Odd Lots - Why Americans Are Falling Behind on Auto Loans At Their Highest Level Ever
Episode Date: December 22, 2025By and large, American households are in a healthy economic position. Yes, unemployment has been rising, but it's still at fairly low levels. Consumer spending has held up well despite terrible sentim...ent. And many households are sitting on huge stock market gains and have a big home equity cushion. And yet, there are signs of trouble. Most notably, auto loan delinquencies have been surging to their highest level in history. It's the same with student loans, where delinquencies are far higher than normal. So what's going on? On this episode, we speak with Rikard Bandebo, the chief economist at VantageScore, which offers a consumer credit score that's different from the traditional FICO measures. He explains how surging prices, rising interests, and -- crucially -- rising insurance costs have created an auto squeeze. We also discuss what this means for broader consumer health and whether this auto delinquency phenomenon signals something broader about consumer stress. Read more:Rise of the ‘Zombie’ LoansFirst Brands Asks Lenders for Fresh Cash of Up to $800 Million Only Bloomberg - Business News, Stock Markets, Finance, Breaking & World News subscribers can get the Odd Lots newsletter in their inbox each week, plus unlimited access to the site and app. Subscribe at bloomberg.com/subscriptions/oddlots Join the conversation: discord.gg/oddlotsSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
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Hello and welcome to another episode of the Odd Lodz podcast.
I'm Joe Wisenthall.
And I'm Tracy Allaway.
Tracy, I feel like I just do not have any feel right now
on like the state of the consumer, really.
I mean, you hear K-shaped economy, labor markets slowing down.
Then it's like lowest layoffs in years.
you go outside, everything looks booming.
Like, I just have no feel right.
I know consumer sentiment is terrible, but consumer sentiment is terrible for years and people
keep shopping.
I have no sense of it, right?
Well, consumer sentiment actually came in higher than expected most recently.
True.
Big surprise.
But I was going to say, are you not out shopping for Christmas presents?
It's insane, right?
Yeah.
There's a lot of people buying a lot of stuff.
There's a lot of stuff.
But I think this gets to the K-shaped economy point, which is if you have a cohort of
of wealthy people who are buying more, it more than offsets the lower income people who are buying
less at lower prices.
So it's really hard to tell.
It's really hard to tell.
One thing that definitely feels different, if you look at aggregate measures of household balance
sheets, like this is something that is very different than sort of like pregrade financial
crisis.
The general view is that the American consumer or the American household has a very big cushion.
There is a lot of home equity built up there.
That is not a thin layer.
Obviously, anyone with money and any sort of investment account has done phenomenally well.
We're recording this December 12th yesterday.
I think the SMP 500 hit yet a new all-time high.
So if you have any sort of home equity buildup, if you have any sort of investment, you're doing very well.
On the other hand, of course, people are stretched from years of inflation.
We know that hiring has slowed down.
We know that, you know, we see these headlines.
for cars have like shot up, but I've been seeing these headlines for years. I don't totally
know what they mean or how apples to apples they are with the past. I just don't know. I just,
I'm very confused. Yeah. You know what's really interesting to me just from a financial perspective.
Yeah. If you look at some of the bonds that were actually built on consumer loans, the weakest ones are now from the like 2020 to 2020 period.
Oh. See, this is another interesting element of measures like delinquencies and why I sort of wonder like how comparable they are because, okay, partly a delinquency measure is a snapshot of a moment in time, right? A snapshot of health. But it also inherently reflects something in the past because it reflects, you know, what were lending standards at the type. Right, exactly. And so, you know. And that was a period of low interest rates. Everything was booming on Wall Street.
booming itself. Yeah, give money to anyone. Anyway, we need to get a better picture of exactly what's
going on. How stressed is the consumer? How much do these delinquencies just reflect the profligacy of lenders
during the boom times when rates were nothing, et cetera? And yes, we need to figure this out,
especially we're in the middle of shopping season and all that stuff. So I'm very excited to say,
we really do have the perfect guest. We're going to be speaking with Ricard Bondabo. He is the
executive vice president, chief strategy officer and chief economist,
Vantage Score, a credit scoring company.
Ricard, thank you so much for coming on the podcast.
Thank you for having me.
It's an honor.
What is Vantage Score, a U.S. credit scoring company?
What do you do there?
So we're the largest credit scoring company in the United States, and we were founded almost
20 years ago by the three credit bureaus, TransUnion, Equifax, and Experian.
And we were sort of created with a very specific mission in mind to drive greater competition
in credit scoring prior to us that really wasn't a lot of choice in this space.
We're also there to drive more innovation and create the most predictive scores, which was a big ask from the banks at the time, and also to be able to expand access to millions to enable everyone who really is credit worthy to be able to get access to credit products.
You mentioned the banks just then. Can you expound a little bit more on your customer base?
Yes. So we used, obviously, the primary use case that most people think about when it comes to credit scores is for lending, right?
When you know, you're applying for a loan and they want to evaluate whether or not you're going to be able to perform on that loan.
often pull your credit score as part of that process. But it's used in many other stages as well.
So, for instance, many people who are applying to rent in a new apartment building may also get
asked for it when you are trying to get a utility bill. Definitely in New York you get asked for it.
Yes, you certainly do. And utility bills, telephones, anything that involves a long-term commitment
on payments generally now, you'll often get asked to provide your credit score.
So just to explain further. You were started by whom 20 years ago?
We were a joint venture by Experian, Equifax, and TransUnion, the three national credit reporting agencies.
So what is the difference between these major companies that we've all heard of that provide a credit score, et cetera, that they such founded you?
Like, what do you do differently than them?
Well, so what they do is they're the ones who collect all this data from lenders and others on your credit performance, right?
So they're called credit bureaus.
They collect that.
They're highly regulated.
But then most lenders can't just make sense.
of all of that data on its own. They need some guidance to help to translate that into,
what does that mean, right? And so that's where a scoring algorithm comes into effect, right? And so
the scoring algorithm helps to take in all these hundreds of different factors about you to try
to then determine what does that mean about your propensity to pay. Okay. You mentioned predictive
analysis as well. What exactly is that? What's that based on? Well, so when critical scores are
created, right, the aim, the goal is to try to evaluate what is the likelihood of somebody's
going to default on a payment over the next 24 months. So when you see that score, the score is
actually a translation of a probability, right, or on odds, right, to evaluate what is that risk?
And how did we end up with the system of FICO scores in the U.S.? Because it has, like, an
interesting history? Well, back in the day, Fair Isaac, they created the first sort of known credit
score. They were the first ones to realize that there was a...
Is that the FI and Fair Isaac? Is that FICO is a...
Yes.
Yes.
And so let's go back a bit, right?
So in the old days, lending was not necessarily the most fair system that there was, right?
When I call up your previous employer, they may call your landlord, they may just ask around.
And if they don't know anything about you, you know, there was a lot of judgment involved in lending decisions.
A lot of racial discrimination as well.
Well, that certainly was built into that system, right?
And so then there was a law creator, the Fair Credit Reporting Act that said, like, you can't do that.
you need a better system that is fair and that is a better quantitative ability to assess
people's risk, right? And that created then this need to be able to consolidate all this
quantitative information in a way that lenders could easily use it. So FICO was the first,
fair Isaac at the time was the first to create that, and they did very well doing so. But then there
was a need for competition, innovation, and there was a lot of frustration around the time of
20 years ago, that there was only one game in town. And it didn't score about 20% of the US population,
It still doesn't.
And then a lot of lenders were felt frustrated,
but if it doesn't work for 20% of the population,
there's a problem.
We need something different.
And so then bureaus took the unusual step
of actually coming together to create an alternative,
and that became vantage school.
Interesting.
Can I, as a consumer, go credit score shopping?
So, first of all, there's different ways to use it, right?
So a lender will typically choose the credit score
that they're going to use for being able to underwrite a loan with you.
And often, you know, they'll use many more factors.
than just a simple credit score, particularly the more sophisticated ones.
However, when you're trying to understand what your situation is, there are lots of different
places you can go.
You can either go at the credit bureaus, you can go to the likes of credit karma.
There are many different services out there.
But I can't force the lender to look at a specific score.
Don't look at this score.
Yeah, look at this one over here.
It's great.
Get a second opinion.
No, I'm afraid not.
That's not how it works.
It's really, you know, the lenders try to determine what is the most appropriate score for
their product.
And there are many, many different scores out there.
There are, in some cases, built specifically for,
types of products like auto loans and the other scores that are scores that are generic that can be used
for any type of product. So you collect more data and you mentioned that there is this
wide swath of the population that wasn't being captured by the credit bureaus. What do you do
additionally on top of them to expand the pool, find potentially credit worthy borrowers that
they had been missing before? So the thing is that the quality and the types of data that's
been collected by our credit bureaus has improved significantly over time.
And so when we started creating our algorithms,
the current version that's now being adopted for mortgage is the version four.
We're releasing version five this year.
We actually go and rewrite the whole thing each time,
so that each time we can come up with the most accurate way
based on the current data is available
and our current ability to understand how consumers are behaving,
because that behavior changes over time.
Other companies, what they've done is they've built a model a long time ago.
They don't like to necessarily reveal everybody how it works, the secret source, right?
So when you're seeing there's a chief risk officer and there's a new model coming along,
either you want to understand that it's going to pay very similarly to the previous one to be okay with it,
or you need a lot of transparency and how it works so you can get comfort in this new model.
So I think there's the big divergence and strategy.
We go back to boots and redo everything from scratch each time,
but in the same time provide an awful lot of transparency and a lot of tools
so that lenders can get a really good understanding of exactly how this is going to,
going to work and how it's going to behave in different situations and they can test it out, right?
Whereas the other one is still working with many limitations that have been in place since the very
first models. And because of those limitations, that's a big difference in why we score a lot more
people. So I'll give you a very concrete example. So for instance, one of the limitations that the
others have is that if you haven't had any credit activity for the past six months, that you're not going
to get a school. So you can just imagine somebody that works for the military has been deployed overseas or
anything else, right? But the good thing is, starting about 15 years ago, the Bureau started
collect and storing data so we could use time series data, because who'd have thought
that time series data could be useful in prediction, right? Completely strange idea, right? So with
Vynar school 4, we started using trended data, time series data, and with that, obviously, we can
see back 24 months. So yes, if there's a gap in six months of history, it's important, but we're
still able to see what happened before then, right? And that gets rid of 10.
of millions of people when you have that constraint.
There are the constraints in there, too, so people that are new to credit.
So if they haven't had a full six months of history, again, they won't get scored.
If they aren't any trade lines, they won't get scored, right?
And so what we've been able to do is to deal with those constraints in a different way
by A, using time series data, B, using some other data points.
So we were the first to use utility payments and rent.
I mean, who'd have thought that your ability to pay your rent could somehow, again,
be useful in trying to assess your risk, right?
And so including those new different types of data, realizing that these constraints can be changed now that you have time series data.
But then also, guess what?
You know, math has evolved as well.
Okay.
And so, you know, what we realized too was that you can be really smart and use some new methods like, you know, some AI methods, for instance, like clustering to really understand, well, look, here's a group of people and they behave in a certain way.
And by doing that in a better way, we can then figure out what is the best way to measure this group of people here versus this group of people here.
And doing that well enables you to build much more predictive scores.
And so that's an important nuance, too, that not a lot of people always realize is that it's not one formula that's calculating everybody's score.
People will get, depending on what their credit file looks like and their history looks like, they'll get divided into different segments.
And then each segment is scored according to that.
And that, again, increases the ability to score people accurately and score more people.
Like in our case, it's 33 million more people that were able to score.
So it's quite substantial.
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How did the models deal with breaks in previous consumer patterns?
Because we have seen some major ones in recent years.
So after the pandemic, we had a phenomenally tight labor market and we saw a lot of wage growth for lower income, a lot of spending that was sort of unprecedented in many ways.
How do models actually incorporate that sort of big shift in the trend?
So I think that's something really important to try to understand, and it's not easily understood by many.
So give me a second here.
I'll try to break this down.
When people say, give me a second, I have to break this down.
Please break it down.
You can have a minute.
Yeah, you can have a minute.
Honestly, that's kind of what I enjoy most about listening to your podcast.
And so, look, the first thing to understand is that this credit score is not an absolute measure of risk.
It's a relative measure of risk.
Let me break that down for you, right?
So what it means is that, you know, a score, if somebody has score 720 in one month and then somebody else has scored 720, three years later, the risk will be different.
And the reason for that is very deliberate.
When we are evaluating a person, right, because of the laws of the Fair Credit Reporting Act, right, we're allowed to look at the things that are about you.
But there are things that are going out on at the same time in the economy that impact risk of the population as a whole, right?
So that's why it's so important when you're looking at things like credit scores to understand
when was that score pulled, right? Because the score of 720 in 2017 had a very different
characteristic of a score of 720 in 2022. Okay. Now, but the thing to bear in mind is it's an excellent
relative measure of risk. So at any one given point in time, you know, somebody with a 720
is going to be much better performing than somebody at 630,
and the same time somebody 840 is going to be much better than both of them.
And that holds consistently true.
And so that's why it's very important to include when you're making lending decisions.
But lenders have to be thoughtful, right?
They have to, as they're making decisions about how many people they want to be able to underwrite
and how to think about risk, they need to also start thinking about these external factors as well
so that they can then set their underwriting criteria to meet,
the kind of level of risk that they're willing to take on.
I had never thought about this, but of course, that makes so much sense.
So it's like I could have an excellent credit history.
I could have ex-employment, pay all my rent.
But for example, if the economy is going down the tubes, I may still yet be a risky credit
because I may lose my job at some point.
And so this idea that it kind of has to be relative because the underlying conditions
that affect everyone are outside of our control, but they are still important from
the perspective of the lender. Exactly. And at the same time, if you get declined for credit card,
you can't be told that the reason you're getting declined is because unemployment has hit 5%.
Right? That doesn't work. The laws are very specific. The reasons for why you're not getting the
top score have to be explained and they have to be based on attributes and data, obviously,
that are specific to you. What's the most important external factor when it comes to credit scoring?
because I've heard arguments for obviously the labor market, the unemployment rate, but also wage income and therefore real disposable income.
How do you weight those different factors?
I mean, I think if you're a lender, it's going to really depend upon what types of consumers you're lending to, right?
Particularly now we're seeing such divergence across consumers in terms of who's doing well and who isn't.
And so, for instance, if you are a lender focused on people that are kind of below prime,
let's say that not completely subprime, but that near prime group, and you're focusing on
auto loans and, you know, you're in regions like Texas or in certain areas, then obviously
understanding the economic conditions that are affecting those people, like a lot of those people
would be working in certain types of industries. What is employment like in those types of industries,
right? Or is it people that are in the gig economy, right? And so it is quite nuanced. It's not necessarily
one thing, and it's going to depend. Whereas on the other extreme, you know, if you're handing out black
cards and your audience is incredibly affluent, then again, it's less about the risk, because at that
point, your risk of default is probably one in 10,000. So they're just trying to make sure that it is
absolutely risk-free. Right. So someone in a highly cyclical industry, like, I don't know,
truck drivers in Texas or something, that we're taking out auto loans would probably be seen as
riskier. Or the labor market would depend more for them, whereas if you're taking out a black
amex card or something like that, probably real disposable income.
Yeah.
Okay.
So you mentioned different segmentation.
People talk about this K-shaped economy.
Is that real or is that a mean?
I absolutely believe so, but I think that it's a little bit more nuanced.
And so, you know, one of the things that we spotted late last year and we're tracking
into this year was that we weren't the first to see that it was a K-shaped economy,
but a lot of people were making the assumption that the K-shaped economy was being driven
by income levels.
But when we were looking at the date at the time, we were seeing that those that were in sort of the higher income level, in our case, that's 150,000 above.
So that's not your, you know, people who are running hedge funds and, you know, but still, it's the relatively better to-do cohort.
They were actually seeing the highest year-of-year increases in delinquency rates at the time.
So we knew that, okay, hold on a second.
It isn't as simple as this.
So, you know, we spent a lot of time and sort of a lot of banks, and we kind of collaborated with them to try to understand what's really then the difference.
and then what seemed to be really a part of this is wealth.
So, you know, a lot of people don't necessarily differentiate income and wealth, but they are
separate.
And so, you know, when you're looking then at a high income cohort at the time to try to see like,
okay, well, which ones are doing well, which ones weren't, home ownership was the biggest
differentiator because they had a bigger cushion, something they can rely on.
And then obviously other aspects as well, like stock ownership and small business
ownership, etc.
But homeownership is the one that has the bigger effect because there's more people in the U.S. economy that own a home than let's say has a stock portfolio.
Right. Talk more about mortgage rates because this feels pretty key when you're talking about the K-shaped economy, which is if anyone who bought their house before 2020 is probably a very lucky person and has locked in a low mortgage rate.
I think mortgage rates are still, even after the rate cut, we're at like 6% or something versus I think at one point.
they got down to like 3% right after the pandemic.
Yeah. I think there are people like 2.5% of money. It's crazy. Yeah. And so if you bought a house then,
you actually have this like massive cushion, as you put it, versus someone who's buying a house now or in the past couple years.
In a way I see there's a bit of a silver lining when it comes to housing, right? We have seen rates come down this week.
Hopefully there will continue to come down next year. There's a lot of debate, obviously even within the Federal Reserve.
to exactly the speed at which that's going to be accomplished. And obviously, there are many other
factors that can impact that. But the reason we see a silver lining is for two reasons.
Okay, as interest rates comes down, obviously for people that own homes, that's their biggest monthly
payment. Right now, there isn't much point for many to refinance, given where the interest rates are.
But if it comes down a bit more, it'll make much more sense for a large tranche of homeowners
that have higher interest rates to be able to make that switch. So we'd expect a bit of a
refinancing boom as it hits a certain level. But the other thing that's really exciting about what's
happening in the homeownership space is that this year, the FHFA changed the rules about what credit
scores can be used in mortgage. So historically, they've used a very old version that's from the
90s of the classic score in mortgage applications. And that was actually not deliberately done so. It was
just that we got written into the rules and then since then as a recommendation, but then it became
kind of the de facto a monopoly in that space. And the problem is, that's a model that went through
the last crisis. And the Federal Reserve of St. Louis actually found that it didn't work well at
all in that situation. In fact, it saw the bigger rate of increase in delinquencies amongst those
that were prime than it did amongst those that were subprime, so the rate of increase,
which is not how a model is supposed to work, surprisingly, right? And so what's happening now
is that they have allowed for Varno Schrofo to be used. And the reason I say that is that it's, A,
because, as I mentioned before, a lot more people
when they have the ability to get access to home ownership.
So that will create a bit more demand, right?
Which is great.
And the other thing to think about, too,
is who are these people that get access to this, right?
It's a lot of people that are not necessarily in the areas
that have been so crazy with house price increases, right?
There are a lot of rural communities.
So if you look at the state
where there's the biggest difference between scoreable people
with the new score, it's actually West Virginia.
And so those economies could certainly do really well,
from a change to more people having home ownership.
And then the second thing, too, is obviously RMBS is really important.
Had some challenges back in 2008, 2009, right?
And so having a better performing model.
Challenges is a very modest way of putting it.
I heard about those challenges.
I think they came up a couple of times.
I was educated in the UK.
Pardon me.
We have a tendency to understate things.
So, you know, having a newer, more proven model,
one that's, you know, worked so well in credit card
and other things for the past eight years.
It's become the most used model in many other segments.
So having a proven model that's newer and more predictive
should help as well with reducing the systemic risk
in the R&BS market.
Just to go back very quickly because it sounded important,
can you just clarify a little bit more?
What is this rule change such that could unlock
additional source of demand here?
OK, so when a bank before wanted to submit loans
to Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, they could only submit
those loans using the FICO Classic score.
Okay.
Which is actually two, three different scores.
Go into that another point, but anyway, and there used to be like a cutoff that if you
didn't have 620, then you couldn't be able to submit it.
You could go to an FHA loan, but those are more expensive, right?
But you couldn't necessarily get a normal conforming loan that goes to finding me or Freddie Mac.
So that's not changed.
First of all, that minimum limit of FICO has been removed, and now they are just updating all
the pipes to allow them to use Varnish score as a choice.
So now there'll be a choice.
Lenders can choose which score they want.
to use. And they can make their own evaluations about which one performs better.
Okay, so let's go back to starting at the end of last year. And you saw that increase in delinquencies
among people with decent incomes. Maybe they didn't have as much wealth. Talk to us about the
numbers. How big were these numbers? How much did they catch people by surprise? And what is the
story there about why there was this delinquency pressure? Well, so the good thing is, it's evolved a bit
since the end of last year. But, you know, when we're looking at this data then, again, look,
earners, not surprisingly, have lower delinquency rates than middle income earners and that had themselves lower delinquency rates than the lower income, right?
But not a lot of people were looking at that kind of year-over-year trend and the momentum, right?
I'm always looking at momentum because I'm trying to get an early read on kind of how things are developing.
And so at the time, actually, let's go back a little bit because I think it can explain a little bit more about what's going on in the economy.
Is that all right?
So when the pandemic happens, right?
A lot of stimulus comes in, a lot of forbearance programs are put in place.
As a result of that, so many people's credit health and the way that they appear on the credit
files improved dramatically.
They were paying down their credit cards.
They were building up their savings.
It was a good situation, temporary, but good.
But then 2021, 22 starts creeping in, and we start seeing that, okay, this is not a persistent
situation.
This was a one-off, right?
and we started seeing delinquency rates starting to come up again, right?
What we saw, which shouldn't be too surprising,
particularly given that that was when inflation was kicking in in a big way,
was that those that were initially impacted and who were seeing the biggest rises
were the lower income households, right?
So for the first sort of, you know, six months, nine months,
that was the group that was seeing the biggest year-over-year increases.
But then what we started seeing was that come 2023 forward,
we actually started seeing that then the middle and high-year increases.
higher income households were starting being impacted too. And that's probably related to the fact
that lower income households had less disposable income, but they also had less savings put away
so that, you know, they're the first to feel the pain. But then when there's this consistent
imbalance between your inflows and your outflows, right, even if you have, you know,
30,000 or 50,000 that's put away, that's going to start depleting. And that's what we started
seeing happening, even with these higher income households, because at the same time,
you know, they were hit by so many pressures, right?
Biggest rent increases, I think we'd ever seen, came into effect those few years after COVID,
right?
We saw things on, you know, car prices, costs of auto financing going up through the roof,
and then various other costs also went up substantially.
And so it's not that higher income people were immune from this, right?
Also, as an economist, a lot of people always talk about, hey, when inflation kicks in,
it disproportionately impacts lower income households because the cost of bread, the cost of milk,
et cetera. You know, it's not like high income people buy milk that's 100 times more expensive,
right? But the reality is, if you look at people's big outlays, many of those actually scale
with income. Rent, for instance, people that earn more tend to rent high. Other big outlays such as
child care, education and other things, they also have been scaling more with income. Now, obviously,
there's a level of income that, you know, that does not apply to, but if we still talk about
that cohort 150 to 250 or so of household income, they're definitely seeing that they felt the pain
too. It took them longer before it started impacting their delinquencies, but they did start feeling the
pain. The good news, though, is that as we started looking at the second half of this year, right,
so we still saw those delinquencies and high incomes rising very heavily at the beginning, the first
tougher this year. But since July, and I've got data from October, so of the three of the four
months since July, we've seen that higher income households came down. So that's a good sign.
And the reason I say that's a good sign is not because I'm a fan of making the case-shaped economy
even more so, but the fact that so much of the U.S. economy is driven by spending, you mentioned
earlier, that high-income households disproportionately impact that. And so if that dries up,
that has a knock-on effect on the whole economy. So the fact that we're seeing
that cohort that those delinquencies are starting to come down, I think there's some light at the end of the
tunnel. This is Caroline Hyde. And I'm Ed Ludlow inviting you to join us for Bloomberg Tech,
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I always wondered how useful are big shopping events like Black Friday or Christmas in terms of gauging consumer sentiment.
So you always see the headlines.
You certainly saw them this year, you know, record Black Friday spending.
But then you also see people break down that spending and say, well, actually it's because everyone is so pressured.
They really need the low prices.
So they're buying everything now.
How useful is something like that to you?
You can always see trends, right?
And so from one perspective, it's always good to look at a number of different things,
such as spending on Black Friday, Cyber Monday, et cetera, because there are nuances into
how people have been spending for those weekends over 20 years, but still, if you look at the last
three years, you can start to see things that are happening.
But the thing that I haven't been able to get my head round is how much of that year-of-year
increase in spending and the holidays is driven by the prices of the goods going up versus
people buying things that would have traditionally been more expensive or splurging more.
That for me isn't obvious.
And I think that again, when trying to understand how the economy is going, it's so important,
if you're looking at from a spending perspective, to actually look at the different merchants.
Right.
So how's McDonald's doing?
What are the trends there?
What's happening in high end?
How is LVMH doing versus Walmart, etc?
Because again, even though I said that, you know, there's a silver lining in the high income consumers
are seeing declines. Middle income have come down, but they're still increasing, and low income
are staying persistently high around 8% year-over-year increases in their delinquency rates. And so
we're probably next year going to see more households struggling to make ends meet than we saw
this year. I still don't think that there's, just looking at the trend, it's going to be any
kind of major break point. But the thing to bear in mind with that, though, is that, you know,
If you look at here this situation, and you look at, for instance, J.P. Morgan published that, you know, the amount of cash people have in their checking accounts is coming down.
So it just means that there's more of a challenge if there's a big shock to the system at some point.
Not that I can foresee any shock to the system, but it's always something to be a little bit wary of.
Before we go on, I want to go back to something you said very quickly.
You said, okay, intuitively, people with higher incomes are going to have delinquencies at a lower rate than people with middle incomes and they're going to have delinquencies at a lower rate than people with lower incomes.
That's not intuitive to me, actually, because I would also imagine that underwriting is very different, et cetera.
It's not obvious to me why higher income people default less than lower income people because I would imagine lenders know their income and they're going to scrutinize the loan of a lower income person much more intense.
etc. So why should this trend exist, given they don't get the same loan terms or same loan
availability? No, they don't. And, you know, a high-income household will buy typically
a more expensive than a car than a low-income household will. But higher-income households tend
to have more of an ability to squirrel some money away, or they tend to have other assets
that they can... The lender knows that. The lender knows that the higher-income household is going
to have likely more savings and the lender knows that the household that's in a very tight income
probably has very little cushion in the form of what we call it wealth. And so why doesn't
that just get baked into the underwriting standards? Well, in ways it does, right? And so, you know,
when you're underwriting a loan for, let's say, somebody who is high income and has a good credit
history, your expectation of their default is going to be incredibly low, right? So that's built into
the pricing and that's built into, and you obviously don't just look at a credit score.
You look at what their income is and various other important metrics to be able to determine
the appropriate amount that you will lend them, et cetera.
But high income consumers may not need to take on as much debt as a proportion to their
income as lower income households to get through what they need to do, right?
And so if you look at, for instance, a high income household, how much of their, even though, for
instance, probably housing and car costs are some of the biggest outlays they have, proportion
proportionately, they're probably less than for lower income households, right? And so, you know, a lot of it has to do with that proportionality, but then also just that, again, they will tend to have a bit more reserves so that they can ride through situations. Talk to us about auto delinquencies. Those have been rising, and obviously there's a lot of lending going on. Again, Tracy mentioned the sort of a 2028 to 2022 vintage car prices themselves are going up. So not only have the rates gone up, but we've seen a tremendous amount of
auto inflation, so sort of stress at every level. We see the numbers going up. What do those tell us?
It's a fascinating story. There's been a lot of interest that was paid attention to auto loans
because suddenly in 2022, everybody started seeing these auto loan delinquencies going up much faster than
other types of loan delinquencies, and it was having a profound effect, obviously, on auto lenders
and the economy as a whole. And, you know, everybody's trying to explain, well, you see, we got a bit
too loose during the period of COVID and other things, and they started adjusting their lending
criteria, right? So they did adjust their lending criteria around 2023 for most of them, but then we still
saw that despite that, the delinquency rates kept persistently increasing. And then when we looked at
the data, we actually saw that, but they had actually had an impact by adjusting their lending
criteria. We saw that the delinquency rates among subprime, all the loans, reduced quite dramatically
after that. So they did have that effect.
But we saw that the delinquency rates on near prime and prime continued to go up.
And that was what drove that increase.
And so we realized there's something more going on here.
And also, why is it it's so different?
So we went back a long time.
We went back to 2010 to try to understand kind of what's been going on.
Because not many people look at it from that timescale, but it's actually quite fascinating.
Because back in 2010, Auto had the best performance of any loan product at the time.
It was the least risky loan product.
This was always the narrative that Americans will never give up their cars,
Even if they lose their job, they can sleep in their car and live in the car, which is very dystopian.
But that's, I remember hearing that story literally from a banker, a banker who is actually working on bundling phone loans.
And he was like, no one will ever give up their phone.
So at that time, it performed well, right?
And people did not default as much on that as on other products.
But then we've seen it has transitioned over that 15-year period to now the first quarter this year, it was the riskiest credit.
product out there. And then subsequently, student loans started coming in, and that's another
story. Those delinquency rates are at historic levels. But on the auto loan side, we then try to
understand what's causing this, right? And so what we've seen was that there's a number of factors.
Some of them obvious, some of them a little bit more subtle, right? The average cost of a car has gone
up an incredible amount. And what we're seeing is then the average loan value for auto loans has
increased more than any other loan value. And that may sound like, okay. But if you think,
about it, mortgages tend to be the one that grows the most because house prices have appreciated
so much of a time. So the fact that the average all alone has grown more than the average mortgage
has over that 15-year period is telling, okay? Secondly, obviously, there is this double
whammy? So not only is the car more expensive, but then more recently interest rates have
been higher, right? And so, you know, then I'm going to have to pay more, not just for the
principal, but also the interest. But I think one of the things that has caught many consumers
off guard is, okay, so they're in the dealership, they're being shown some numbers. Some people get it,
and they go like, okay, yes, we can still do that. We can make it work. We can just about make
and stretch, because also, I think people are trying to buy either the same that they had before
or slightly better. I know many people like downgrading, okay? And so they think, well, it's the same
car, and yes, there's a little bit more, but we can make ends meet, right, by looking at these numbers.
But what they often forget about is that insurance has gone up significantly, as have just the cost
of ownership, repair costs have also gone up substantially. And so when all those things
then hit them, they can be in a situation where we just can't make it work. And so that's not
good. And the key piece of this too is, look, the good thing is, of all the loan products,
mortgages are performing pretty well. Okay. They are increasing, but they're still much,
much lower than they were back in 2010. Obviously, much lower than 28, 29. So, but if you default on
a mortgage, it takes some time before anything really happens, right? With a lot of
auto loan, they will come and they will take that car away from you. And given that, you know,
so many people rely on that car to go to their job, to make their income, to do other tasks
that are important, like they're shopping or taking their children to the school or other things
that they need to do, people don't willingly just default on these auto loans. And so I think
it is a sign that correlates with the fact that, you know, more households are struggling to make
ends meet. How much insight do you have into leverage? And the reason I ask,
is because we've seen an explosion in buy now pay later programs.
Virtually every site you go to now has three different options for getting a loan for a small amount.
And only a few of those, my understanding is, are actually reporting to the credit bureaus.
And I can also imagine if you're a lower income person who is perhaps more pressured,
you're probably going to turn to a family member and say something like,
hey, can you loan me, I don't know, 500 bucks to make it to the end of the month.
And there's no way that credit scoring bureaus are going to have insight into things like that, informal loans.
The credit data that comes from the credit bureaus is still incredibly predictive and useful, but it doesn't capture everything.
Like Alex was on, I think recently, a firm is starting to provision data to the credit file, which is great, but not all of them are there.
And so, you know, I think there is still a lot that's not visible.
And that is definitely a concern to lenders.
We've been here there concerns about stacking and things of that nature.
Obviously, these companies haven't got to where they.
are without having some understanding of risk themselves, right? So they're not going to necessarily
just let someone who's not performing a loan take out another five BNPL loans, right? And the ability
of a consumer to go to all different BNPL providers and use that, there's a level of effort and
sophistication required to do that. That certainly I'm sure they're going to be some, but I don't
know how many people fall into that category. Nevertheless, it is a concern that more isn't visible.
And that's why I think being able to pull in more than credit file data, such as cash flow data, becomes really important.
And so what we're seeing is that there are more and more that are looking to incorporate cash flow into the process,
because then they can have a better understanding of the ins and outs, right?
Is there checking balance going up or declining over time?
Does their income look like it's stable?
Does it look like it's more sporadic?
And so we have started building now credit scores that also incorporate that type of data.
and that I think is going to come even more important as we go forward because there are going to be more and more ways that consumers can borrow.
So that's probably the better way to get that holistic view.
Sure quickly.
Auto delinquencies, are they at their highest level ever right now or close?
Yep.
I mean, they are, yes.
And they're continuing to go up.
So what we have seen, though, is that credit cards, for instance, they went up a lot.
Delinquencies.
Yeah, delinquencies.
Credit card delinquencies went up a lot in 23, 24, but they've started coming down.
And we started seeing personal loans coming down as well.
So it's a very nuanced picture.
So we've seen the unsecuritized delinquencies that have started coming down this year, year over year,
but we're still seeing mortgage and auto loans continue to increase.
Which is pretty topsy-turvy when you kind of think about it.
But anyway, so the other thing happening now is insurance rates going up
because of the, I guess, non-extension of previous subsidies.
And one thing you're seeing all over social media is people posting their new insurance rates for 2020.
And I've seen some crazy ones, you know, something going from $600 to like $1,800 a month.
How much pressure would you expect something like that to exert on the consumer for next year?
You know, for many, it's going to be the straw that could break the camels back, right?
It's just particularly if it's just, you know, car insurance can be a very significant outlay for many households.
But, you know, there's other insurance for homeowners, homeowners insurance that's going up.
And particularly if they're in areas like California or Florida,
where natural disasters have led to an increase in premiums above the national average.
And so, again, like, I don't see that there's any one thing that is going to cause the house
to fall down, but at the same time, just there's more and more households where that one
unexpected increase puts them in a situation, then makes it impossible for them to make
their payments that month or for a number of months.
Talk to us about the resumption of student loan payments after. I mean, you mentioned
the importance of do is not only the stimulus, but all this sort of forbearance. And so all this stuff
nice. The one thing that just kept getting pushed forever was the resumption of student loans.
How much when those numbers turned back on or were those payments turned back on? What kind of
impact did that have? And what are we seeing with student loan delinquencies?
Yeah, it had a very big impact. And so, you know, if we look back before COVID, the average
student loan delinquency rate was around that 10%. It was sort of wavering around between nine.
11% in that sort of range.
And then obviously, in this five-year period of forbearances and no reporting, because you had
a period of a year through 24, where they were starting to need to make payments, but they
just weren't being reported.
So that's basically a long period of time where people just got used to not having to make
that payment.
And also a very substantial part of student loan borrowers who never had ever made a payment,
because they finished their studies in a period when there was forbearance.
And so what then happened was they started trickling back onto the credit file, sort of mid-February of this year.
And then I think you got the first batch really kind of come in by May.
And at that point, you saw the delinquency rates on the student loans that were not in deferment was over 20%.
So they were over double what the historical norm was.
Since then...
Is that the highest level over?
It is the highest level that we've seen going back a long, long time.
So remember, there's been a lot of changes when it was not federally mandated and private.
privately owned, so I don't have visibility going back as that far, but at least in recent history
is absolutely the highest by a very substantial amount. And that's not too surprising. But one of the
things that we've seen is that we expected that there would be some people who go into delinquency,
not because they intended to, right? And so there were some people who they moved and they
didn't get their addresses, or a lot of people that were confused because there were so many mixed
messages, like, we're going to be forgiven, but that we're not. And we're in a certain program,
but now that program doesn't exist anymore. So some people have...
have been able to then address that.
And so it's come down to this for 17, 17.5%, which is a good sign.
And so that's improving.
But there still are people who are on programs that have been killed, like the Save Program.
And so they are going to next year have to either get onto another forbearance program
or start making payments.
And so maybe we haven't seen the full effect then, basically, of the resumption of student loans.
We've seen the biggest batch come through.
But there still are some more cohorts of consumer borrowers.
that will either have their existing program expire
or that aren't being reported yet
because the servicers are trying to figure out
exactly what's going on
before they report to the credit bureau.
So there still is a little bit of lack of visibility
there from on the credit servicer side.
Recurred, thank you so much for coming on outlaws.
That was great.
Thank you.
Thank you so much.
Tracy, it always comes back to insurance, doesn't it?
That's always like the little fly in the ointment.
You know, you buy this car and it's like,
okay, here's the car and here's the interest payment.
Oh, I think we can make
math work. You can't control what that insurance payment is going to be. You have no idea what it's
going to be. This is my theory. Insurers secretly run the world. They run the world. They really do.
You know, the other thing I was thinking, and we've written about this in the newsletter,
but one of the difficulties of our current economic moment is there is so much division and
difference built into the aggregate. If you're just looking at a single number, a total,
like if you looked at the average FICO score of an American, it tells you almost nothing.
now because the individuals are so disparate.
Yeah.
And it really does come down to, you know, wealth, right?
Wealth is just such an important factor in the economy.
We always talk about income and income inequality.
And of course, that's a real phenomenon.
But wealth is such an important predictor, driver of anything.
And it also goes to show, like, how important, like, financial markets and asset prices are to the real economy.
And it gives me, once again, an opportunity to say the stock market is the economy.
because we live in such a wealth-driven economy.
You know, someone once wrote into me, I wrote something about pressures on lower-income people.
And someone wrote into me saying, well, why don't the lower-income people own more assets?
If they did, they'd be in a better position.
Have you tried not being poor?
Why haven't you tried just being rich?
Why haven't you tried buying Nvidia 20 years ago?
Why haven't you tried buying a house in California in 2009 after the bus?
It's that simple.
Stop being poor.
Seriously.
The other thing I was thinking.
just on auto delinquencies. I also think the trade down story is a big piece here, which is,
I mean, a car from 10 years ago now is pretty decent. And I say that as someone who owns,
I think it's a Toyota Rav from like 2011 or something like that. Oh yeah. Like it's pretty dependable.
And I don't really feel the need to get like a fancy new car. And I imagine if you're under pressure
on your car loan, it's probably like not that difficult necessarily to find an,
older car that is somewhat reliable.
I don't know.
You know, the one thing, though, so I have a car that I bought in 2015.
It runs perfectly well.
I would not be surprised if it continued, like, no issues at all.
It doesn't have car play integration.
Oh, yeah.
The one difference between older cars and newer cars is that it's very nice, like having
that, no, that interface where you have like a nice map.
You can get a little speaker or something.
Yeah, but what it doesn't have is that like really.
really nice interface with the map.
Like,
and I know that's minor,
but it's like,
but do you have a map?
It's a Subaru for those curious.
And it's like,
you know,
it's like they're in-house.
It's a crappy map.
It's not the really nice
at Google Maps where it's like
really clear and it doesn't have
turn-by-turn navigation.
I know this sounds like kind of minor,
but it is very annoying.
And like when I am in a car
that has like a modern,
I'm going off a little tangent here,
but when I am in a car
that has like a really nice interface
with a nice Google Maps or Apple Maps and the Spotify integration.
It's very nice.
And apparently we've taken it to the dealer.
They just cannot.
It is un-upgradable.
Yeah, it's un-upgradable.
There's no, for some reason, there's no way to put in a new dash.
Oh, sorry.
I thought you meant un-upgradable in terms of trading it in for a newer car.
No, no, it's un-upgradable.
It's like we could never install car play or whatever in this car.
You know, my husband and I rented one of those, like, big fancy truck.
pickup trucks and I was amazed by the amenities that are actually in there, including like the heated seats.
I have a heated seat.
I have a heated seat.
What?
Yeah.
That's fancy.
No, it is very nice.
In the winter heated seeds.
We just talk about cars for a lot longer.
But the thing is like even for a car like that, I just, I cannot imagine spending like $100,000.
Oh, no.
Plus whatever the interest rate actually is on something like that.
I remember that meme from like
2010. It was like, no one will ever default on that was a big thing. And the phone, right? It really was.
Yeah. The two things that people always find a way to make a payment for the car and the phone.
Right, which is why I think you have to look at something structural that's shifted. And I suspect maybe it's the availability of, you know, lots of older cars.
Just one last point. It's I thought it was very interesting, Ricardo was saying. It's like there's no obvious catalyst for cataclysm. There's not obvious.
like, oh, here is something we're on the verge of consumer credit collapse.
But it is a story of just like steadily building pressure.
Right.
Such that if there is some sort of spark or something, there is a lot of stress, not to, you know,
the resumption of student loans after five years, the fact that the total loan price of
the car has gotten so high relative to people's income.
All of these different things.
So you, like, have all these upwards dresses on prices.
You have all of this reliance, obviously, on accumulating.
wealth, most notably stock market and home equity. So you have a lot of things come together
that not necessarily disaster or anything like that. But the alignment of pressures is there
where things could potentially get bad. Right. The consumer is much more fragile than they used
to be. Then they might have been a few years ago. Yeah. All right. Shall we leave it there?
Let's leave it there. Okay. This has been another episode of the All Thoughts podcast. I'm Tracy
Allaway. You can follow me at Tracy Alloy. And I'm Joe Wisenthall. You can follow me at the
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