Pod Save the World - Trump Tariffs Create Global Chaos
Episode Date: April 9, 2025Tommy and Ben discuss the disastrous impact of Trump’s “Liberation Day” tariffs, how a fringe right-wing conspiracy theorist got Trump to fire top national security officials, Israeli PM Benjami...n Netanyahu’s visit to Washington and the upcoming talks between the Trump administration and Iran. Then they explain why South Sudan is teetering on the edge of civil war, and the dramatic end of South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol’s time in power. Finally, Tommy speaks to Noah Bullock, Executive Director of Cristosal, about the brutality of El Salvador’s prison system and why Donald Trump and Nayib Bukele have forged such a close relationship. For a closed-captioned version of this episode, click here. For a transcript of this episode, please email transcripts@crooked.com and include the name of the podcast.
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Welcome back to Pod Save the World on Tommy Vitor.
I'm Ben Rhodes.
You enjoy watching the stock market crash?
I have a tip for everyone who's looking at their 401K.
You got to make sure you go to the wine store or the boo store now if you're buying anything from overseas.
Because it's about to get terrible.
I did that, by the way.
I did too.
As a man who enjoys a glass of Bordeaux every afternoon or evening.
I know you do. I know your style.
I definitely went after that.
Yeah, I don't know how long I was thinking today.
I noticed today that the front page of the Times doesn't have the ticker anymore.
like I was wondering how long we can watch this go down in real time.
I did throw on, I was going to throw on margin call, my favorite financial crisis movie.
Oh, okay.
I go back to those days.
Good, that's a good movie.
I went to the booze store the other day.
I asked the guy if people were hoarding foreign European wines yet.
He said, not quite yet.
Then I noticed a rum called Crossfire Hurricane, which I felt like they're definitely going to get tariffed.
Ben, first of all, I just want to say thank you to everyone who subscribe to the POTSafe the world YouTube.
Yes, we need you to subscribe.
We're over the 100,000 mark, actually 102,000.
Like I said, you know, when I begged you last time, we are trying to catch up to like the Daily Wire, TPUSA, these horrible right wing outlets that have massive YouTube presences.
So we're putting more exclusive content on YouTube.
We're trying to really focus there because a lot of young people use YouTube as a search engine.
and what they find is awful conservative content.
So Crooked Media has got to get in the game.
We got to get in the game, guys.
Yeah, I've had some people dunk on me recently for, you know, the, well, look at TPUSA.
Where are you guys?
It's not a good feeling.
It's not a good feeling.
Also, we're going to try something a little different in today's episode.
So we're going to do a couple fewer topics with the goal of going deeper into each one of them.
Listeners have probably noticed that we tend to have like kind of a really long top of the show.
And then there's lots of things where we like maybe check the box at the end, which we want to do because there's a million things we could discuss every week.
But sometimes we feel like there's more value when we have more of a discussion into fewer things.
So I don't know, tell us what you think.
And there's some pretty big things going on that it's hard to deal with in a couple of minutes.
Yeah, there's some meaty, meaty stuff like Liberation Day.
Happy Liberation Day, by the way, I didn't tell you yet.
It feels like that was a week ago.
Yeah.
Feels like a long time ago.
It feels like a year ago.
So we're going to talk about Liberation Day, Trump's tariffs.
We'll talk about how a fringe right-wing lunatic named Laura Lumer is literally dictating national security personnel decisions at the White House.
We'll cover the news out of the Vien and Yahoo's visit to the White House on Monday, why people are concerned about a civil war in South Sudan.
The president of South Korea was finally removed from office months after he declared martial law.
We'll tell you the backstory there and what might come next and what it means for U.S. South Korea relations.
And then we're going to look to Europe, Ben, for some laughs.
always Europe and Australia always a good source of love love love the Aussies some weird shit happening with European leaders that we're going to dig into yes and then Ben you're going to hear my interview with Noah Bullock he's the executive director of Christosal which is a human rights organization that is based in El Salvador he's based in El Salvador and Noah has been looking at Naia Bukhali's regime for a very long time and has watched the way he has used the state of exception
the suspension of due process and constitutional rights for citizens there to sweep people up,
throw like 2% of the population into these prisons, which has made the country safer,
but has led to this incredibly authoritarian oppressive regime.
So we talk about these prisons because the obvious most recent context is the United States
sending Venezuelan men down into these transnational gulags with no due process,
but we also talk about the role of these prisons in Bukhali's regime, how it props them
And also his foreign policy views, like how we went from kind of like Bitcoin guy to Trump
Stoge to CPAC attendee. So really, really interesting conversation. And he had some, I thought,
just like really thoughtful, smart observations about what that kind of system does to a population
over time and the comparisons to the slow erosion of rights we're seeing in the U.S.
Yeah. And something that we all need to learn more about. So people should definitely listen
to this one.
Definitely. But let's start with the tariff spend because it was Liberation Day, where President
Trump finally rolled out as tariffs. And if you're a lover of global economic chaos, boy,
did it deliver. Here's what Trump announced. There's a universal 10% tariff that took effect
April 5th. Then there are country-specific tariffs on over 180 countries that go into effect
on April 9th. So tomorrow when this comes out. The way the White House determined the tariff rate
on each country was this nutty formula based on each country's trade deficit with the United
States, which makes no sense. Also, Russia, North Korea, Cuba, and Belarus were exempted from
the tariffs, as long as we're cataloging things that don't really make any sense.
For those who are like, what's a tariff? A tariff is just a tax on an imported good. The company
importing the good pays the tariff. So if you're like Ben, you want some French wine, an importer
purchases that wine. They pay the tariff that Trump slapped on, you know, whatever Bordeaux.
and then the importer will almost certainly pass that cost along to me, Ben, the consumers,
in the form of higher prices.
Tariffs were the main way the U.S. collector revenue through the early 1900s in 1913,
the 16th Amendment gave Congress the power to levy and collect income taxes, which over
time became the main source of federal revenue.
Presidents from both parties have put in place targeted tariffs, like on Chinese imports
of steel or tires or electric vehicles.
But what Trump did, again, was take each country's trade deficit.
sit with the U.S.
divided by the country's exports to the U.S.
and then divide by two to get the rate.
We're going to tariff them, which former Treasury Secretary Larry Summers said the process
was, quote, to economics, what creationism is to biology, astrology is to astronomy,
or RFK thought is to vaccine sites.
Good quote from Larry.
Wow, Larry.
Quote machine.
Good tweet from Larry.
In practice, this math has a slapping 50% tariffs on tiny little countries like Lissotho,
a 41% tariff on Syria, and then massive tariffs on a lot of our
biggest allies. According to Treasury Secretary Scott Besson, more than 50 countries have approached
the U.S. about cutting a deal, though nothing has been inked yet. The EU has offered to go to zero tariffs
for zero tariffs. I just get rid of them all, but they're also preparing to retaliate. There are
some key EU members like Italy, though, that seemingly don't want to retaliate against the Trump
administration. China, however, is spoiling for a fight. They said they're going to impose a reciprocal
tariff of 34% on U.S. products, which Trump threatened to respond to with another 50%
tariff. So, Ben, everybody is trying to make sense of, like, what Trump is doing here?
Do you have a theory of the case?
My theory of the case on why he's doing it, and we can get into the ramifications.
I mentioned to you, Tommy, that for this book I've been working on, I unfortunately had to
go back and read Trump's announcement speech for president in 20,000.
15. People will remember that he rode down the escalator at Trump Tower. People usually remember the line where he talks about Mexicans bringing in rapists and stuff. But actually, like the preponderance of that speech, an extraordinary amount of it, like three quarters of it, is about tariffs. It's about trade deficits. And this is a guy whose worldview was born in the 1980s when people were pissed that the Japanese were doing better than us economically. He seems to genuinely believe.
if he's figured something out wherein, you know, you leverage tariffs to compel countries to
do what you want and you kind of orchestrate, engineer the global economy as you'd like it
to be.
So in Trump's mind, it's like some real estate deal, you know, somebody's sitting across the table
from you and you want them to do something.
And so you oppose a penalty on them.
And therefore, they start buying more your stuff and then you're making that stuff in the
U.S.
And everything is great.
The problem is the world doesn't work like a bilateral real estate transaction.
You know, different countries have different interests.
Different countries have different resources.
Different countries have different politics, different systems.
You can't sit in Washington and enter a terra formula into like a chat GPT model.
Which they might have done.
Yeah, which it seems like they did.
And re-engineer the whole global economy in a couple years.
That's just not how it works.
And just to diggs that a little bit, like what he seems to be primarily mad about is trade deficits,
meaning like we buy more of your stuff than you buy ourselves.
Yeah.
But if you're a country that your export is bananas, we're never going to make enough bananas on our own, right?
The United States is not going to have a banana industry.
Yeah.
Like there's just the lot, there's no logic here.
Yeah, I mean, I've really earnestly tried.
Me too.
Maybe that's a mistake.
No, and people who listen to the podcast or like the stuff I've been writing since the election,
And this issue of globalization and deindustrialization and decades and decades of working class communities in this country being ravaged by job losses and globalization, that's a real problem.
This is just not the answer, though.
I think sometimes people think that because Trump figured out a way to speak to people that have been harmed by free trade, harmed by deindustrialization, that that means he understands it.
It means he understands how to demagogue it.
This is not the answer to the challenges that he's diagnosing.
Right.
And you're not going to bring back manufacturing to the industrial Midwest by putting tariffs on random African countries.
You know, you're not going to isolate China for its unfair trade practices.
What China does is like plows state subsidies into certain industries, deals in intellectual property.
it does things that are bad, that deserve to be called out. You're not going to solve that problem
by putting, like, near 50% tariffs on Southeast Asian countries that are the alternative
supply chains to China. Like, everything he's doing is kind of in conflict with his stated objectives.
And the bigger problem is, and where we should spend some time, is it is just disappearing,
not eroding, disappearing any global confidence in the United States at,
as the kind of central hub of the global economy
and global financial system, which we've been since World War II.
And it is going to rapidly accelerate countries
moving away from that and isolate us.
Because why would countries say, OK, Mr. Trump,
we come out, we're going to ship our factories back
to the United States.
There's no political sense to do that.
Even the jobs that are lost, we're not
going to do textiles and we're not going to assemble iPhones.
And that's just not.
a workforce that we have anymore anyway, even if we wanted to. And if we did want to do that,
that would take 20 years to regenerate, you know. So this is just not, this is him responding to
like a worldview he already had a political constituency that he effectively identified, angry,
white working class people largely, but not just white, but angry working class people in this
country about globalization. But then like the remedy, the medicine, as he says, is just
the wrong, it's like telling people to drink bleach during fucking COVID. It doesn't make sense.
Like targeted tariffs can help protect an industry. One industry. Right. Or like help you grow a nascent
industry. But like just tariffing everyone is not going to do that. It has to be coupled with some
sort of industrial policy and investment like the Chinese do, by the way. Like the Chips Act was from
Joe Biden that he now says he wants to get rid of. Yeah. And the other problem with this is like,
okay, I've been trying to, I probably spent way too much time trying to understand this too and rationalize it and
sanewash it. I assume he's just trying to exert leverage to cut deals. But his, what he wants
is so all over the place. Like, for example, the European Union was like, all right, you don't
like our tariffs? Let's go zero tariffs to zero tariffs, right? Like basically free trade. And Trump said,
no, that's not enough. He wants the EU to buy $350 billion worth of energy from the United States.
Like, okay, that's coming out of absolutely nowhere. So again, we're just trying to zero out the trade
deficit. And, you know, I keep beating this drum. Like, the most confusing part of this is,
is the China piece.
Because if China is the real threat,
and that's where he ran on,
and that's where there's a bipartisan consensus in Washington,
hammering all of our allies is not gonna help us deal with China.
And also, Ben, if you look at these news reports,
the Chinese are telling people that they're trying
to get meetings with the Trump administration and can't.
And I've talked to people directly
who've talked to the Chinese who say,
they're like, they wanna meet with Waltz or Rubio
or like someone on staff.
They can't get a meeting,
or they're like running up against some grifter or hangar on,
who's trying to sell him or herself as like a line into the Trump administration because they
have a Mar-a-Lago membership or there's just, you know, a bunch of kind of crazy hardliners in
the administration. And like the Chinese are like, we're not going to put Xi Jinping just directly
into a conversation or a meeting with Trump unless it has a clear agenda and an end game. Because no one
wants to get Zelenskyd. You know, and have fucking J.D. Vance pissing on your leg from the other
couch as like Marjorie Taylor Green's boyfriend yells at you about your outfit, right?
Like, yeah, that's not a context they're going to go for.
Yeah, I guess I'd summarize my concerns beyond the crashing market, which I'll, you know,
end on.
First, none of these countries know what the deal is that they are supposed to be striking.
So he's, and I've talked to people and mainly in Europe, but they have no idea what they're
supposed to be doing.
Yeah.
What do you want?
What they want?
What does Trump want, right? And that leads the second point, which is it is creating this kind of massive uncertainty.
Even if Trump, like, lifted all these tariffs tomorrow, I think the damage is already done because no one will ever trust the United, it's certainly not while Trump is present, will ever trust the United States to be a reliable trading partner, a reliable steward of the global economy.
So in addition to everything else, what you're going to see is other countries are just going to begin to try to insulate themselves in the United States.
So rather than got reshoring things in the United States, they're going to try to have alternative supply chains, alternative trade agreements,
alternative trade blocks that exclude us.
So that's really going to hurt us in the long run, too.
To your China point, that includes countries like Vietnam has been very careful.
I remember when we were negotiating the Trans-Pacific Partnership Trade Agreement, which Trump killed,
the Vietnamese, I looked at a graph of their export-import relationships.
They were very careful to have kind of the exact match of U.S., China, Europe.
They wanted to diversify.
They didn't want to be overly relying on China.
So they made a point of exporting to the United States.
They were hedging against China.
They want to be a part of our China strategy because they fear a large, powerful China right
above them that has historical antagonism to them.
This is just us pushing them into the Chinese.
If you are a Southeast Asian country now, you're going to want to sell your stuff to the Chinese
and you're going to therefore need to buy stuff from the Chinese.
That means we're going to pay higher prices.
We're not going to get investment from those.
This is not going to work in that regard.
And even on the China piece, you know, the Chinese had this statement out today when
Trump threatened higher terrorists where he said like the Chinese said, we will fight to the death
or something like that.
They will.
I mean, to take a bigger view of history, this is a Chinese Communist Party that lived through
Mao Zedong, they lived through a famine, they live through cultural revolution.
I'm no fan of theirs.
But the idea that they're going to change their entire model to please Mr. Trump.
Who's gone?
He's at one term.
Who's going to be gone in four years?
When the Chinese Communist Party knows they're going to be there in four years, that's
not going to happen.
And that's just illustrative of how little he understands the countries he's
dealing with. He doesn't understand the Southeast Asian country's desire to have a hedge
against China. He doesn't understand China's belief that their staying power is their advantage
over us. He doesn't understand that the Europeans, it's the trust that they had in the United
States that is the core of the alliance, not some brute force burden sharing that he forces on them.
And so this is going to have immediate impacts in terms of a potential global economic crisis
that is already unfolding before our eyes,
but beyond that, it's going to remake the global economy
away from the United States.
Things like the dollars or reserve currency
are going to come into question
because why is everyone who trades in the dollar
if the person who's sitting on charge of the economy
in the United States is weaponizing that
to fuck everybody in the world?
So it's hard to overstate the impact
that this could have over many years,
not just the kind of weird stock market freefall of a living through.
Yeah, I mean, it's just two final observations.
on this. Like, not that Trump gives a shit, but there's an organization called the International
Trade Union Confederation Global Rights. They do an index of the countries that score the worst
in terms of like conditions for workers in that country. Of the 89 countries that scored the
worst in their index, about half of them got awarded the Trump administration's lowest tariff rate.
So like the worst human rights abusers are getting the lowest tariffs. Again, I know he doesn't
care, but it's just kind of telling. And then finally, I keep
banging on this, but the legal authority that Trump is using to put in place this
is just crazy. So they're using a law called IEBA. It's the International Emergency Economic
Powers Act of 1977. It gives the president the authority to regulate international commerce
in response to a national emergency abroad. It's mostly used to freeze assets or impose sanctions
on individuals or foreign governments. Trump is essentially declaring an emergency all over the
world and using it to create a de facto tax on every single American, really on every single
citizen in the world in a way that has never been used before.
Yeah.
Ever, ever.
And it's an important reminder that the kind of authoritarian stuff that we talk about
is fundamentally connected to everything else because the reason that there's checks and
balances set up so that presidents can't abuse authorities like this is because this would
never get through Congress.
This would never get through.
Even with his compliant Republican Congress, they would never.
never pass these terrorists in the law.
Never.
But because he's abusing his power, he's able to do things that the system would usually
prevent him from doing.
And I actually think it's kind of an indictment of the U.S. kind of war on terror era,
that he is using some of those authorities on sanctions have been, I think, already
overused by presidents, including, you know, President Obama when we're there.
And he's now just driving a fucking truck through.
the opening that was created by those authorities.
In the same way that he is abusing his authorities
and flying people down in El Salvador
with this kind of militarized ice force
that was created after 9-112.
So we're kind of seeing all the, you know,
this is the worst version of America
showing up in the world.
And that's what the world is dealing.
There's also just a meanness to it, too, tell me.
Like poor African countries.
Like Lasotho.
Like Lasotho.
that he made fun of in the state of the union,
getting these massive tariffs, Cambodia.
You're impoverish like millions of people.
Yeah.
I mean, countries that of course they're exporters.
They don't have money to import things.
I mean, this is your thing about trade deficits.
It's like the people in Losotho can't buy American goods.
They can't afford them.
Right. So of course there's a trade deficit.
It's crazy.
Okay, then speaking of crazy, if the global economy wasn't melting down,
I do feel like this would be like the biggest story in Washington,
which is that this fringe,
right-wing conspiracy theory lunatic named Laura Lumer is according to all these news reports and
according to our own Twitter feed, making major national security personnel decisions. So just a
quick one to one on Laura Lumer. Listeners might remember the time she literally chained herself
to Twitter's office door in New York to protest getting banned from the platform. I don't know if
you remember this Ben. She was wearing a star of David at the time to compare her treatment by Twitter
to that to that of the Jews during the Holocaust. Seems comparable.
Seems like someone who has seen some perspective.
Yeah, she said 9-11 was an inside job.
She celebrated the deaths of Muslim refugees who drowned while trying to cross the Mediterranean,
including children.
I think she tweeted the clapping hands emoji saying more of that.
She's just a truly vile person.
But despite all of that context, last week, Donald Trump took 30 minutes out of his day
on Liberation Day of all days to meet with Laura Lumer, where I guess she ranted in the Oval
Office about the loyalty of various national security staffers and did it in front
of Trump, Mike Waltz, National Security Advisor, Chief of Staff, Susie Wiles, and J.D. Vance,
who I believe is still the vice president, although it's not clear it might be Elon Musk.
The next day, the firings began, including the senior director for intelligence, the NSC
ledge affairs person, the senior director for technology and national security, the senior
director for international organizations, and then later Timothy D. Howe, the head of the
national security agency or NSA, and also U.S. Cyber Command, along with Wendy Noble, his deputy.
Ben, I just want to make sure our listeners understand how senior and influential these positions are.
Obviously, like people have probably heard of the NSA.
That is the organization in charge of collecting signals intelligence.
They intercept phone calls and emails, et cetera.
They're probably responsible for what, 75, 80 percent of the intelligence consumed by, you know, the policymakers.
They also conduct offensive cyber operations.
That leadership was decapitated.
And then the NSC roles, like those are also incredibly.
influential. Like the NSC Senior Director for Intelligence is the person in the White House
overseeing the intelligence agencies, covert action programs, all like the most sensitive
details, sources and methods, collection technology, like all the shit I don't even know anymore.
That person's gone, thanks to Laura Lumer. This is like it's, it's almost funny because it's so
absurd, but it's really chilling stuff because these people, like is she going to get to pick
who comes next? We have no idea. It's a truly troubling story because
what it tells you is that in the second iteration of the Trump administration, he is listening to
this wing of his party on everything.
Yeah, so Jim Madison.
There's no Jim Mattis.
There's no, you know, even Mike Pompeo, who's as any listeners to this show, we'll
know we're no fans of Mike Pompeo.
Part of what's going on here is that when Trump staffed up his administration, you'll remember
that they didn't like these kind of extreme MAGA people like Laura Lumer didn't like the
Rubio choice for state. They wanted Rick Grinnell. They wanted a true MAGA guy in there.
Grinnell didn't get the job. You know, poor one out. Sorry, buddy. And, you know, but they got kind of,
you know, there's a, you know, scattering of lunatics around the National Security Enterprise.
And then you get Mike Walts. And then there's this guy, Alex Wong, who's the Deputy National
Security Advisor, who is like a pretty conventional right winger. He worked for Tom Cotton in the Senate.
He worked in the first Trump administration on, like, I think, Korea issues.
And he's seen as by the loomers of the world, suspiciously conventional.
Yeah, she went after him, but didn't get that scout.
Yeah, she went after him, didn't get a scout.
But all these people were kind of, you know, I talked to people in Washington.
Like, these were like the Alex Wong people at the NSC, you know, the kind of professionals.
And by the way, not people that you and I agree on about most things, you know, they're kind of neocons or they're kind of hard.
China Hawks, but they're just not lunatics.
They're just not like burn it all down,
Laura Lumer type foreign policy people.
Or even they're not like the J.D. Vance flavor.
They live in reality.
They live in reality, you know.
And so the first thing that this tells you is that Trump,
like one meeting with Laura Lumer and suddenly like he's just clearing the brush of
anybody that isn't kind of maga-pilled completely,
even if they're pretty hard right-wingers, right?
Then if you look at the jobs there and as you say,
The NSA, the director of the national security agency, his head roll like the next day, too.
So you're talking about the people in charge of intelligence, the national security agency,
like, you know, signals intelligence, people in the NSC that are responsible for things like export controls that sound wonky,
but that's basically how to sense of technologies, military technologies, AI, move out into the world,
massive portfolios that are just left empty so that he can appease and give a scalp,
to Laura Lumer. By the way, at the exact same time that he upends the American relationship
with every country in the world through tariffs, he then fires some of the people that would normally
have to come in behind and try to clean up that mess and figure things out. Never mind that these
are also the people that are in charge of some of the most sensitive issues like AI and, you know,
intelligence relationships. So it... And Mike Walts, their boss, is so embarrassed and neutered by the
Signalgate scandal.
and inviting Jeffrey Goldberg to be in all his little chats about classified information that he just,
he can't defend them.
Well, if you think about it now, you've got Marker Rubio, who's basically an intern at the State
Department, right?
You've got Mike Walts, who, you know, he literally just got neutered because he argued against firing
these people, and these are his staff and Laura Lumer fired them, basically.
Who's in charge?
No idea.
It's Trump.
It's just Trump and what's in his head and who he just talked to.
And then it's J.D. Vance, who seems to have kind of wiggled his way into foreign policy pretty effectively.
It's Steve Wittgoff, who is accepting paintings of Donald Trump from Vladimir Putin.
And leading the Iran talks.
And leading the Iran talks.
We're going to get to.
It's Pete Hegseth, who is, you know, trying to get rid of women in combat.
He's just doing burpees having a good time.
And, like, dropping emojis into signal chats.
Like, it's Trump, Vance, Hegsev, Wittkoff, like, this is real crazy town at a time.
when there are wars going on, tariffs, trade wars, there could be a global recession.
Not good. Not good. But also, like, it's just, I think it's good to highlight this and to watch
this stuff. Because if there is an intelligence failure or something bad happens, something slips
through the cracks, like, we absolutely all need to point to this bloodletting from Laura Lumer
that pushed out all these competent people and created chaos in the midst of, as you mentioned,
like an economic crisis. And God knows what else is happening behind.
the scenes that we don't know about.
Yeah.
And can I bring one more scary thing to this conversation since I guess it's that kind of day,
post-liberation day?
The Trump presidency just happens to align with the four years in which AI is going to move
out into the world.
That's already troubling enough.
These were the kind of semi-adults that were going to competently manage that.
Now they're gone.
Like, who's in charge of this?
We could have an economic crisis that is followed by mass economic and job displacement from
AI, followed by like an AI arms race in the world between American and Chinese AI, you would
think you would want some competent people just kind of running this store because Trump probably
doesn't have strong views on these things. So that's just another thing to watch. Yeah, not good.
We're going to take a quick break, Ben, but before we do, I want to make sure that everyone has listened
to Crook's newest series, Shadow Kingdom, God's Banker. I want to make sure it's your next
obsession. This story starts with a tip to journalist Niccolo Minone from an old friend, one that
pulls him deep into the story of a Vatican banker named for Roberto Calvi, who was found hanging
under a London bridge in 1982. Officials called it a suicide, but Niccolo is not so sure.
The question is, was Calvi laundering money, mafia money through a Vatican bank? From there,
things escalate quickly. An Italian warehouse raid uncovers a far-right society plotting a coup,
toppling Italy's government and forcing Calvi into a corner, just as he turns to the Vatican for
protection, an assassination attempt on the Pope shakes the church to its core. What happens next? You're going to have to
listen, Ben, to Shadow Kingdom, God's Banker, which is available wherever you get your podcasts,
or binge all episodes now at crooked.com slash friends or on the Shadow Kingdom Apple podcast feed.
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nourishment they need to grow into healthy adults. All right, Ben, so Israeli Prime Minister
B-B-N-N-Yahu was in Washington on Monday to meet with Trump. Do his usual
ass-kissing and groveling session. The funny part of it all was Israel preemptively got rid of all their
tariffs on the United States, and Trump still slapped them with a 17% tariff in return. During the
meeting, there was like this extended Q&A with reporters. Netanyahu promised to eliminate Israel's
trade deficit with America, but even that couldn't get Trump to commit to getting rid of tariffs on
Israel. Now, Russia, Russia got a pass. Yeah, Russia got a bad. Great relationship there.
When asked directly if Trump would give Israel concessions on trade, Trump responded
don't forget, we help Israel a lot, and then he turned to BB and said,
congratulations, by the way, on ringing all this cash out of the U.S.
I honestly, I laughed.
Trump also rehashed his plan for Gaza.
Let's listen.
I think it's an incredible piece of important real estate.
And I think it's something that we would be involved in.
But having a peace force like the United States there,
controlling and owning the Gaza Strip would be a good thing.
Because right now, all it is is for years and years.
All I hear about is killing and Hamas and problems.
And if you take the people, the Palestinians, and move them around to different countries,
and you have plenty of countries that will do that.
And you really have a freedom zone.
You call it the freedom zone.
I don't understand why Israel ever gave it up.
Israel owned it.
It wasn't this man, so I can say it.
He wouldn't have given it up.
I know him very well.
There's no way.
they took ocean front property and they gave it to people for peace.
How did that work out?
Not good.
So that was a thoughtful take on Gaza.
And then Trump expressed surprise that Hamas is not nice.
Let's listen to that part.
You know, I had people right in this office, this beautiful oval office.
They came in 10 people, hostages, you know that.
And I said to him, so how was it?
And the stories they told me, as an example, I said to them,
Did the Hamas show any signs of, like, help or liking you?
Did they wink at you?
Did they give you a piece of bread extra?
Did they give you a meal on the side?
Like, you know, you think of doing, like what happened in Germany, what happened elsewhere,
people would try and help people that were in unbelievable distress.
They said, no.
I said, all of them.
I said, did they ever wink at you?
Like, you'll be okay.
You're going to be okay?
No, they didn't do that.
that slap us.
The hatred is unbelievable.
So what is the German reference?
Because the Germans killed six million Jews.
He does seem to think the Nazis were nice, which is troubling.
That's very troubling.
He's also surprised that the terrorist organization Hamas is cruel to people.
So the big news out of this meeting was Iran.
We'll get to that in a second.
But I did think it was worth reminding listeners that Trump is still pledging to ethnically cleanse
and then occupy militarily the Gaza Strip.
And then also that part was very weird.
He seems to think the Nazis were nice.
Yeah, I'm sorry.
I missed that the first time.
That's why I just had this reaction of like the Germans, the Germans.
I mean, they were hiding some people not enough, obviously in, you know, other European countries.
But I don't really remember the, you know, maybe he saw Schindler's list.
I was going to say, yeah.
That's probably his understanding.
I think he was chancellor.
Yeah, look.
He referred to Gaza as a piece of real estate.
I don't think you'd usually refer to other countries as real estate.
No.
So there's a kind of dehumanization there.
He referred to America owning it.
I don't know what that means, like to take ownership of this land, like it's a development.
There are people that live there, they're human beings that live there.
They're men, women, and children who have lived there for either generations or they get displaced
start in the first place. Then he suggested it was Israel's and they gave it back. You know, it was
illegally occupied by Israel for a period of time and some settlements were built. And then under Errol
Sharon, not exactly a peacock. Yeah, no. They decided to pull out of Gaza. So there's so much
historical inaccuracy and revisionism on the most sensitive issue in the world. And then there's just
completely implausible idea of a U.S. military, I mean, he's proposing a U.S. military force.
there. It wasn't ambiguous. Because those always go well. Yeah. It's always simple.
And then we're moving the Palestinians around. What's scary is that he keeps coming back to this,
like tariffs. It seems like he really believes this. And so this add this to the list of things that we
probably should take both seriously and literally. Yeah. And you just kind of have to keep an eye on.
We should mention bad that there was some really awful reporting. I think the New York Times had this
about the killing of 15 rescue workers in Gaza. Just briefly, I mean on March 23rd, Israel,
forces killed six members of Gaza's civil defense emergency unit. This was an unrest after there were
eight Red Crescent workers and then they buried them in a mass grave. The IDF claimed that the
ambulances were advancing suspiciously. They didn't have headlights on or emergency lights on and they said
that's why they opened fire. But video obtained by the New York Times from one of the deceased
paramedics phones very clearly shows the ambulance is lit up. They had lights and sirens. The
IDF has since tried to walk back part of its story.
These said the incident is under investigation, but like, look, long time observers of
IDF statements should not be remotely surprised that they lied so brazenly about this incident.
And this is just another horrific war crime.
Yeah.
There's no other way to describe it.
It's a war crime.
And the only thing I'd add to this is this, the brazenness of how they lie about it and then say
they're going to do investigation.
And let's, I'm just going to roll back the tape.
This is what just drove me crazy about Tony Blinken and the Biden officials.
Every time something like this would happen, they'd say there's an Israeli investigation.
And they get pressed at their briefings and say, well, the Israelis have the capacity to investigate.
The Israelis never, nobody's ever held accountable.
It's a joke, you know.
And this just proves what an absolute farce it is to think that anything that they're saying about these so-called investigations can be trusted.
Same with the killing of Shireen Abuakla, the Palestinian.
an American journalist who was shot by an idea of soldier.
If you enable that kind of behavior over time, you get this kind of outcome.
And it's why the ICC gets involved.
Because if you can't trust the governing authority to actually hold itself accountable,
that's why there's international justice.
That's right.
So the big news out of this Oval Office meeting between Netanyahu and Trump was Trump just
announcing that the U.S. is going to have direct talks with Iran this weekend about
its nuclear program.
Turns out, I think they're indirect talks.
talks once the details came out, but the talks are going to take place in Oman. Iran's foreign
minister said he's going to be their representative, and then actual Secretary of State Steve
Whitkoff is going to be the rep from the U.S.I. Noted Iran expert. Noted a wrong expert. We should
get into it. So Netanyahu, I don't know, Netanyahu in the meeting was saying he wants a deal
along the lines of what happened in Libya when they denuclearized. Basically, that was them
like putting all their gear into boxes shipping out of the country, like fully getting rid of
everything back in 2003.
Here's how Trump himself, though, talked about these talks.
Everybody agrees that doing a deal would be preferable to doing the obvious.
And the obvious is not something that I want to be involved with or, frankly, that Israel wants
to be involved with if they can avoid it.
So we're going to see if we can avoid it.
If diplomacy fails, is the United States under-
leadership ready to take military action to destroy the Iranian nuclear program and
remove this threat.
I think if the talks aren't successful with Iran, I think Iran is going to be in great danger
and I hate to say it, great danger because they can't have a nuclear weapon.
So is that yes.
You know, it's not a complicated formula.
Iran cannot have a nuclear weapon, that's all there is.
Can't have it.
If you're going to negotiate a new deal with Iran, can you allow
how it's going to be more effective than the JCPOA?
Well, I can't really say that, but I think it'll be different and maybe a lot stronger.
So I don't know that, I mean, I think Bibi floating the Libya comparison is interesting
because I think people probably realize that that's way too hard line of an approach.
And I think actually a smart Iran observer reminded me that back in 2020, Trump accused
John Bolton of poisoning the well and talks with the North Koreans by bringing up the Libya
model, which is interesting.
And I wonder if BV was aware of that.
But then I was just thinking back to the JCPOA, like, these are highly technical conversations
about like amounts of low enriched in uranium and centrifuges and inspections and heavy water
plutonium limits and the arms embargoes and all the shit.
Like Steve Whitkoff doesn't know fuck all about any of that.
Like maybe he'll be, you have some, you know, State Department experts in tell.
No, because they fired most of those people on that.
Right.
So like, I don't know.
Maybe this is just talked designed to kind of like feel out the willingness of both sides to make a deal.
But I don't know.
You like have to have some knowledge of the details.
Yeah, I've tried to not have extreme PTSD from this whole thing.
But I'll indulge my own PTSD from working for seven fucking years on the Iran.
deal that Trump tore up.
Our talks with the Iranians began, you'll remember, exactly this way.
So the reports are that Wickoff is going to Oman, and they're going to meet and kind of
meet indirectly in Oman with Oman.
He's hosting both parties and kind of passing messages back and forth.
That's where we were.
I know.
In 2013.
It was Jake in the stash.
Jake Sullivan and Bill Burns.
And we, after four years of negotiation and fighting with Congress got this deal done,
that Trump tore up.
And so what was the point of this whole thing?
What was the point of this whole exercise
in tearing up the Iran deal
just to stick it to the black president
that you didn't like
because he's more popular than you
so that you could be sitting in the Oval Office
in 2020, what years?
Five?
Ten years after the Iran deal was signed.
A decade.
Run it back.
A decade after the Iran deal was signed,
we're rolling the tape
all the way back to 2013.
They're making any naked gun movie.
I'm so apoplectic that I don't remember what fucking year it is.
Like, this is insane to me that we're having this conversation about Iran deal in the Oval
office.
He doesn't even know what was in the JCPOA.
No.
He doesn't even know what the JCPOA is.
No.
He doesn't know what that acronym stands for.
Right?
And so here we are.
And you got B.B.
floating the liby option to kill the deal.
Definitely.
Bibi is many things.
He's not dumb.
No.
And the reason that that killed the North Korean deal.
is everybody knows that Gaddafi gave up his nuclear weapons and where did he end up
fucking with a bullet in his head in a drain pipe?
And that's what the Supreme Leader does not.
So, okay, that's off my chest.
I mean, I think the thing to watch here substantively is will the Iranians, you know,
come out with their hands up and, you know, maybe I'll be proven wrong.
They'll give up every bolt and screw of their nuclear program.
If it's anything like the Iranians that the world has dealt with,
they'll, you know, drag this out and they'll try to keep pieces of their nuclear infrastructure
and make concessions over here for trades over there that want sanctions relief over here.
And, you know, I just, their capacity, if they can't just steamroll them because the Iranians
are weaker, if they can't just kind of steamroll them, I just, I see them probably coming out
with something that might look quite like the JCPOA that they declare as stronger if they do get
deal and and what did we all just spend 10 years of our lives on? I don't know. I mean, yeah,
the context is similar but different in a lot of ways. I mean, the context around the JCPOA was
years and years and years of crushing U.S. and multilateral sanctions that were designed to pressure
the Iranians to come to the table to have these talks, right? Now, Iran is so much closer to getting
a nuclear weapon than they ever were then. So that's riskier. However, their proxies in Hezbollah have been
designated. I don't know.
Well, that's, you make an important point, though. They're much closer to a nuclear weapon
today than they were even when we send the JCPOA. And so that's the urgency here.
And, you know, he's pretty like blunt about the military threat. The one thing I just add on
the table at Tommy here is that there's this trip that I think Trump has planned.
To Saudi. His first foreign trip is to Saudi. Yeah. And Israel, I think. Watch that space
because it wouldn't shock me. You know, Trump likes to do things fast.
and he likes big announcements.
And they may try, and the Saudis have been getting tight with the Iranians.
Like there's been, not tight, but they've been, they've restored relations.
They, they, they talk to each other.
MBS has talked to the Iranians.
It wouldn't surprise me if the Saudis try to use that trip to stage some meeting with Trump
and the Iranians.
He would love that.
He'd love that because he likes to make history, you know.
Or some announcement of a deal that maybe isn't fully.
negotiated. So that's the wildcard here is that that trip. I bet that's what Wikov's assignment is.
Yeah. And if if look, if the Iranians are smart and they can just put down the bullshit and the
bluster, they will make up some nonsensical story about how they all went to the mosque to pray for
Trump after he was shot in Butler and commissioned some fucking. A portrait. Like to give Wickev a portrait
oil painting. Yeah, I get a rug made with Trump's face on it with a bunch of gold leafing. You know what I mean?
Up Whitkoff's plane with some barrels of oil, buy some Trump coin.
Well, that's the thing.
They probably would.
Like, the funny thing is they'll probably offer all this oil, which we never could have
accepted because we'd be violating and sanctions.
Trump'd be like, I got the oil.
Yeah.
Oh, listen.
By the way, can you imagine how many of these tariff deals are going to be sorted out
via Trump coin transactions?
Oh, yeah.
Yeah, a little meme coin.
Something to look forward to.
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All right, Ben, let's change gears here. So we've talked a lot about the Civil War in Sudan over the last two years. We've not dug into the situation in South Sudan recently. So we did want it to cover that today because there's some real concern that it could tip into a civil war there too. So just some background that'll try to be quick about. South Sudan gained its independence in 2011. This came after decades and decades of civil war that finally ended after the Sudanese government and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement or SPLM signed a peace agreement in 2005 called the Comprehensive Peace Agreement.
The Comprehensive Peace Agreement or CPA set forward this process that ultimately led to a near unanimous vote for independence in South Sudan in 2011.
But unfortunately, soon after South Sudan's independence, the country fell into civil war that killed literally hundreds of thousands of people.
In 2018, mediators finally got both sides to agree to a power sharing structure to stop the fighting and calm ethnic tensions between the two main ethnic groups in Sudan that did.
Dinka and the newer, but that was sort of a temporary fix. So Salvekeir, who represented the Dinka,
became president. Rayachmachar, who represented the Nure, became the vice president. This deal was
also included a bunch of other steps that got it to a more like durable piece that I will not
outline for you guys because none of them got implemented. But over the years, South Sudan's government
and power sharing structure was basically held together by patronage from oil revenue that was sort
of papering over these ethnic rivalries. But here's where the challenge comes. South Sudan is really
dependent on these oil pipelines that flow through Sudan itself. And because of the civil war in
Sudan, one of those pipelines became inoperable. In South Sudan's oil exports and revenue were cut
off for about a year, cutting off that source of patronage money that could kind of keep the lid on
things. Further complicating things is the fact that the oil pipelines go through territory held by
both sides of the civil war in Sudan, so it led to complicated politics. So in the last few months,
Salvecir, the president, has started firing ministers close to Machar, the vice president,
that violated this power sharing agreement. And then in late March, Machar himself was arrested and put
under house arrest. Meanwhile, these militia groups that seem to have political ties have been
attacking civilians, government troops, even UN forces. So Ben, in previous administrations,
the international community would probably look to the United States to try to help mediate the
conflict, prevent it from spilling out into a civil war, prevent something even worse from
happening. But what did State Department junior health desk technician Marco Rubio announced over the
weekend that he was revoking visas for South Sudanese nationals and barring any South Sudanese
citizens from entering the U.S. The South Sudan is apparently not accepting repatriation flights fast
enough. So then I was talking to some like South Sudan experts today. I try to get a handle on this.
We got into a bunch of the details, but big picture one of them said to me, this is
basically the final act of a failed state and a state building project that began in 2005
during the Bush administration when the U.S. was at its height, the height of its nation building
frenzy. And that really has been deeply troubled ever since. I mean, even in 2011 after the
referendum vote, a lot of people saw the writing on the wall here. And the really hard part is
there's just no clear sense of what, if anything, the international community can do to kind
of help or reverse the trend line. And it was just very sobering conversation.
conversations. Yeah, it's, you know, we had the precipice of civil war between the same two guys,
Salvatir and Meshire in the Second Obama administration, and it took a lot of effort to kind of get them to
climb down and come up with some power sharing formula that they continually push against and violate.
And the reality is that the country's never really had, it was born without any institutions,
without any infrastructure, so to speak. The leadership, the political leadership, Salva Cure, I remember
We were talking to someone who went to deliver a message to him once and he was, had a strong smell of alcohol, and he yelled at the person about how he's fought in the bush this whole life. He's not going to surrender. Right.
I heard similar stories, yes.
And, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, you know, it's a, it's tragic for the people of South Sudan that they are kind of trapped under these leaders who just revert to patronage, tribalism and violence to kind of maintain their zero-sum politics.
and do nothing to kind of build up the country.
And I think, so where does this go?
You're right, in normal old times, those good old days that weren't that great,
but the U.N., the U.S. would get involved with the group of,
with the African Union and a group of regional countries
and try to negotiate something and try to have experts on the ground
and try to have some kind of peacekeeping capacity and stabilize things.
There is no functioning capacity for the UN to do that with the U.S.
so out to lunch, you know, and trade wars going on in a civil war in Sudan just to the north.
And so what I think is interesting to watch here is it just is going to push it further and further.
Like even in the Obama years, like, I remember we relied a lot on Kenya and Ethiopia and Uganda
and the kind of, you know, regional powers that had influence into these different parties
to kind of lean on people and to kind of arm twist and to do whatever diplomatic formulas they could work out.
I think what we're going to see is the kind of increasing regional.
And by the way, those are the countries that are bearing the burden of hosting refugees.
So this is a real issue for them because they already have huge amounts of refugees in place of Kenya.
So I think the burden is just going to get pushed further and further on to regional organizations like the African Union and regional powers like that.
Because you know what the U.S. did in the middle of all this?
Junior assistant to the assistant to the assistant's assistant, Marco Rubio.
announced last weekend that the U.S. will be revoking all visas for South Sudanese passport
holders. We have no answer to this other than our immigration policy. Like, we have no formula for it, right?
And so I think that that just pushes it. It's just going to be left on the lapse of the regional
parties to deal with it. And adding to your point about, like, leaning on these regional actors,
I think into the phrase entered another one that we've talked about in the Sudan context,
which is the UAE. And they have.
are funding one side of the Civil War there, funding the RSF, but also, I think the UAE turned to
South Sudan and some of these tribal militias to get fighters for their project in Yemen for years and
years and years. And they built these ties to Selvikir. And it sounds like the guy that Keir is named
to be a successor is sort of like seen as the UAE's guy and kind of a money guy with the, with no
real political or military experience or clear ties to the SPLM, but he has these queer ties to the
that I think are making people wonder about that.
It just, Sudan has just gotten a raw deal.
Sudan and South Sudan.
It's just this playground for these external parties.
And these ambitions, by the way, the US, right?
I mean, we were going to, I mean, Bush got very involved in this
because it's Christian part, you know,
South Sudan is a Christian part of what used to be Sudan.
And there's, we were going to state building.
In the Obama years, we got all excited about the newly independent
country of South Sudan.
And we kind of projected this like savior complex,
let's be honest about it, onto this place
where we had no capacity to build something.
Yeah.
And there's the real question of like,
once the international community creates a failed state,
what do you do with it?
What happens now?
What should happen is like basically a receivership, right?
The UN, I mean, there have been times like in Central African
Republic where they're with borderline UN government
governance, essentially. But that requires kind of the security council to be able to get together
and put that together. And I'm just not optimistic that the U.S. Russian China could agree to some
receivership for South Sudan. Yeah, I think that's a huge peacekeeping force. Yeah. And there's some
speculation that Salva Kier, the president is dying. And again, he's trying to anoint the successor.
I mean, these guys have been around for a while. They've been alarum for a long time. And Kiyer Meshara,
someone was telling me they barely have armies at this point. They're all sort of like linked
militias. But, you know, I was talking to Alan Boswell, who's a crisis group expert on Africa
generally. And he was just saying that, like, regionally, the pressures that are leading to
fragmentation are so much stronger than the pressures that would normally consolidate countries.
And there just doesn't seem to be any force kind of bringing them back together.
That's a really good point. Well, because, and this is, again, what the, what the UN is supposed
to fill that gap. And we're, but the UN can't, it's not their fault that, that, that, that,
that you have a dysfunctional security counsel
because they can't do it.
It was hard enough when you had things working well
in like the 90s.
Now it's seemingly impossible.
Seemingly impossible.
Speaking of political dysfunction,
let's turn to South Korea, Ben.
So we talked in the show a bunch
about South Korean President Yun Suk Hewels' political drama and career.
It's finally coming to a close.
Four months after he invoked martial law,
the country's constitutional court
has finally ruled that Yun should be removed
in South Korea's interim president
has announced a snap election on June 3rd.
So a quick rewind on how this all played out.
Last year on December 3rd, Yun shocked everyone by declaring martial law.
He claimed at the time that these anti-state forces were a threat to the country in North Korea,
blah, blah, blah, and then sent troops into the parliament in what was clearly a coup attempt.
That was obviously bullshit in a pretext.
The reality was unit effectively had been politically neutered because the Democratic opposition
had taken control of the National Assembly and they were not only trying to impeach a lot of his
cabinet members, but also slash his government's budget. So the martial law decree created chaos,
but that chaos only lasted a few hours thanks to really brave protesters who took to the streets
and then members of the National Assembly who rushed down to the National Assembly and voted to
lift the martial law declaration by about 430 the next morning. Since then, though, the drama is not
stopped. So Yun was impeached on December 14th. On December 31st, South Korea issued a warrant for its arrest.
He refused to come in for questioning over and over again. There was a six-hour standoff. It got crazy. But now,
Yun has finally been removed from office. He still has to deal with criminal charges, a criminal trial that
starts on April 14th that includes the charge of insurrection that could get him life in prison or even the death penalty.
So this election that's coming up will likely put the opposition in power. E.J. Mung is the leader of
the opposition Democratic Party. He's the current frontrunner. He has dealt with his own legal challenges.
in the past. But more interesting then is how much he differs on policy. So I was talking to our buddy
Danny Russell earlier today. He was a top Asia hand in the Obama administration. He's now the
vice president for international security and diplomacy at the Asia Society Policy Institute. And Danny was
saying that if Myeong wins, Trump is going to have a partner in South Korea who is far more
accommodationist with North Korea, which I don't know, that could cut both ways with Trump. Like he loves
you know, Kim Jong-un. But also is probably going to be
far more willing to work with the Chinese and resistant to U.S. entreaties to be hardline against
China. So a huge context from the, a huge change from the context that Biden was working with
with Yun, where you had, you know, hardline on North Korea, the willingness to mend fences
with the Japanese and have these trilateral meetings, et cetera. So Ben, thoughts on this saga
and just like what things could look like going forward between the U.S. and South Korea?
quite a saga.
With everything going on the world,
this didn't get quite the attention
it might have otherwise gotten.
I think one of the things I learned
throughout the saga, Tommy, is like,
okay, on the one hand,
the institutions of South Korean democracy
kind of held, right?
Like they resisted the martial law declaration,
the kind of coup attempt,
and they ran through a process
that ultimately removed a guy
that, you know,
I'm not a legal expert
on South Korean legalese,
but pretty clearly
there's pretty good,
to beat this guy. What I don't fully understand, I have to acknowledge, is the kind of depth of
these cleavages in South Korean society that were so on display. There's always been a kind of left,
right divide, generational divides, divides about the feelings about the military dictatorship,
divides about feelings about the U.S. presence, right? So all of these things enter into this left,
right divide. And I don't think you heal that just with booting the skynaving election.
Totally great.
You've had now, you know, two consecutive conservative presidents get impeached.
Now, this guy for a pretty good reason.
And then I think three consecutive ones at least going to prison, you know.
So the stakes, you know, they're playing high table stakes in South Korean politics.
For the U.S. piece of it, what's interesting is as creepy as some of these more conservative
leaders have been, they generally work better with the U.S.
because they're generally harkash on North Korea.
They're generally supportive of the U.S. alliance.
And so if it swings to the left, I think that the combination of Trump, I mean, you teed this up,
but the combination of Trump and the tariff dynamic and this change, we should expect a South Korea
that is getting much closer to China and starting to see that maybe its long-term kind of economic
security, if not its security, is going to have to depend not just on the United States, but on China's
well. And that raises questions about like the U.S. troop president's long term and certainly
align with U.S. diplomatic priorities. So, you know, that may be fine with Trump. But we could start
to see this really intense network in the same way that NATO is fraying, that kind of network
of Asian alliances fraying as well. Yeah, I mean, on the tariff point you just made. I mean,
the South Koreans like the Japanese made huge commercial investments in the U.S., like building factories
and production plants.
And now they're like, hey, Mr. President,
like, you're still going to tariff the shit out of us?
But Trump only cares that they did it under Biden,
so it doesn't count.
And they have a free trade agreement.
Yeah, I mean, one of the things that's kind of missing is
we're tariffing all these countries that we have free trade agreements
ratified through our Congress with.
Yeah.
I mean, bind it.
For decades.
Like, it's crazy.
It is completely great.
Like, what's the point of an agreement?
It's just words on paper.
Yeah.
And by the way, people used to say to us after the Obama administration,
I used to get this line of criticism
when Trump tore up the Iran deal
in the Cuba opening,
well, you guys should have pushed that through Congress.
Then he wouldn't have been able to do it.
He's tearing up stuff that is ratified
through treaties, treaties ratified through Congress.
Yeah.
Free trade agreements ratified through Congress.
By declaration.
Yeah.
That's crazy.
Yeah, someone was talking to me
at a similar point to me about,
like South Korea will remove this chapter
of their political saga,
but the population kind of went from like
a third left, a third moderate
to a third right wing,
to like 50-50s polarized like us.
And there's this weird growing divide in South Korea
between men and women.
There was a 2019 poll found 70% of Korean men in their 20s.
The problem of discrimination against men is a serious one.
A lot of that stems from mandatory military service for men.
But there was a 2021-Ipsos full that found polarization among men and women
in their 20s and 30s is the most severe in South Korea.
And women are increasingly identifying as liberal.
and men are conservative.
And President Yun...
Sounds a little familiar.
Yeah, President of Yun ran like similar kind of reactionary, getting rid of like...
Did he go on Joe Rogan?
Basically, yeah.
Sort of like ran on some of this stuff.
I mean, I do think you alluded something.
I think it's really important, which is, is Trump going to want to withdraw troops from
the Korean Peninsula?
And you're starting to see polling where like two thirds of South Koreans are, you know,
supportive of getting their own nuclear weapon?
I mean, if the U.S. pulls out...
this like if if a more lefty administration comes in that will likely blunt that popular sentiment
because I don't think they're going to want to develop a nuke but if we leave yeah and it was always
like the older generations were more supportive of the U.S. presence because they remember the
aftermath of the Korean War and the U.S. kind of feeling like it saved their country in some ways.
So that could all be dissipating.
We're just we're moving out of this era, you know, the era defined by the,
all these post-war, post-Cold War institutions and relationships, and this is a big part of that.
By the way, just one light point, do you remember before Trump, even years before Donald Trump,
when we were in Korea and we're trying to negotiate the course agreement, and I know you remember
this is why I'm doing this up, that I won't name the reporter, but Barack Obama was doing a
joint press conference with the president of South Korea, Lehman Bak, and this reporter stands up
and starts screaming at the president of South Korea that why.
Americans who fought and died for his country,
like you should have to pay more for like
Hondas or something.
I was so embarrassed.
That was one of the worst trip that was one of the worst
trip I've ever been on.
Because we got, we got it,
they stiffed us on,
I forget where we were before that.
It was one of those 10 day trust Asia
where you just never sleep the entire time.
We were in India before that.
Yes.
And then we didn't get the free trade agreement
finalized.
Then a report of the New York Times
lectured the South Green President
about how people died and shouldn't have to buy hondays or something and then we got really drunk on
at the karaoke place in yokehama in japan on the bloomberg tab yeah on the i was going to say
okay thank you jg and hans actually those hans and jg don't work there anymore so we can say
that bloomberg paid for a really good character by the way to defend them i'm sure that you know
they learned a lot that night yeah yeah god knows what we said god knows if they remembered it they certainly
learned that I sang the greatest love of all by Whitney Houston.
Beautifully.
And blew out my voice.
Beautifully.
Okay, we're running a little along.
A couple fun things to close, Ben, because it's been dark lately.
We've been skipping the fun section at the end of the show.
So we found some stupid shit that brought us joy.
So the first such stupid thing happened at a recent event at Windsor Castle.
King Charles blew a carrot, a carrot that had been carved into a recorder gifted to him by the London
Vegetable Orchestra, which, according to their website,
is a real thing. And two, features a mouth-watering selection of courgettes, peppers, potatoes,
Swedes, and butternut squash accompanying a soaring lineup of carrot recorders. Charles took the
instrument for a spin. Here's the results.
I hope we have, do we have video of this? Oh, yeah. Because this is why you should subscribe
to the YouTube. Yeah. Yeah. When I think of what royals do in their free time, it is flating a
carrot, well, to the tune of twinkle, twinkle, a little star. It did look like the kind of blowjob class
in that
in old school
you know
when they're sitting around
with the fruit
you know
like
except there's
the king of England
I said
I immediately sent the link
to Alster Campbell
and I was like
tell Rory Stewart
to get his shit
together
and not let this
ever happen again
who's like
I don't know man
Brits like this weird shit
across the channel
Ben
staffers in the Lise Palace
are reportedly close
to wearing gas masks
or at least
clothing pins on their nose
because President Emmanuel Macron has taken to a certain style.
So a new book reports that he wears, quote,
industrial amounts of Dior O. Sauvage, I think it's how you say it,
using the musky floral scent to Marcus territory.
A direct quote from the book is, quote,
just as Louis XIV made his perfumes an attribute of power
when he paraded through the galleries of Versailles,
Emmanuel Macron uses his as an element of his authority at the Elysee.
I was like to imagine, Ben,
what the Oval Office smelled like during his visit.
When the Dior missed with the Trump signature scent of fart lingering in a love seat, you know?
Well, actually, I'm interested in take this opportunity to make the, did you see how much gold is in the Oval Office too?
What happened to that place?
Like it looks like a tacky, I don't know what it looks like.
There's gold on the side of the fireplace.
Yeah.
All the statues, like, wasn't there a plant there that was from like the, the cat?
Kennedy administration.
Yeah.
Now there's like some weird gold flourish.
I mean, people should look at this.
Look at the before and after the Oval Office.
Yeah, it looks like a Saudi, like receiving room.
That's what I was trying to think of what it looks like, and that's exactly what it looks like.
And it probably smells kind of funny, especially after Emmanuel McCrone visited.
Finally, Ben, save the best for last year.
So imagine you're the world's largest bird and you get sentenced to live out your life in a Texas wildlife park where people constantly gawk at you from their cars.
one day you spot a deeply
unsurious mop-headed blonde man
looking at you particularly stupidly
and you think I fucking had it
you lean into his rented Chevy Malibu
and you go for an eye
he dodges barely but you catch a whiff of a scent
prawn mayo sandwich
red wine and incompetence
he survived to live another day
but if you ever comes around again
you're going to get him anyway
this fan fiction around
is actually about a real encounter
with former British Prime Minister
Boris Johnson
had with an ostrich.
Here's the clip.
Oh, right.
So that very brief audio
was actual real audio
of Boris Johnson getting bitten
by a massive ostrich.
While he's holding his little toddler
that was brought to us
courtesy of his wife's Instagram feed.
What I would like is
in the movie version
maybe we should produce this
because we're all going to have to find
additional work in this new economy.
What if we took
all the villains of the last, you know, 15 years, right?
Boris Johnson for Brexit and Trump and Putin and, you know, MBS and whomever.
And what if the world's kind of weirdest collection of animals just decided to attack them?
Oh, I like that.
You know, like, and nothing could turn it off.
Like, nobody could explain it.
Like all of a sudden, you know, like Tony Abbott goes back to Australian, like a kangaroos
or just descending upon him like crazy, you know?
That's funny.
I like that a lot.
Or maybe all those horrible leaders become animals who are characters.
in like the worst zoo.
Oh, that's good.
It's sort of like a fascist populist, incompetent zoo.
What Liz Trusby?
I guess I had a lettuce.
Oh.
Just getting chad.
Not eaten by it.
Earlier resistance humor.
It's good stuff.
Okay.
That is it for the new section of the show.
We're going to take a quick break and when we come back.
You're going to hear my interview with Noah Bullock.
We're going to talk about all things, El Salvador, their mass incarceration regime,
the prisons that these Venezuelan men are getting sent.
from the United States into how Naib Kali uses the prison system to prop up his authoritarian rule.
So stick around for that.
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Noah Bulk is the executive director of Christosol, a human rights organization based in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras.
Noah, great to see you.
I should tell listeners that we were next door neighbors when I was, what, four years old, you were two, you were one.
What's the timeline we talk about here?
Yeah, that's right.
You were like the first friend I can remember in my life, so good to see you 40 years later.
Good to see you 40 years later.
Under such great context.
Yeah, we're not playing Thundercats or whatever.
was back in the day. You remember playing Thundercats? It's one of the best TV shows of all time.
I remember I kind of remember you always wanted to be Lion-O and I wanted to be Lion-O.
Today we're both Lion-O.
That's a little snowflakey of you, Tommy.
Just wanting to be Lion-O? Everybody wins? I don't even remember the other characters.
That is true. That is a very lib thing. It's a very four-year-old soccer team. But we digress. We're here to talk
about El Salvador, Nye Bukele, a insufferable millennial dictator,
who has been on my raider screen for a while,
but I think has sort of leapt into the consciousness of a lot of American citizens
because of the Trump administration's policy of sending these Venezuelan men
down to rot in these hellish prisons in El Salvador with no due process.
But along those lines, I mean, earlier today, the White House announced President Trump
is going to welcome President Buckele for a working visit to Washington on April 14th.
The conversation is going to focus on this policy of sending migrants in the U.S.
to El Salvador to be held in their many mega.
There's one mega prison that we're all seeing on the news, but there's a whole network of prisons.
Let's just start there.
Can you tell us about the conditions in these prisons, both the infamous terrorism confinement
center, but also, you know, I know you guys have looked into the conditions.
in the prisons all over the country.
Yeah.
Okay, let's start there.
The terrorist confinement center is a new prison.
It was built during what we call in El Salvador, the state of exception.
So three years ago, in response to a weekend where gangs massacred over 80 people,
the president of El Salvador asked the legislator declare like an emergency in El Salvador
in Salvador and Constitution is called a state of exception.
And in that state of exception, in the emergency decree, they basically restrict due process rights.
And police and soldiers proceed to do mass roundups of people.
Where I live, Tommy, like literally a cattle truck, rolled into the, I live in kind of a village,
into the, like the referral village, and pulled people out of their houses in their underwear
without even checking their IDs, like 11 o'clock at night.
So three years later, 85,000 Salvadorans have been detained
without previous investigations, without due process.
And they have been held almost indefinitely in a series of maximum security prisons
in which they haven't had contact with their families.
They don't have access to legal counsel.
those are conditions that constitute forced disappearances.
Family members tell us that they don't know after three years
if their family members are dead or alive.
That sort of separation is one component,
and lack of transparency is one component.
The other really important part to understand
is that our organization has documented systematic practices of torture.
So when people enter the prisons,
It's common that the guards will say to them, you won't leave here walking.
There will be sort of induction beatings.
You see a little of that aggression in the videos of the Venezuelans.
But in the other prisons with Salvadoran prisoners captured in the state of exception, it's systematic.
Just last week, our forensic investigators were in the field verifying the death of a 24-year-old man.
he apparently died of kidney failure
we were able to do a forensic assessment of the body
24 year old men don't usually die of kidney failure time
much less than a question of months
those are usually deaths that are caused by two things in the prisons
one is the systematic denial of access to water
and a bathroom that causes kidneys to fail
or beatings that destroy their internal organs
we see that also we've seen that also we
have cases of people who have died of starvation because their stomachs were destroyed by beatings.
So this is the panorama. This is the context of the penitentiary system that President Buckeli
offered to President Trump. But I should make one caveat here. It is really important for
listeners to understand. The maximum security prisons were the overwhelming majority of the people
captured in the state of exception. The 85,000 are being held are the older maximum security
prisons. The secotte that was built during the state of exception is where, as far as we can tell,
older gang members who are already in prison, serving sentences prior to the state of exception,
were transferred there. And you can see that because the image of these people are fully tattooed
faces. You see the names of the gangs on their chest and on their faces. That's a practice that
gangs haven't been doing for like 15 years.
So the reason I bring that up is because the sick court has become, the terrorist
confinement center we call it, the sick call it has become sort of the public face of the
Buccai security model.
It's the branding.
And they do that intentionally to show these images of gang members that are somewhat
terrifying looking, but they are in these videos and photos dehumanized.
And the optics of it tells you the message, which is these are monsters.
These are people who are enemies of society.
And this is how strong men deal with the worst of the worst.
That's the narrative that they convey through the optics of it.
But it's the actual people in Osoru who have been detained in our research in a sample of like a thousand, two hundred.
Only 54 even had tattoos.
And only nine of those were gay members.
The people being detained are poor, their farmers, their informal sales people, their construction workers, day laborers, even like pregnant women.
So I guess it's important to make that distinction.
The conditions that you see on the videos of Sikot show a modern-looking facility whose architecture and design is built for cruelty.
there are no doubt that they celebrate even in those video certain practices that are analogous to torture.
But sadly, those conditions might be better than the conditions that the 85,000 are being held in another maximum security prisons.
Yeah, and I should just say, I was talking yesterday to a lawyer who works at an organization that is coordinating across a lot of the lawyers who are representing some of the Venezuela and men who have been rendered from the U.S. to El Salvador.
and they've had no contacts, their families had no contacts with any of these individuals
since they left the country.
Most of the information that these lawyers know or their families know about where these men
are are because Buckele is this super online like millennial dictator who had not only his own
kind of like internal camera crews filming these like hype videos where we see some of the
torture like techniques you're talking about.
I mean, these men are being at a bare minimum.
minimum roughed up. But then there are these situations they put them in where they essentially
like get them down on their knees and shove their faces into the ground and stack them together.
Like the the inhumanity and brutality is on display and very much by design, as you said.
But Buckele, you know, he's been president since 2019. His schick is he thinks he's a cool dictator.
He launched this aggressive crackdown on gangs. He locked up 85,000 people, as you said.
He was re-elected last year in this landslide victory, although you guys have documented, you know, a lot of context for that victory that I think would be worth you getting into.
Can you explain to listeners, though, how this sweeping mass incarceration policy that you just described is at the root of his political strength, essentially?
Yeah.
I would say I would start with this idea that's consistent in El Salvador and I think around the world that the punitive populist band of politics is very effective in election cycles.
Very few politicians can tell societies that are being affected by indiscriminate violence that they're going to defend rule of law.
and due process and win against the candidates that's saying,
I'm going to do whatever it takes to destroy these enemies.
And so the idea of punitive populism is a seductive political strategy that's worked for Buckele,
but it's worked consistently everywhere.
And actually, one of the things that most concerns me when I listen to the discourse
in the United States right now is how, as I'm hearing the discourse of security in exchange
for rights, this idea that the only way to deal with this emergency and to eliminate the
enemies that are affecting our society is to suspend rights, is to.
And to hype the threat, right?
Like no one had heard of Trenda Aragua two or three years ago.
Now that, you know, Fox News, the Trump administration, they're trying to put
them on par with like al-Qaeda in 2002.
Right. And and to be honest, Democrats like the little D-1, people who believe in democracy
as a superior form of governance, need to figure out how to address the security narrative.
It's a very challenging one. There's a lot of pitfalls. We begin to talk about defending
institutions against like threats real or perceived and we look like we're defending the
status quo against a reformer who's going to finally fix the problem.
right so it's a it's a narrative that's known it's a it's a dangerous one that really opens the
pathway to consolidate expanding to executive power and consolidating authoritarian control so it's just
that piece of it but going back more specifically to your question um our organization
has spent the last 15 years assisting families fleeing gang violence narcotrafficking violence
in Central America. All of us who live in Central America, all of us who live in a Salvador,
have lived under the terror of the gangs. We've seen the atrocities. It's a society that after the
signing of the Peace Accords in 1992 had incipient hopes of becoming a democracy, but very quickly
mass migration, corruption, gang violence creates a sense of
of sort of collective humiliation.
And so the Salvadoran people's support of President Buckele
is very similar to other authoritarian sort of psychological,
emotional connections that leaders build with populations
who have suffered collective humiliations.
He promises a better future.
He promises a new idea of a country.
And that becomes very seductive to people,
especially the people in the diaspora in the United States, right?
And so with the narrative of having, like the day one when Buceli comes to office, they begin to say, we have reduced homicide rates.
So security becomes his way of sort of consolidating, it's the physical proof that he is the change, right?
What's ironic about that is what the indictment of the Attorney General of the Eastern District of New York says about that.
that period of time. And they say that Naïi Bukhali made an agreement with the gangs during his first
three years in office to create the perception of reduced homicide rates that benefited the president
and his party in two elections. In the sense, this popularity that you're referring to in the early
years of his presidency is the result of an illicit negotiation, according to the Attorney General
of New York, with the very gangs he is now accredited for.
having combated, right? So there is an irony to that. What I'll say, though, is after the
three years of state of exception, that outburst of violence is understood to be sort of the
sign that the agreement between the Bugeli government and the gangs is over. And after you
round up 85,000 people and imprison them indefinitely with no due process rights, most of the population
understands them that the government can do whatever it wants to whoever it wants.
And there are no institutions in the country that are independent to intervene to protect rights.
And in that context, polling shows that 80% of the population say they support President Bukele,
while 83% of the population also says that they fear expressing an opinion that is not aligned with the
president and his party.
So in a sense, what the Salvador people are telling you is, sure, I support the president.
but if I didn't, I would be too afraid to tell you.
And so that's an indicator not of a free and open society, but of a closed and autocratic society.
I think that's really important.
You made that point to me that you have to understand his approval rating in the context of the security situation, but also the freedom of speech and the political and media climate that exists on the ground.
I think that's an important barometer for understanding, I think, the approval of any authoritarian government in the world, really.
It's been interesting from over here in the U.S. watching Buckele as kind of like public image and political efforts abroad evolve over time.
He made himself kind of this early cheerleader of Bitcoin.
He was celebrated by various Silicon Valley luminaries who, you know, mostly ignored his authoritarian tendencies.
They've also kind of mostly ignored the total failure by the government to get,
actual citizens of El Salvador to use Bitcoin, but never mind. Now, it's clear he seems to have
pivoted a bit. Right now he's doing everything possible to cozy up to the Trump administration.
He's become a fixture on a kind of conservative political conference circuit. How do you
describe or make sense of his foreign policy worldview or efforts at least? Yeah, that's a good
question because he was elected as a social Democrat, really. If you listen to his campaign speeches,
in 2018, I would give him a job at a Crystal Sala human rights organization to do workshops
on democracy.
Like, he was in social justice.
He was like a social Democrat when the Salvadoran people fell in love with him.
And he transitions.
There's multiple, it's hard to know exactly how that happens.
But I think his worldview where is it now, and this aligns very much with Trump, is he
sees himself as a disruptor to a rural space international system.
Right. He says, for example, he repeats this phrase often that human rights and democracy standards are the failed prescriptions of the international community.
And I think you can see alignment with the way Trump deals with DEI, for example.
Or he says sometimes like, what does he say, a radical left, lunatic left agenda.
And so they have this shared idea the rules-based order.
It's an alternative to like the great power diplomacy, like that phrase, the powerful do what they can and the weak suffer what they must.
Now that was the old system.
And then after World War II, we decided, oh, maybe we should have limits on power, even geopolitical power.
And it could benefit everybody.
They see that system as a limit on their own power or their own ability to act and they don't like it.
So that is like one of the like world views that unites them, but unites the autocratic world in general, right?
And so Bukeli definitely identifies himself with that.
And I think specifically on the issue of like the deportations of Venezuelans,
President Buceli and President Trump are allied in an effort to normalize this idea that in society,
there are internal enemies.
And that these groups of people are such threats to society
that they should not be protected by law.
And that the president claims a power to decide
who those individuals and groups are.
President Bucheli has claimed that power in El Salvador
and exercised it to the extent of rounding up 85,000 people arbitrarily.
And President Trump is now claiming that power
in his supposed response to the immigration situation in the United States.
So they're aligned in one.
Literally declaring them terrorists.
They're aligned in that idea, that normalization of that.
And I think they're also aligned in trying to legitimize the idea that you can take away
those people's rights and do whatever you want to them.
And so that for President Bukeli, he has this deep,
desire to be seen as an international model. And he gets that when the United States contracts
his penitentiary system known for massive systematic human rights violations, the contract
services from them, you legitimize that model of security. And it's a model of security like we
talked about at the start of the conversation that's based on this idea, the human rights,
the democratic checks and balances,
that any person or institution
that would obstruct the power of the president
to do what he desires to
is an obstacle to security.
Human rights and democracy themselves.
It's a total contradiction, sorry, I'm going on so long,
but it's a total contradiction
of what the Universal Declaration of Human Rights says.
Right?
Like, I read that and I get weepy.
I hope people now go home and read
just the preamble is good enough.
It's like four paragraphs.
It's the World War II generation, our grandparents, saying to us that when we reflect on one of the darkest moments in human history, we conclude that fundamental respect for human rights and dignity is the basis.
It's the foundation for peace and security in the world.
Not agreements between great powers.
It's the limitation that is implicit in respecting human dignity and rights.
and that's what's being turned on its head
on a micro level
that's what's being turned on its head
I think
that's something that like
in all societies like Sala or maybe in the United States
I don't know who
really feels in the United States
that their life has gotten way worse
because of the trend of Arawa
or how many people that is
but to
so it makes sense
if you are affected by working
crime to say at first that, you know, I do what you need to do. You're right. Let's sacrifice
rights in exchange for security. But sooner or later, that the sacrifice of rights for one group
affects everybody. And that's what we'll see. Absolutely. And, you know, last question for you.
I mean, unfortunately, the United States were Elon Musk and the Doge crew and Trump are killing off
USAID and, you know, the humanitarian work and the pro-democracy work that the U.S. government used
to do abroad. That gap is, to the extent it can be, being filled by NGOs like yours.
I mean, what is it like for you to work at a human rights organization in a country led by a
scary, powerful, authoritarian man who doesn't want your research seen by others and probably
resents it? I mean, do you feel, is it dangerous to operate? And then, you know, can people
listening support your work?
Yeah, I would say that crystal sal, well, so when I was in New York last week and I was talking with people and they were like, you know how liberals are talking about this at the moment?
And people are like a little hysterical.
Like this is autocracy.
And they're like, well, you're so, no, you're like so mellow.
And I'm like, well, yeah, I mean, we've been living with dictatorship for six years.
And, you know, like, that means that's meant for me personally and for our organization that, you know,
Like my phone has been tapped with Pegasus.
So espionage, monitoring of our work,
the sort of administrative and legal oversight authority
of the state has been used to take away our tax status
to try and revoke our operating permit.
There's constant campaigns.
Buckele has a sophisticated troll network,
a constant campaigns trying to delegitimize me and my colleagues individually,
but our work in general.
and people who work around us have been detained and threatened and criminalized.
But someone that you get used to.
But every single day, we are still, people like me, we are better off than the people in the communities who have denounced abuses, denounced corruption.
The consequences for people at the community level for speaking out,
something that's not aligned with the regime is potentially risking being detained in the state of exception.
Just a couple of weeks ago, colleagues of ours in a smaller human rights organization were arrested and accused of illicit association,
disappeared in a prison along with 30 community leaders. So it's not a, it is a context in which defending rights isn't free.
But for now, we still have a space to work in.
And I say that maybe for people in the U.S. too because like in these processes of
consolidating autocracy, there's like an abundance of pragmatic people who say,
no, I'll just keep my head down.
I won't confront.
Maybe this won't get worse.
And what we need are people who fight back against the normalization, the shifting of standards
that is implicit in an autocratic process.
Like autocracies are not reform projects.
They're destruction and revenge projects.
And people should not believe that that won't affect them at some point.
Yeah.
Wow.
Really well said.
Well, Noah, thank you for the work you're doing.
Folks who want to read more about Christosol or donate to your organization,
should go to the Crystal Saul website.
And I don't know, thank you again.
I really appreciate it.
Yeah, thank you, Tommy.
Good to see you again.
Thanks again to Noah Bullock for doing the show.
And I think thank you to Boris Johnson's wife for posting that.
For posting that.
Yeah, yeah, props to her.
Also, dude.
Thanks King Charles for being good support.
Yeah, that's good luck.
Also, Boris, I don't, maybe don't have your little kid, like, in pecking distance of the giant ostrich?
And laughing at him, though.
That was the best part of the clip.
It was a mock at his dad.
Oh, good stuff.
All right, talk to you guys next week.
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