Raging Moderates with Scott Galloway and Jessica Tarlov - The Anti-Trump Playbook with Tim Miller
Episode Date: December 13, 2024Tim Miller, the host of The Bulwark Podcast and veteran Republican communications strategist, joins Scott and Jessica to discuss the big questions shaping the future of American politics. Tim shares h...is sharp insights on the election results, the shifting political landscape, and the ongoing battle against Trumpism. Plus, we hear his take on how Democrats can regroup for 2028. Follow Jessica Tarlov, @JessicaTarlov. Follow Prof G, @profgalloway. Follow Tim Miller, @Timodc. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
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Welcome to Raging Moderates. Jessica and I are thrilled to have a very special guest
with us today, the host of the Bullwork podcast,
Tim Miller.
Tim's a seasoned communications consultant,
a former senior advisor to the anti-Trump
Our Principles pack, communications director for Jeb Bush
and spokesman for the Republican National Committee.
He's essentially seen the inside of every major Republican political fight over the last decade.
Tim, you've been on the front lines of the anti-Trump Republican movement and have had a
front receipt to this wild, weird, and quite frankly, worrisome political era. Let's bust
right into it. Give us your state of play here. If you had to sum up the election results
in a couple takeaways and what you think the media
or the general sort of kind of the collective wisdom
or lack thereof is about what happened,
what are the misconceptions?
Where are you a contrarian around what took place here?
Yeah, that's a good question.
First, I'm raging in moderate.
And so you guys, I'm happy. It's a good brand.
Nice.
This is a place for you.
And I'm happy that I feel comfortable and I feel warm.
You're home.
I do.
And that's nice.
So, hopefully that reflects my freedom of, in my commentary.
Where am I a contrarian?
That's a good question.
I guess the main area that I don't, I guess you guys can tell me whether
you think this is contrarian or not, but I basically just reject every piece of analysis that democratic insiders obsess over about the tactics of
the Harris campaign and whether they had they gone on Joe Rogan or had Kamala done one thing
or another thing better that it would have made any difference.
I don't really think it would have. We saw a completely even across like almost all demographic groups across red
states, blue states, purple states, there was a shift to the right.
I think that that shift happened actually less in the States for the campaign.
I know that the shift happened less in the States where the campaign was
a practice where there was more TV ads in the swing States, but black voters,
Hispanic voters, Latino, Asians, white people, like every group shifted essentially
except for college educated white people that live around where we all live.
Where you used to live Scott, you're in London now.
So like, I think that it should tell you something, which is that there's
something broadly structural that is the problem.
I think the open questions remain to be seen.
Is that broad structural problem with the democratic party
itself and their policy positions?
Is it with Joe Biden and his performance as president, or was it completely
out of everybody's control and it's just geopolitical
forces and inflation and we live in the bad timeline and Trump's the luckiest person in
the world? I think that there's probably something to all of those three categories and pretty
much nothing to all of the insidery tactical obsessions.
Yeah, I would largely agree with that. I also think Kamala, you know, did the best that she could, but she was a pretty flawed
candidate, which I think is why she didn't get out of the 2020 primary, at least on her
own or even collect a single vote and all of that.
But on the global headwinds piece of this, you know, all of these other incumbents got
kicked out across the world, but so did their parties.
And that's not really what happened to the Democrats. It was a pretty decent performance,
down ballot in the Senate and the House. So how do you explain that one? Do we just go
to Trump is the luckiest person on the planet? I'm basically there and have felt that way
for some time, though I was hopeful.
Trump is the luckiest person in world history. It's possible that I'm cursed there and have felt that way for some time, though I was hopeful. Trump is the luckiest person in world history.
It's possible that I'm cursed and that everyone else is just living through kind of the shrapnel
of my personal curse of like a witch or a warlock because of my distaste for Trump and
his luck.
I think that though, while the Democratic Party brand in the narrow sense might not
be fundamentally flawed, as you point out, the House, you end up gaining a seat, do well
in those Senate races in the swing states.
Among the broadest part of the electorate, there is issues with the brand.
And I think this is really where Trump kind of wins, right?
Democrats do well in special elections where you have high trust people that always
turn out to vote, want to turn out like this is, that's a group Democrats do well with.
Low trust people who are not paying that close of attention, like are really, you know, do
think that the Democrats are out of touch with them.
I think that Kamala Harris was poorly positioned to reach those people.
And again, I don't think it's really the tactics of the campaign. It's just more about her.
I agree with you on that. She just gave off very much typical kind of politician vibes,
typical liberal Democrat politician vibes. And I think that the identity element of this
wraps in, right? Like the original sin of the Democratic Party and all this might have
been that Joe Biden felt that he had to pick a black woman and that he had, and that he picked a black
woman who was the obvious successor, which kind of trampled dialogue and discussion within
the party about how, about what other options are. So like, to me, I think that, that you
can say both those things as one. So like there's certain elements within the Democratic
Party that are fine and functional,
but in huge swaths of the country, they're not competitive.
And among the lowest info voters that turn out in these presidential elections, they
have really turned those voters off over the course of the past five, 10 years.
So this is pure speculation, but I want to put forward a thesis.
And that is President Biden's narcissism is what really fucked us.
And that is when you have, the primaries are outstanding
at producing oftentimes outstanding candidates.
And they not only produce a person who's the best person,
they produce the best person for that moment.
And in this moment, it might've been someone
we hadn't heard of that came across as more moderate
or conservative, but to essentially go back on his word
about being a transition candidate
and then saddle an incumbent with 109 days
or whatever it was that President Biden
should be buried in a crypt that says narcissist
along with Senator Dianne Feinstein
or Ruth Bader Ginsburg.
Your thoughts?
I agree with that.
I'm a communal grave.
Yeah, I agree with that.
I have a lot of contempt for the way that
President Biden has acted.
I would add to that, not only then his decision
to run, but then once he finally decided not to
run after insane amounts of pressure were
expended, he didn't give the vice president the
leash that she needed to distance themselves
from him, right?
Somebody that was not narcissistic would have
said, you know, Kamala, I screwed this up. I dropped the ball.
I thought I could do it.
I had this debate.
I failed.
I failed you.
I failed the voters.
I failed the country.
You do what you need to do, girl.
Like you throw me under the bus if you need to.
You like, if you want me to vouch that you disagreed
with the border policy, I'll vouch.
Like we can do a joint interview where I was like,
whatever, I don't know what it is, but he, he, he was
the opposite. He was like, hold on, I'm not going to do that. I don't know about like, we can do a joint interview where I was like, yeah, like whatever, I don't know what it is, but he, he, he was the opposite. He was like hovering over her campaign.
And I know from inside sources that the Biden and his people around him would
call journalists to like complain when he felt like he was getting snubbed or
whatever by the Harris campaign, et cetera.
So, um, absolutely agree with the ego.
The one thing I maybe disagree with in this thesis
is if you do this full counterfactual,
where Biden says in November 2022,
I'm not gonna run again, and you have a full primary.
Again, I think it's very hard to get past Kamala Harris
because of identity issues in the Democratic Party
and just how the idea of a white guy beating her,
I think would have caused a lot of ruptures
within democratic circles.
This is more Jesse's world than mine, so I defer to you.
It's uncomfortable for me calling you Jesse,
since you're Jessica on the five.
But it's more-
We're casual here at Raging Moderates.
This is more your world than mine,
so maybe you disagree with that.
And I think it's also very possible
that the Democratic Party would have just listened
to the activists, and most of the people that emerged in that the Democratic Party would have just listened to the
activists and most of the people that emerged in that primary would have said the right thing to
do is to run to Biden's way left on foreign policy and attacked him over Gaza and that that
would have become just a total cluster. So I don't know that necessarily it's true that a
more electable candidate would have emerged, but the rest of your thesis I agree with.
Well, it does feel like, and everyone is entitled to their secrets, and it seems like voters
were harboring a lot of secrets going into this election, probably more so even then
in 2016.
Like, there was scribbles on the wall, but the writing on the wall was not as clear because
we kept seeing data coming back about late breaking
voters going for the Harris campaign and all of these moderate voters, a lot of them former
Republicans like yourself that were Nikki Haley primary voters, let's say, and just couldn't go
home to the Republican Party if Donald Trump was top of the ticket. And that didn't end up
bearing out come election day. A lot of them
did go home. We never actually ended up building on more than, what is it, like 22 percent or
something like that of the Republican Party that was anti-Trump. That's essentially what it was
in the 2024 exit polls. And I'm curious slash obsessed with what happens to people like you.
So I've always felt like you guys are the most high end
rental I've ever had in my life, right?
Like that you're the Bentley of rentals.
And going forward, like Trump, I mean, if he has his way,
I'm sure he'll be on the ballot in 2028,
but let's suppose that he's not on the ballot in 2028.
Where do you think that majority of the folks who feel like you do end up going?
Do they stick with Democrats through this or are people looking for an off-ramp if it's a Nikki Haley or even a JD Vance,
who might be more palatable to some people, at least on ethical issues than Donald Trump.
Yeah.
I'm obsessed with this so we could have done a full hour on this.
So I will do my best to be brief.
But in short, to defend my people's honor, the Nikki Haley voter types pretty much did, went for,
again, we have to look deeper into the data and all this, but based on my eyeing it,
on exit polls and just demographics, how she
didn't in counties that were there disproportionate of my people.
Like, Nikki, Kamala did about as well as Biden did.
Like, she didn't lose ground with those former Republican voters.
No, but we didn't gain.
Yeah, no, you didn't gain.
I thought that we would.
Yeah, there was not a lot of gain.
And there was then offsetting loss among traditional Democratic groups.
And by the way, I keep telling this to Democrats, this is a bad trade. Like trading away working
class Barack and Brown people for college educated, like Atlanta suburb, like Wall Street
Journal reading guys. Like there are way more of them than there are of us. So don't make
that trade. Okay. It's not a good trade. But I don't think that you have to, because my
answer to your question is, I think among actual voters out there, if the democratic party
does not go off the deep end, like the trade is made it's over.
Like I just, like, when I think of you in my life, I grew up in the Denver suburbs.
My high school friend group went, you know, um, everybody went for
Bush except for one person.
We have totally inverted every, everybody in my high school friend group went for
Kamala except for the person, the other person, the one person flipped over to Trump.
Right.
So like we, like that is what happened.
All of my friends' wives, um, are like rat, like we're not, they, they weren't
all Republicans, some of them, they were, it was mixed, but among the ones who were
Republicans, they are like rabid Democrats now.
Like this, it just among regular people that live in America, that are in the
suburbs, that aren't obsessed with politics, that are, that are college
educated, like white, white voters that Democrats are, are doing better with.
The types of people that show up to school board meetings and are high trust, et cetera.
I just, I think the trade has been made.
Like those people are Democrats now,
unless the Democrats nominate AOC and the,
you know what I mean?
Like, unless there's another shift
and like the Republicans nominate Nikki Haley.
I just, I don't see that happening,
but I don't have a crystal ball.
I think the Republicans have now permanently shifted
into this more working class, MAGA nationalist party
and their gains are all with working class voters and Democrats have to
figure out how to offset those gains.
And that's Democrats main priority.
And I think that as long as they don't do so in a manner that just totally
alienates the voters that came over over the last six years, like most of those
voters are Democrats now, um, and the ones who are like George Will or whatever, like there's a
disproportionate number of like people who are deep with deep conservatives who
just hate Trump. You're gonna lose those people but those people mostly exist in
like the commentariat not out among real Americans.
Tim, looking at the nominees or the cabinet nominees here specifically let's
look at Hegseth, Gabbard, RFK Jr., what are your thoughts on
who gets confirmed and who doesn't?
Yeah, I just, I like to admit what I'm wrong about things.
So I thought they were all gonna get confirmed.
I thought Gates was gonna get through.
And so the question that I have is-
It's a dark place you had.
The question that I have is,
was my priors wrong about that
because the fact that Trump
can't run again, supposedly, is going to give some Republican senators, particularly the
older guard senators, are going to retire a little more spine than they had last time?
Or was my prior wrong on that because they just hate Matt Gaetz so much on a personal
level that he was the exception that proves the rule?
I think that that remains to be seen.
I expect them to get through. I think that I was just in Iowa, for example, over the weekend. I was at a
funeral for a former Republican co-worker's wife. So there's a lot of Republican operative
types there. And so I was asking all of them about this. And there wasn't a single person,
they're all more Republican in good standing than I am these days. There wasn't a single
person there who thought Joni Ernst, who's the Iowa senator, who's been
the key person kind of threatening to tank Hegseth because of her advocacy for sexual assault and his
comments about women in the military and his alleged sexual assault. And there wasn't a single
person there that thought that Joni Ernst, when push came to shove shove would tank him. Now, could other things come out in the next month that make any of those three nominees
just unacceptable because it's just such a bad fact that emerges?
Sure.
Like something else could happen.
Trump nominated these guys really early.
There usually isn't a two-month runway of controversy.
So I think that could happen.
But I think if anyone that actually makes it to a floor vote will get confirmed, I guess would be the way I would put it.
Yeah. Wow. And I did. I felt that way when I saw Ernst's statement after her last round of meetings with Pete, where she basically inferred that he said he would stop talking shit about women in combat roles.
I was like, okay, well, she got what she wanted out of this. And everyone keeps beating their chest. Like Trump has a right to his nominees.
And yeah, that is completely true,
but I can't remember someone who picked so many people
that were unqualified for these jobs.
Scott and I have a particular bee
in our proverbial bonnet about Tulsi Gabbard.
Why isn't your bee in your bonnet about your colleague,
Pete Hicks, or is it because you're hoping
that a Democrat might appoint you
as based on your experience as a television host?
Like you could be a cabinet official in the future,
Jesse, this way we're going.
I have no bronze stars to speak of.
You also don't have a rape test, anyways.
Charming guys.
Sorry, couldn't resist.
Sorry, couldn't resist.
Try, I've been begging you to resist my man.
There you go.
No, Tulsi and I've had an issue about her
since Russia Today or whatever called her our girlfriend.
I was like, this is obviously a problem.
And watching what's going on in Syria
where she had been effusive about the misunderstandings that we have about Bashar
al-Assad and talking about how the people in Syria actually like him, et cetera.
The idea that we could have someone as DNI that is not going to engender information
sharing amongst allies is deeply frightening to me.
And Scott and I have been saying that she is the most,
besides Gates, and then that one pretty quickly.
And now I guess we'll be able to watch him
on One American News.
But she was the most troubling in all of this.
And you really don't think that there's going to be
any problem for her getting through
with her record on security issues?
I just wanna say, personally,
I think cash is the most
troubling, so maybe if you want to get to that, we can.
Um, I'm also deeply worried about Tulsi.
I'll say this though, Tom Cotton came out and said that Trump should have his choices.
If someone is going to stop, you know, it's like, you could imagine a person
that would say, no, sorry, this is too far for me.
This goes against my worldview.
It would be cotton.
I mean, he is a hawk. Like he's a hawks's hawk. And this anti-Russia, anti-Assad, like the idea that he would want her
to be there to me seems absurd. And so I think that shows you where the wind is blowing on this
stuff. And I guess there's some room, some buzz that Bernie might even support her, which would
give another vote of, you know, buffer. I also agree. I mean, I think I had Michael Weiss on the Borg podcast the other day, and he's
talking about talking to, uh, you know, he reports in intelligence world.
He's talking to foreign intelligence officials.
They're like, we might not like be cautious about sharing stuff with, for a little
while with America, cause we don't know where that's going to go.
It is a ridiculous choice, alarming for sure.
But like, where is the outrage? I mean, not to, you know, it's your show, but turning it back on you, like you would
think that Fox, like there'd be people at Fox that would be outraged by this, right?
I mean, like she is, she is hostile to Hannity's worldview, to my old friend Dana Parino's
worldview, to all the, like anyone that is a strong national security, you know, pro
freedom agenda type Republican, you would
think would be horrified by her.
I'm not seeing it.
So I don't know if that's just because behind the scenes she has just won folks over or
if it's they know that Trump is going to fight for her and so it's not worth the political
capital or if people have just been so beaten down by the Trump era.
But to me, I don't see where the resistance to her would even come from at this point.
So some of this, this might not be as much optimism as the desire for a kind of a blood
offering or revenge.
To talk a little bit about 2026, it feels to me like all the moons are lining up for
Democrats to score pretty big gains in the House and the Senate. Your thoughts? Senate map is tough. So I guess that's
one thing that I would throw out there. I do think that the Senate map is tough for Democrats
in 2026. The House, I agree. I mean, I think it was Dave Wasserman, I don't have it in front of me,
but it was something like 7,000 votes swung the House. Like, you know, it's three districts, you know, that were all just super, super close.
And if you look at the districts, one of them is the kind of Colorado, but ex-urbs
that I was talking about earlier, one of them is Iowa, a district that I know quite
well, one of them is California, ex-urbs.
Like there are all the types of things that you would think would swing.
I think a lot of this will depend on like what Trump actually does.
Right?
I, there are two theories of the incoming Trump presidency.
One is kind of that, you know, he wants, it's the, what the Trump wall
presidency where he wants to golf.
He builds a couple miles of it, puts out some press releases and bleats and talks
about how great the things are, the deportations are and the tariffs are, but
he doesn't actually really enforce them in a way that would affect people's day-to-day lives.
And if that is the way we go, you know, maybe the things don't line up quite as well for the
Democrats. If we go down the path of mass deportations, you know, we have people in camps,
we have a 25% tar off on Canada and Mexico.
That's going to impact prices of the grocery store.
Go down the list.
Um, then yeah, I mean, I think that there, again, Democrats do well in midterms
because the types of people that turn out in midterms are more aligned with
Democrats, um, and two, there'll be that category of Trump voter that didn't
really sign up for all of that.
That just was unhappy with inflation that you would assume would either then not vote or swing
back.
So I think that sure, it could go well for Democrats, but I don't think that's guaranteed.
AMT – Navigating a Trump presidency that I feel was chosen more than 2016.
Like 2016 was like taking a flyer on him.
This was intentional, right? That
people were like, I know what this is and I am choosing it again. Brings with it new challenges
for Democrats. And you see a lot of the big name governors having pretty open struggles with what
should we do? Like the Gavin Newsom's of the world who's on a tour of all the counties that voted for
Trump and he's talking about, you talking about Trump-proofing his state,
but also trying to figure out ways
that you can work with the administration.
And we have the Doge Caucus and people saying like,
all right, well, we've got to at least show
the people that we represent who voted for this guy
that we have some sort of interest
in building these bridges.
How much bipartisan activity
do you think there actually
will be?
And what will the implications be for future elections?
Because that's something that concerns me.
Because I think, yes, you should always
do what's best for the constituent.
But also, I'm a partisan that wants to win.
I think Democrats do governance better.
I think the economy performs better under Democrats.
And I'm deeply frightened of an election
where he gets to stand up there and
say like, look at all my stuff.
Look at the things that I did and it will have been off of Democrats backs that made
all this possible.
And they'll think that he's the second coming again.
So I guess he's the third coming now.
We are aligned.
We're the same person?
No, we're aligned on this issue for sure. I'm deeply- We're the same person? I'm about that. We're aligned on this issue for sure.
I'm deeply concerned about the,
I interviewed Mikey Sherrill,
who's a great congresswoman.
I'm so excited about her run.
She's awesome.
She's a moderate congressman.
She's running for governor of New Jersey.
I like her.
But I asked her about that.
So I was like, how much do you plan
on working with these guys?
Like, are you gonna help them fund the government?
Are you gonna help them?
And she kind of implied that like, yeah, we're going to work, you know, we have
obligations to our constituents.
And I look at this and it's like, they want everything, make them govern, show
people what it really looks like.
And I don't get why you would do, you know, why you would, you know, partner with that.
I mean, sure.
I guess if you want to partner with them on Doge to try to
work on some niche thing that you care about that could bring efficiencies or bring something to your district. Okay. But on the big ticket items, their deportation plans, like the tax cuts,
the funding, let them try to do it. I need a narrow house majority. And I think one thing
that makes me different culturally from my new allies in the Democratic Party
is just the agreeableness scale among Democrats is way higher.
Democrats are way...
Like we're all kind of drug.
Yeah, Democrats are just agreeable.
I think maybe that's...
There's some natural selection to this.
To do well in elite environs, you need to be kind of agreeable and go along and find
solutions.
And a lot of Republicans were like, no, F this, burn it down. And I'm, and that's so culturally I come from that side.
And so I don't, less agreeableness I think would be
valuable for Democrats in Washington.
Though I will say one quick thing about the governors.
Sure.
Trump proving their state is fine.
You should try to do that to the extent possible, but these governors should
focus on making their state places that people want to live.
And like, this is my number one complaint with my new friends on the democratic side.
It's like, people are fleeing blue states because it's too expensive to live there.
And like the 2030 census is going to make the electoral map even worse for
Democrats if they don't make their states places that people want to come to,
where that are economically dynamic.
So if I was Gavin Newsom or Mikey Sherrill or any of these people, assuming Mikey Sherrill
wins, that is what I would be focused on if I was them.
So just as we wrap up, Tim, predictions on who you think the 2028 Republican and Democratic
nominees for president will be?
That's funny.
I had a gag when I got this question out before the election where my answer was always
Kamala Harris and Donald Trump.
Good figuring that Trump would run again at 82.
But since Trump has won, I think that it's JD's to lose.
I think that he's really kind of navigated that well.
But that said, Republicans want outsiders. And so if somebody
like Tucker or some compelling outsider ran, I think that that would be compelling to the
Republicans. So I would worry about that. I do not think it's a Nikki Haley, Glenn Young can type.
It is not. Republican voters want a populist type candidate. So it'll either be Vance, a Trump family member, some outsider.
The Democrat one is tougher, man,
because Democrats have been voting
for the most electable candidate and trying to do that,
and being strategic about it in a lot of elections.
Like their left wing has not been as successful
in primaring people and stuff
as the Republicans right wing has.
Does that change after this election? It's something that I feel unsuited to really
judge, um, since that's kind of not exactly my people, because I think that,
um, the Democrats are really going to want to look for somebody that presents
themselves as a winner, but as a fighter, somebody can fight and take down the
right.
And if, and, and if they can find a centrist type person of Josh Shapiro or whatever,
Gretchen Whitmer can position themselves like that, then they can win.
If they can't and they look too much like a weenie establishment type, then somebody
like somebody from the left is going to win the primary.
And so I just, so I would look to democratic moderates to be inspired by the raging moderates podcast. I think a raging moderate has a good
chance of winning next time. A mealy mouthed moderate does not.
Yeah. I always feel like we get a bad rap for like five really loud people on the left. Like,
oh my God, you guys are a bunch of communists. And then we're like, please meet Joe Biden or like,
you guys, you know, it's like being inists. And then we're like, please meet Joe Biden. Or like, you guys, you know,
it's like being in Cuba over here
and we're like, meet Hillary Clinton or whatever.
And I feel like the biggest impediment to success
on the left is this hatred of wealth and capitalism
that becomes this huge talking point.
And I'll be interested to see if like a Mark Cuban
or someone throws their hat
into the ring and if we can, you know, pick our own billionaire type who can definitely talk,
you know, as loudly as a Donald Trump and he, you know, hopefully won't be on the ballot. But I
think that that could shake it up. I mean, I used to work for Mike Bloomberg's pollster and when he
was in the 2020 primary, I get it, you know, Elizabeth Warren nuked him or whatever and it was unpalatable.
But I'm like, that guy is winning.
He's going to win the presidency if you send him out.
You need to be a compelling communicator though in this day and age.
That was Bloomberg's problem.
Like you need to, like, while I don't think that Kamala not going on Rogan
mattered, I do think the ability to be able to go into places like Rogan and
talk like a normal human is critical.
Like I, for example, I really like Wes Moore, but sometimes he sounds very politician-y. Look, if there's any Democrat
listening to us to run in 2027, the thing that they should practice the most is how to sound
like a normal person and how to sound like not a politician and how to talk to regular people.
And so I like, Wes would be in an old world, I think the prime person, it's for the Democrats
to run. And in this environment, it's tough. Like Cuban does I think the prime person, it's for the Democrats to run.
And this environment, it's tough.
Cuban does talk like a regular person, Bloomberg does not.
You have to be able to do that.
No, but he's very good at managing things.
You're right.
We need to go to school for talking like normal people, which probably says something bad
about us.
I'm waiting for the time when people will listen to Bill Clinton's advice in broad strokes
because every election cycle,
he seems to have had advice that was directly ignored
from the campaign that could have helped.
I'm not saying necessarily would have won,
but could have helped.
It's like Willie.
It's like Willie.
There you go.
Tim, this has been really interesting.
Really appreciate your time.
And I get the sense we're gonna hear and see more of you
over the next four years. I got you sense we're gonna hear and see more of you over the next four years.
So here we go.
We're gonna flip the mics around.
Both of you gotta come over to my house soon, all right?
All right, sounds good, Tim.
Thanks for your time. Thank you.
Thank you.