's economics.
But as we saw with SVB, they can interplay and the loss is born on long-term debt or other holdings
can become financial stability issues.
How much do those two conversations overseck in your...
Is that a word?
Oversect.
In your world where you think about the stability aspects of economic policy choices.
I think you mean overlap and intersect.
Overlap and intersect.
They both overlap and intersect.
Yeah.
So, no, I think it's a great point.
So, you know, first of all, I have two jobs.
I'm a governor and therefore sit on the Federal Open Markets Committee,
and I'm the vice chair for supervision.
And so in my own, you know, personal responsibilities, those are,
quite oversecting. But also more broadly for the FOMC and for the board, we care about both
issues. Obviously, we have a clear monetary policy mission. We're going to bring inflation down to 2%.
That's our job. We're going to do it. And we also need to understand that, and do understand, that
as interest rates rise, that changes dynamics in the banking system and the financial system.
we're really attentive to those changing dynamics. Obviously, if we don't have a functioning financial
system, we don't have a functioning economy, and so we have to care about financial stability
risks in the system. We do regularly monitor these. We have regular reports from our financial
stability staff, not only internally at the board, but also to the FOMC. We have an opportunity
for members of the FOMC to comment on financial stability issues as we have our discussions. So these
things really do, you know, go together.
You know, Joe brought up the fact that there are supervisory functions, financial stability
functions, market functions.
Just going back to the example of Silicon Valley Bank, it seems like part of the issue here
was supervisory.
So even though you could see that there was a capital problem, you could see the mark-to-market
losses coming through on the balance sheet some months before the bank actually went down,
enforcers didn't raise those concerns, and they certainly didn't force a capital raise by SVB.
Do you think there's more to be done on the supervisory front, maybe changing the culture of some of those
supervisors so that they feel more comfortable, more willing, for whatever reason, to actually
raise these concerns at the appropriate time?
I think you raise a really important point.
And, you know, we issued a report right after SVB failed.
And one of the findings of the report was that supervisors identified the risks at the bank,
but they didn't feel empowered to push hard enough to get the bank to take action.
And so one of the things that we're making sure of is that supervisors know that they should act with speed
and with force and with agility when risks warrant that kind of action.
It does take a change of culture.
It does require us to really make sure.
that examiners feel supported and empowered to take that step. You want to make sure that they're
trained and that they have guidance to act forcefully. And I do think that all these measures are really
critical to making sure we have a supervisory system that's effective. Now, you know, of course,
at the beginning and end of the day, you know, bank management and the board of directors of the
bank are responsible for running the institution. And, you know, we're not able to come in and run the bank
for bank managers, that's their job to do. And in this case, in the case of SVB and some other banks,
the banks really sorely mismanaged, both interest rate risk and liquidity risk. And they did things that,
you know, in retrospect, you kind of are hedge scratchers. You know, they had, for example,
some hedges on some of their interest rate risk, and they took those off.
I saw the internal presentation where they talked about doing that. And
It was basically like, well, we have these hedges.
They're expensive.
We don't think the Fed's going to raise rates.
So why don't we make some more money?
It was literally that.
Yeah.
And it does go to this question of compensation.
They were really focused on short-term profits and not looking at all on long-term risks.
And that really is inconsistent with the approach that we require of banks to have compensation aligned,
not just with how a bank is doing in the short-term and term interest profits, but also thinking,
long-term about risk management. So just on this point, particularly about the culture of supervision,
in March 24 or March 2025 down the road, can you talk about what specific is being done now such
that in the future the culture is better? There's a lot of work going on. One of the things that
we're doing is, again, making sure that examiners feel empowered to act on the basis of the information
they have in front of them in a timely way, making sure that they have the tools to put in place
mitigants if a firm is getting itself into trouble and the like. We want to make sure that we have
a system that escalates appropriately so that if there are significant risks, you don't wait
years before action is taken on those. We're making sure that examiners have the training they need
to take action when they need it. And, you know, in the current environment, we're focused,
on things like interest rate risk, liquidity risk, credit risk, particularly in the office sector,
and cybersecurity, which is just a fundamental risk that many banks are exposed to.
I definitely want to talk a little bit more about some of those individual risks,
but just on interest rates. So, you know, we talked about Silicon Valley and the fact that
they didn't think the Fed was going to raise rates, even though I would argue looking at Fed's
speeches for most of 2022 and into 2023. There was a lot of discussion about we are raising rates.
But that said, we have been in this sort of weird environment where the economic outcomes seem
almost binary, at least if you read financial commentary. So going into 2023, it felt like
the two options were either soft landing or massive recession. And I think if you're a bank,
it's kind of hard to juggle those two things. Is there anything that the Fed can do more on the sort of
forward guidance side to minimize interest rate risk? So aside from the Basel Endgame proposals,
in terms of communications, is there more you can do? Well, you know, first let me just say with
respect to interest rate risk, we expect banks to be able to manage interest rate risk, whether
rates are rising or falling. That's part of prudent risk management. The Federal Reserve
does communicate quite often about the path. You're communicating right now. About the path of interest rates.
The FOMC, every other meeting puts out a summary of economic projections that are designed to
show what each individual member of the FOMC believes about the path going forward for the economy.
It's not a forecast, it's not a collective judgment or consensus document, but it does let the public know
what each individual member of the FOMC is thinking about the future path for monetary policy.
I think Chair Powell has made it clear that we're going to need to hold interest rates at their
peak level for some time in order to make sure that we're on the right path to get inflation back
to 2%. And so I do think that kind of communication can help the market, can help the economy,
can help businesses plan for the future. Of course, we're all taking in information
in real time. We do need to be dependent on the data we receive. The data we receive updates,
helps us update our forecasts for the future. And we are living in an uncertain time.
You know, the pandemic caused significant changes to our economy, and those are still working
their way through the system. I think we were going to throw in a couple of macro questions at the end,
but just since we're talking about dots. Here we are. So in the last few weeks, we had an
non-farm payrolls report that came in a little bit weaker than expected,
continuing continuous jobless claims, highest level of the year,
close to highest level in two years,
a CPI report that came in pretty clearly cooler than expected.
As the FOMC member, how is your thinking on the economy right now
and the appropriateness of Fed's policy stands where it is right now?
Thank you. Look, we take all this data as it comes in,
and we're very data dependent, but we're also not dependent on any one single data point.
So I said three.
Yes.
So I think it's, you know, I think it's useful for us to take that information in.
You know, certainly the information that we've had recently suggests that we're moving into
a better balance on the risks between overtightening and under tightening.
And I think that's quite encouraging.
So we're, you know, likely at or near the peak of where we need to be in terms of having
a sufficiently restrictive stance of monetary policy that we'll.
sustainably bring inflation down to 2%. And I think the recent economic readings reinforce my view
that that is probably correct. What's your favorite or most compelling indicator right now for the
direction of the economy? This is Desert Island indicators. If you had to pick one, what would
you bring with you? So, you know, it's a terrific question that I'm not going to answer.
Oh, okay. Those are always the best questions, the ones that don't get answered. You know, because it really
goes back to my point earlier, the pandemic really did significantly disrupt our economy,
and it disrupted many of the ways that we think about economic relationships in our economy.
And so it does require us to really look at a very broad range of indicators as they come in,
and not just a single data point as evidence of, you know, now I know that we're in the right place.
So we're very, I would say I am, and generally as a committee, we are cautious about over-interpreting
any one data point.
Not that anyone asked, but mine would be claims, because I figure if I'm on a desert island,
I don't wait a whole month for a data point.
I figure it once a week.
So something that keep me entertained.
Going back to the regulation question, you know, you mentioned that in your view,
lending costs would be pretty minimal with some of these new capital constraints.
But I'm curious, you know, when we talk to regulators in most regulator conversations,
it's very much centered around de-risking constraints, et cetera.
But I'm wondering if you ever think about the opposite of building out sort of affirmative capacity for lending at banks.
And the specific reason I ask is a few weeks ago, Tracy and I interviewed a jigger Shah who runs the loan program at the Department of Energy,
a lot of lending to clean energy companies and so forth who aren't in a position to borrow money from banks.
even actually cited Basel rules as a reason that banks were not in a position to do a lot
of this lending.
And I'm curious whether you worry about that.
Essentially, banks no longer building that in-house knowledge of capacities, of specific
sectors of the economy, of different areas, real estate, energy, etc.
And it all sort of ended up getting outsourced to private credit, public-type banks, etc.
And how much of that you think ideally should be preserved in-house at the lending desks
of banks. We do take all those kinds of issues into account. You know, we're in the phase of our
rulemaking where we've issued a proposal. We're taking comment on that proposal. We really are open to all
kinds of input on the proposal. We want to make sure we get it right. If there are areas that we can
improve it, we certainly will. You know, one of the areas that you mentioned is with respect to energy.
Some people have come to us and said, we think that the way you're treating in the proposal
tax credits, equity tax credits,
doesn't appropriately take into account the way in which repayment occurs under the tax credit
because in a normal equity investment, the return to the investor is from the investment itself,
and in these tax credit deals, we should think of those as having the return coming from the tax credit.
The tax credit is a regular source of payment, so you should think about this tax credit differently
from other equity investments. And that's the kind of comment that is useful to us.
We'll look at that.
We'll examine the analysis, the empirics of it.
And if that proves out to be true, then we can make an adjustment.
I mean, it is true more broadly that your counterparts in Europe, some European central
banks, have made accommodations for green energy loans or investments.
It sounds like that's something that you would consider, at least from a tax credit
perspective, that sort of change.
We don't consider the, you know, non-risk factors, I would say.
related to tax credits. But if the risk of those tax credits is lower, then that is exactly something
that we think. Oh, I see. So it would still be industry neutral? Correct. Okay. In terms of other changes
that you may or may not be considering, one of the big points of contention with the Basel endgame proposal
has to be the change to operational risk and the way that's calculated. And I've seen some numbers
floating out there saying that, you know, I've been watching NFL and I've heard the ads.
Your listeners are willing to talk about operational risk?
It's surprising, I know.
But is that something that is up for debate or some wriggle room or what sort of conversations
are you having right now with the stakeholders about this particular issue?
We also do look at, again, comments on any aspect of the rule.
We've heard comments already, and I'm sure I'm going to hear more of them soon,
that the operational risk charge is too high for some categories of activity.
Again, we're open to comment that is evidence-based, that's analytic, that demonstrates that the risk calibration should be different.
We want to get the rule right, and we're open to those kinds of comments.
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Should we take a couple, throw on a couple audience questions?
Yeah, let's do it.
Here's a question.
Fed Now, could it ever be the backbone for a simple point-of-sale system?
That's a great question.
You know, one of the cool things about setting up a structure like Fed Now is that people can
innovate in lots of different ways on it.
And I do think that that might be one of the ways that people,
could innovate over time.
Do you want to do another one or shall I throw one in?
Yeah, throw one in.
Oh, okay, I'll throw one in.
So in some respects, you know, I hope this is one of the easier or more relaxed conversations
that you're having this week because you were talking to lawmakers and politicians.
And, you know, that's always a sort of intense discussion I find.
But when one of the questions was, are you aiming for consensus on these new bank rules?
And so I'm not going to ask that question again, but what does consensus actually look like to you?
Can I just, why, was there a subtext there?
Like, why were they, there were so many questions on this consensus question.
Like, what were they really asking about, too?
So, you know, traditionally, one of the things that's true of the Fed and that I really value about the Fed is that we're very much a collegial body.
We spend a lot of time working with each other, talking to each other, working through issues.
And to the greatest extent, practical, we try and get most or all of the board members in favor of any
particular thing that we're doing. So, you know, if I look back over the last, you know,
year and a half, not quite year and a half, but we've had about 50 substantive, either supervisory
matters or rulemakings that I've brought to the board for consideration. And almost all of those have
been unanimous decisions. It doesn't mean that they are always unanimous. Sometimes we have
dissents, and I respect the dissents. So we have board members, one or two board members on a
handful of matters that have dissented from the proposals that I've put forward. And I think it
makes us a better institution to have that, first of all, the conversation and to try and teach
consensus. And second, you know, if we can't get there to have dissenting voices.
Tracy already asked a question about, you know, capital requirements at large and small banks,
but one of the questions, an audience question, on the process and just sort of the pure
regulatory burden side, setting aside capital requirements. Are there concerns that just the
higher costs of compliance in any respect hurt smaller banks and will sort of accelerate industry
concentration? So, you know, this rule only applies to the largest 37 banks in the country,
banks over $100 billion. So community banks are not affected at all. Smaller banks are not affected at all.
We do care about compliance burdens even for the very largest banks. We want to make sure that they're
commensurate with the increased resilience of the banking system that results. But this is not
affecting small banks anywhere in the country. Should I do another one? Go for. Are we? We're alternating.
Okay. Well, I feel we've been very bank-focused, which maybe in some of our
is unfair or makes complete sense given our current venue. But maybe we could talk about non-bank
entities for a bit. I have a couple questions on this. So again, post-2008 when we saw those initial
Basel rules come in, a big part of that was making banks safer for obvious reasons. We saw,
to your point, the destruction that the financial system had had on the global economy at that time.
And it seemed like a lot of the risk was pushed into non-bank entities.
Again, for obvious reasons, you know, they're less levered, they're more contained potentially.
You don't want systemically important banks to be taking all these risks because it comes back to bite you as we saw in 08.
But fast forward to 2023, it does feel like the non-bank sector of the economy has grown enormously.
And Joe and I had a conversation earlier this week about private credit.
I was shocked to find out that the private credit market in the U.S. is now as big as the broadly
syndicated market for junk-rated bonds.
I mean, that is huge.
And even the junk-rated bond market has been growing exponentially in recent years, up until
2023 anyway.
So how are you looking at those non-bank risks nowadays?
That's a great point.
Look, we need a strong and resilient banking system.
that's at the core of our financial system. And we need to pay attention to the non-bank sector,
but we can't have a weaker bank system because of concerns about the non-bank sector. We need
a strong banking system. And then we also need to pay attention to the non-bank risk. So we do
spend a lot of time at the Fed and at our sister agencies looking at and examining risks in the non-bank
sector. You know, I gave a speech yesterday at the Treasury Market Conference. And one of the things
that I noted is that hedge funds are significant participants in the treasury market that has lots
of benefits in terms of liquidity in that market, in terms of matching activity between the cash
part of that market and the futures part of that market, in terms of helping asset managers
to get access to futures that they want. But there are also risk because the activity is
being conducted with, in many cases, no margin at all, which means that.
trades are extremely highly leveraged. Yeah, well, we saw what happened in March 2020.
Exactly. So in March 2020, hedge funds were among the contributors to the disruption in the
Treasury market. And so we want to be sure that, first of all, that banks, as they're providing
credit to their clients, the hedge funds, are thinking about those risks. And then we also want to
make sure that the Treasury market is resilient to those kinds of potential disruptions. So we look very
carefully at that. You know, we're looking very carefully at other aspects of the non-bank sector,
and all of that, I think, is important for financial stability reasons. On the looking carefully
at other aspects of the non-bank financial sector, I mean, obviously entities, funds can lose
money, but are there other ways in which you could foresee the risks becoming systemic in a
meaningful way, or is the view that, well, yes, risky investors can lose money, but that doesn't
necessarily mean systemic risk?
Yeah, we aren't really concerned, you know, when investors lose money or when they gain money,
that's not really any of our business.
It's really about, are there disruptive events that could cause significant harm to the system?
You know, one area that I mentioned very briefly that, you know, we're looking at very carefully
is the way in which cyber events might cause systemic disruptions.
We had a smaller event over the last couple of weeks
that we paid careful attention to working with Treasury
and other federal regulators.
But we want to make sure that banks and other participants
in the market are resilient to cyber attack,
and that means both that they have good prevention systems in place
and also that they have good systems for recovery
in the event that cyber attacks are successful, which given the way the world is, you have to assume
that some of those attacks are going to get through. And so we really are quite focused on making
sure that that kind of risk is appropriately attended to by regulated entities.
Just going back to treasury clearing for a second, I mean, this has been a hotly debated topic,
the degree to which this actually poses a risk to the market. And I did mention that it definitely
became an issue in March of 2020, but there is an argument out there that, you know, do we need to
tailor our day-to-day policy for an event that happens, you know, once every, like, 300 years
or something like that? And I think we asked Daryl Duffy this question in Jackson Hole, and he was
adamant. He just said, yes, we absolutely do. But I'd be curious to understand how you're sort of
balancing, I guess, the immediate trade-offs versus, like, the long-term.
goal of having a more stable system?
We absolutely have to have a reliable, a stable, a resilient system for trading of treasuries.
Treasuries are really at the core of our financial system.
They're the way that individuals across the globe price, other assets.
They're the mechanism for the government to raise funds.
They're really at the core of the system.
And so we absolutely have to have a reliable, resilient,
system, a deep system. And so we do need to take the measures necessary to make sure that it stays
that way. I think that the kinds of steps that we've taken thus far are useful. You know,
for example, one of the steps that the Federal Reserve took is to establish a standing repo facility
and a facility for foreign official counterparts so that if there's pressure in the system,
that can be relieved through using repo transactions instead of,
outright sales that might cause serious dislocations to the economy.
Tracy mentioned our conversation with Daryl Duffy, and obviously when we talk about just the sheer
amount of debt that's being issued, a lot of people talk about it in terms of macro
conditions and the financing costs, but just in terms of infrastructure, is there more in
your view that needs to be done, whether on sort of private sector balance sheet side, market
structure, central clearing, et cetera, that would make the market more able to, you.
to absorb, have more capacity for all this issuance?
I do think it's a really critical question.
We do need a system that can intermediate effectively for Treasury securities.
There appears to be strong demand for Treasury securities,
so it really is question of making sure that securities can efficiently get to the right,
to the right buyer.
I think that the SECs move towards central clearing of Treasury securities
might be an additional appropriate next step. We're studying lots of other ways. This is, I would say,
ongoing work and will be ongoing work. It was just at the, as I mentioned, at the Treasury Conference
yesterday, it's an area that we're paying attention to all the time. So I realize we've hit a lot of
different risks in this discussion. So we've done interest rate risk, did operational risk,
cyber risk, risks in the Treasury market. One risk we haven't really talked about, maybe
because it isn't in the headlines quite as much anymore, is crypto risk.
And, you know, we had a big slide in the crypto market over the past year.
So it doesn't seem like that was a huge deal for the banking system,
except maybe, you know, in respect to something like Silvergate.
But one aspect of crypto contagion, I guess, or like one little crack that I think
hasn't gotten that much attention, even though the guy behind it certainly has,
has to do with Sam Bankman-Fried, who has been a guest on this podcast a number of times and is now
in a lot of legal trouble for reasons that I think everyone knows. But he did buy, or FTCS appears
to have bought a U.S. bank through a Cayman-based company, which seems like a pretty big channel
through which crypto could perhaps come into the U.S. banking system. Is that something that
you and your supervisory role are looking at or aware of, or how are you thinking about
crypto-contagentagent and the risks posed there more broadly?
Well, let me just say that in general, the banking system is not deeply exposed to issues in
the crypto space. Most banks have been taking what I would describe as a careful and cautious
approach to crypto. But we have been paying attention to these issues very much since I arrived
at the board, we've established a novel activities supervisory program to bring experts from around
the Federal Reserve System together to help supervisors deal with issues at banks that are
engaging in some crypto-related activity. And that novel activity supervisory program should help us
wrap our arms around the issues, should provide greater clarity and guardrails to banks that
want to be involved in this space. So we want to enable banks to innovate using these new technologies,
but to do that in a way that is safe and sound that complies with consumer protection laws,
that doesn't expose the banking system to threats from illicit finance, terrorist financing,
money laundering. All those issues really need to be completely buttoned down. And this supervisory
program will help provide that kind of clarity. Speaking of crypto,
on the subject. One of those things that we've sort of learned to appreciate over the time is that
systemic risk seems to come from instruments which are presumed not to be risky, but to be safe.
And so whether we're talking about the money market funds back in 2008 or just the par value of
deposits at a bank in 2023. And so then obviously when it comes to crypto, you know, that leads you to the
stable coin conversation. So I kind of want to ask two questions. One is, you know, what further do we need to
do to make sure that stable coins at some point in the future don't become a source of systemic
risk. But also in the positive sense, do you feel any optimism at all that stable coins
could be a big privately issued stable coins could be a meaningful and important part of the
global payments landscape going forward? Well, let me just say, first of all, I think that
we have to be very careful with stable coins. Stable coins are a form of private money. And we've seen
throughout really history, that private money, if it's not well regulated, can be extremely explosive.
People come to rely on it. In the case of a stable coin linked to the dollar, stable coins are really
borrowing the trust of the Federal Reserve. And if that's the case, we need strong federal
oversight of stable coins. We need oversight of the issuers and the wallets. We need to make sure that
there's strong enforcement, there's strong rules of the road.
because they can be quite explosive.
And so I do think we have to be really careful
in the stable coin space.
I think that innovation is hard to predict.
It's hard to say that a particular technology
is the one that's going to be the next technology of the future.
I think it's appropriate for us to let that innovation happen,
but it's got to happen within really, really clear guardrails.
We just have a few minutes left.
Shall we take some more questions?
Yeah, sure.
Okay, so this is going back to the Fed Now question or asked, is the Fed conflicted as a regulator of debit card costs and an operator of Fed now, potentially competing with debit costs, card cause?
And I also wonder, you know, sort of dovetails back to this question that I asked earlier about the degree to which real-time payments for various reasons haven't flourished because the lack of real-time payments service.
People make money off of it.
People make money on the existing. A lot of money is made on the existing payment system.
Yeah, no, look, first of all, on the second point, you know, we talked about this briefly before.
I do think that there are revenues in the banking system like overdraft fees and insufficient fund fees that some banks have gotten used to.
Many banks now are getting out of that business entirely.
They've announced that, you know, they're not going to do overdrafts anymore.
They're not going to charge for them.
I think that's positive for our economy and for consumers.
overdraft fees are often really hard for consumers to avoid.
And so if we can get rid of them, because banks are deciding that that's not the business they want to be in,
I think that's a net positive for households and the like.
You know, with respect to the existing payment system, I don't see a conflict between the work that we're doing on debit cards and the work that we're doing on Fed now.
Congress has assigned us a very particular role with respect to debit cards.
Congress has said that we need to determine that a debit card interchange fees are reasonable and
proportional in relation to certain specified costs.
That's our job.
We do the job Congress has assigned us.
We recently issued a proposal to update the rules in that space.
And I don't see that influencing or connecting in any way with our work on FedNow.
Should I ask a super big picture question?
Please.
We've been pretty micro.
There was a brief moment this summer sort of post SBB where it felt like there was a window
to suddenly have a sort of existential conversation about the U.S. banking system.
There was discussion over what do we actually want this to look like?
Do we want a nation of small banks where, you know, everyone knows their banker in it's a wonderful
lifestyle. Do we want something that's maybe more similar to Canada, where we have like six
huge banks that are highly regulated and that sort of thing? When you're making bank rules,
when you're evaluating everything that we've discussed today, do you have a vision of what
you want the U.S. banking system to look like? Well, let me just say, I very much value the diversity
that we have in the United States of different kinds of institutions. We have community banks that
are very, very local. We have smaller regional banks. We have large banks that are not the G-Sibs. We have
very large banks that are super complex and serve different kinds of markets. I think that that
diversity in our financial system is actually really healthy. It makes for a stronger, more
vibrant economy. It makes our banking system more resilient to shock. And so I do think that
we do take into account. I do think that it's important for us to take into account.
that diversity of size and type of institution.
Can I ask just like a random question that's totally out of order now?
I should have asked this during the more the macro part of the discussion.
But you know, and I think about where the Fed is with the policy with the policy trajectory.
You know, the one area of the economy that I think everyone agrees that the Fed has real
influence on is housing and rate policy feeds directly through to mortgage rates.
And you can slow down. It looks like unambiguously, if there's one thing that rates can do,
it's slow down housing activity, but that cuts both ways because it reduces demand for new mortgages,
but it can also impair supply. And we are in a time in which many people feel like the United
States is perhaps millions of units underhoused. How do you think about the supply side aspect of
monetary policy and the point at which rate policy ends up constraining supply when, in theory,
more supply is what drives prices down? Yes. So what I, I,
I give you a technical answer and then maybe a broader answer.
So, you know, we really are mostly working on the demand side of the house, if you will,
and that, you know, the elasticity of demand are faster and larger than the elasticity of supply.
So what we're really seeing is, you know, overall, our country has not had enough housing supply for a long time.
We've been, you know, behind.
that was true, you know, before the rate hikes, it was true before the pandemic. It's been true for a while.
So we do need just overall in our society to see more housing supply come in in order to catch up.
But right now, the major effect, the shortest term effect, is really on tamping down aggregate demand so that supply has a chance to catch up.
And I think there is evidence that we were talking about before in the data that supply and demand are coming into better balance overall.
Well, Joe, I think we've effectively achieved a random walk through a whole lot of topics.
Crossing back and forth a few times.
Thank you so much to Michael for being a wonderful guest and, you know, playing ball with us on a wide variety of topics.
Really appreciate it.
It's my pleasure to join you on the show.
I really enjoyed the past year.
Thank you.
That was our conversation with Michael Barr, the Fed's Vice Chair for Supervision at the Clearinghouse Conference in New York City.
I'm Tracy Alloway. You can follow me at Tracy Alloway.
And I'm Joe Wisenthall. You can follow me at the stalwart.
Follow our producers, Carmen Rodriguez at Carmen Arman, Dashel Bennett at Dashbot, and Kel Brooks at Kel Brooks.
And thank you to our producer, Moses Ondom.
For more Oddlots content, go to Bloomberg.com slash Oddlots, where we have a blog, transcripts, and a newsletter.
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I'm Michelle Hussein, and for more than 20 years, I was at the BBC.
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You certainly ask interesting questions.
