Real Dictators - Pinochet Part 1: An Arrest in London

Episode Date: August 27, 2024

We travel to South America. In September 1973, Augusto Pinochet seizes power in Chile following a coup d’état. The aim is to topple the country’s socialist president. And it succeeds. But how does Pinochet - a seemingly unremarkable army man - come to lead the notorious uprising? And after that, how do he and his wife consolidate power, remaining in post for 17 long and bloody years? A Noiser production, written by Sean Coleman. Many thanks to John Bartlett, Mark Ensalaco, Peter Kornbluh. This is Part 1 of 3. Get every episode of Real Dictators a week early with Noiser+. You’ll also get ad-free listening, bonus material and early access to shows across the Noiser network. Click the Noiser+ banner to get started. Or, if you’re on Spotify or Android, go to noiser.com/subscriptions. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

TD Direct Investing offers live support, so whether you're a newbie or a seasoned pro, you can make your investing steps count. And if you're like me and think a TFSA stands for Total Fund Savings Adventure, maybe reach out to TD Direct Investing. It's October the 15th, 1998, approaching midnight. We're in central London. A light rain fills the cold autumn air. Two smartly dressed men enter the door of 20 Devonshire Place. It's a bit late for house calls, but this is an ordinary house, and they are ordinary visitors.

Nestled in the affluent West End area of Marylebone, this red brick mansion is home to an elite private hospital. Some of the world's most influential people have been treated here. A-list actors, prime ministers, even royalty. Tonight, recovering among the celebrities is a patient who's not so much famous as infamous. A man with a reputation for brutality. A general. A senator.

An arms trader. A former dictator. During his brief visit to London, his 82-year-old has enjoyed what the city has to offer. At Madame Tussauds, he paused in front of Lenin's waxwork to tell him, You were wrong, sir. You were wrong. He left one of his favourite Western bookshops clutching some new works on Napoleon. He took tea with another former world leader, his old friend, Margaret Thatcher.

And finally, he booked himself in for a medical procedure at this exclusive London clinic. The patient's chocolate brown coat, this exclusive London clinic. The patient's chocolate brown coat, bought from a high-end gentleman's outfitters, hangs on the back of his door. His shiny black shoes are arranged neatly at the foot of his bed. He sleeps soundly. His pinkish face with its white moustache rests peacefully on plump pillows.

It's been over a week now since his tricky back surgery, and he's recovering well. As midnight approaches, the two smartly dressed visitors stride down the corridor towards the hospital suite. They are metropolitan police officers, dressed in plain clothes, so as not to alarm the other patients. They are here to make a discreet but incredibly significant arrest.

In their hands is a warrant from a Spanish judge, and its subject? General Augusto Pinochet, the former dictator of Chile. As the two men reach Pinochet's door, his private bodyguards step forward, but the officers show their badges. Stepping into the room, they wake the slumbering patient. In English, they inform a furious Pinochet that he is under arrest for crimes against humanity. Crimes including kidnap, torture, and genocide. After a quarter of a century, it looks as though this ruthless dictator will finally

be held accountable for his crimes. But General Pinochet is no stranger to conflict. And soon this military man will ready himself for the legal battle ahead. One thing's for sure, he won't go down without a fight. In September 1973, Augusto Pinochet seized power in Chile, following a popular coup d'état. The aim was to topple the country's socialist president, Salvador Allende, and it succeeded. But how did Pinochet, a seemingly conservative and remarkable army man, close to the end of his military career, become the choice to lead the uprising? And after that, how did he

consolidate power, remaining in post for seventeen long years? From the Noiser Network, this is part one of the Pinochet story. And this is Real Dictators. Chile has a long, narrow stretch of land, running over 6,000 kilometres down the western edge of South America. It's one of the southernmost countries in the world. Its tip almost reaches Antarctica. For a long time, it was one of the poorest nations in Latin America. But by the end of the 19th century, lucrative copper exports had raised it to one of the wealthiest. Chile is known for its wine, its mountains, its ocean coastline,

and a long record of deep political divisions between conservatives and liberals, going all the way back to its independence from Spain in the early 1800s. Divisions that come to an exceptionally bloody head, under the reign of Augusto Pinochet. A little over 100 kilometres northwest of Chile's capital, Santiago, lies the coastal town of Valparaiso. Here slopes of colourful cliff-top houses overlook the Pacific Ocean. The town is headquarters for the Chilean Navy and a significant bustling port. It's long been admired by sailors who pass through, earning it the nickname the Jewel

of the Pacific. It's here, in November 1915, that Augusto José Ramón Pinochet Ugarte is born, the firstborn son of a lower-middle-class family. His father, Augusto Pinochet Vera, is a customs inspector. His mother,

Avelina Ugarte Martínez, is a government worker. This quiet, intellectual couple give their children a comfortable, stable upbringing. Augusto and his six younger siblings are all raised Catholic and conservative. The family is not particularly wealthy, but the parents fight for their children to have the best education available.

For young Augusto, this means attending the prestigious La Quinta Military Academy, based in Santiago. Mark Anzalaco is Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Dayton, Ohio, and the author of Chile under Pinochet, Recovering the Truth. Augusto Pinochet-Garrette entered the military academy at age 15, 16 on a second attempt. He was turned away from the army several times for being physically weak. Actually, a cart had run over him and led to a serious injury in his knee. And look at at one point, he was 15 years old. They were going to amputate his leg. History would be so different. Despite the notoriety he will go on to achieve,

there is surprisingly little written about Pinochet's early years. We only know small anecdotal details, such as the fact that at school he earns the nickname The Donkey, apparently for his braying laugh. We also know that the strict discipline of life in a military academy seems to suit young Augusto. He's comfortable in the rigorous hierarchy and develops a deep respect for the national constitution. John Bartlett is a journalist based in Santiago, covering the politics, culture and history of Latin America. I don't think any of his fellow conscripts would ever have thought of him as president material or dictator material.

He seemed to be a relatively middling cadet when he first joined the army. When Augusto graduates from the academy in 1935, he moves straight into service as a second lieutenant joined the army. When Augusto graduates from the academy in 1935, he moves straight into service as a second lieutenant in the army. Though he doesn't stand out as a soldier, he follows orders and is a stickler for discipline. But that's Pinochet. He's a conservative military man. His instincts at the most basic level are military, are martial. That's how he views the world.

The young Pinochet gradually progresses through the ranks, earning the quiet respect of his seniors. But it's a civilian who first spots in him the potential for something greater. In 1939, Pinochet meets Lucia Iriart. She will go on to have a profound influence on his life, his career, and his ambitions. But initially the courtship isn't exactly welcomed by Lucia's father, a wealthy lawyer and radical party senator. She is not yet twenty, and she could do a lot better than marrying a decidedly average soldier. Pinochet, however, is both polite and persistent.

There are qualities honed at military school, but also key aspects of his character. When it comes to his prospective in-laws, he is respectful to a fault. However much he disagrees with Lucia's liberal, anti-militarist father, he never appears to say a word against him. In fact, throughout his career, Pinochet would become an expert at holding his tongue, refusing to pick sides, biding his time until he gets what he wants. Despite the father of the bride's reservations, the young couple marry in 1943. For Pinochet, it's a big step up the social ladder. And for Lucia, it's the beginning of a significant journey as well.

The union itself was not one that her family approved of. She was from a higher social class, and that was obviously a problem for her family. She became one of the defining figures of 20th century and 21st century Chile. During the dictatorship, Chile functioned more or less as a monarchy with Lucia de Arda as the queen and Agustol Pinochet as the king. They had absolute power. But that's all to come. For now, Lucia's choice of husband is a mystery to her peers. For a brief six months, she does persuade Pinochet to leave the army and take a better-paid job in the private sector. But it doesn't last. He is a military man. It's all he knows.

And whatever Pinochet ultimately chooses, Lucia is incredibly supportive of her new husband. She frequently hypes him up in their social circles, openly comparing him to ancient heroes and noble Roman statesmen. In time, it appears that Lucia's

unwavering belief in her husband's abilities begins to rub off on Pinochet himself. His progress through the military ranks gathers pace. In 1948 he receives his first executive posting. Since coming to power two years earlier, President Gabriel González-Videla has been steadily quashing his political opponents. He's set up a number of prison camps to detain people linked to the Communist Party

and other leftist movements. One of these camps is in the southern town of Pisagua. Once a significant port, it's now an end-of-the-line railway town. Pisagua is surrounded by beaches and deserts, its dry and dusty landscapes almost resembling something from a Western. It's the perfect middle-of-nowhere place to keep the Communists out of trouble, and it's here that Augusto Pinochet is sent in January 1948. As camp commandant, he's seen as a strict yet fairly approachable officer.

But the prisoners in Pisagua are restless. The conditions in the camp are grim. Torture and oppression by the guards has ground them down. In November, the inmates stage a revolt. Pinochet's men crush the uprising. It's his first real taste of using violence to repress dissidents. A watershed moment for the military man. According to his memoirs,

it's also at Pisagua that Pinochet first encounters a man who will come to define much of his life. One day some unexpected visitors arrive at the camp. Dressed in suits with polished shoes, the men look rather out of place in the harsh desert surroundings. But they're not lost. They are a congressional delegation, here to inspect the conditions in which the communist prisoners

are being kept. Striding at the head of the group is a well-groomed, moustachioed man of about 40. His determined eyes stare straight ahead through thick black-rimmed glasses. His name is Salvador Allende. He is an outspoken leftist, a co-founder of the Socialist Party of Chile, and a man with lofty political ambitions. Ayende and the other members of Congress are met at the camp's gates by a group of soldiers, including Pinochet. A tense standoff ensues. The military refuse entry, but Ayende announces boldly that he will complete his investigation whether given permission or not. Pinochet counters with a threat to shoot anyone who tries to enter the camp. According to Pinochet's account at least, Allende eventually backs down and turns away.

But it won't be the last time the two men go head to head. but it won't be the last time the two men go head to head. His time spent as commandant has a profound influence on Pinochet, forever colouring his views on communism. What he saw in communist and socialist parties, their militancy, was a real threat to him as a soldier. Years later in his memoirs, he will describe what he experienced at Pisagua as a turning point, an epiphany. I became convinced that we were mistaken about the Communist Party, he writes. It was not just

another party. It was a system that turns things on their heads, dismissing any loyalty or any belief. I was troubled that these pernicious and contaminating ideas could continue to spread throughout Chile. At the time, though, it seems that Pinochet doesn't really share what he's thinking with anyone, least of all with his liberal father-in-law. with anyone, least of all with his liberal father-in-law. Outwardly, his overriding ideological commitment remains to the army, to following orders. He's a man who does what he's told. In 1951, Pinochet begins a new posting as an instructor at his old military academy, shaping a new generation of soldiers in his image. old military academy, shaping a new generation of soldiers in his image. And over the next few years, Pinochet's conservatism grows more and more entrenched as Chilean politics starts to swing to the left.

Stalin's death in 1953 provokes public outpourings from many left-wingers in Chilean politics. And one of the most passionate in his tributes is Salvador Allende. Allende has recently tried and failed to win the presidency in Chile. In fact, he achieved less than 6% of the vote. But Allende's support is growing, particularly among the workers. The red star is slowly rising. among the workers. The red star is slowly rising.

Peter Kornbluh is a senior analyst at the National Security Archive in Washington, D.C., and the director of the Chile Documentation Project. He is the author of the Pinochet File, a declassified dossier on atrocity and accountability. file, a declassified dossier on atrocity and accountability. Chile has always been an extremely unique country in Latin America and the world, really a pioneer for various types of political experimentation. Chile was the country where Salvador Allende, the Socialist Party, became fixtures of the traditional modern political system. fixtures of the traditional modern political system. Salvador Allende was born in 1908, making him seven years older than Pinochet.

Despite growing up in the same country at a similar time, their ideologies couldn't be further apart, and neither could their temperaments. Pinochet is a regimented man. He drinks moderately and lives by conservative values, drummed into him from an early age. Allende, the voice of the workers, associates with folk singers, artists, and intellectuals. In the aftermath of Stalin's death, Allende rallies his supporters, and he isn't afraid to get his hands dirty. We will employ revolutionary violence, he declares in a speech. His supporters take him at his word. Gangs of Marxist activists begin roaming the streets of Chile, targeting what they see as bourgeois elements. The police and the army are brought in to break up the violent skirmishes. Once

again Pinochet and his men are charged with quashing a socialist uprising, which they achieve with relative ease. So much for revolutionary violence. If the socialists are to make headway in Chile it seems, they're going to have to do it at the ballot box. This aligns with the view of the new Soviet premier, Nikita Khrushchev. Moscow's party line was, communist and socialist parties should compete in elections. Moscow line is, if there's a revolution, it'll come at the polls. That the only way the left is going to come to power is through elections, not through revolutions.

Throughout the 1950s, Chile continues inching to the left. By the early 60s, a series of economic reforms have started under the centrist president Jorge Alessandri, including the nationalization of the country's copper mines. Two years later, Alessandri's successor, the Christian Democrat Eduardo Frei Montalva, sets about breaking up estates and redistributing land to the peasants. Neither of these men is a deeply committed socialist. Their reforms are more pragmatic than ideological, aimed at balancing the interests of workers, the state, and foreign investors.

Ruling Chile means walking a political tightrope. The divisions between left and right are starker than ever. Meanwhile, Allende's share of the vote is increasing with every election. In 1964, he secures almost 40%, but he can't quite get over the line. By now, the socialist leader has lost three consecutive presidential ballots. Allende jokes that when he dies, his gravestone will read, Here lies the future president of Chile. But he persists.

In 1970, he prepares to contest his fourth presidential election. And this time, it seems, he may actually stand a chance. But as Allende's popularity has risen, he's drawn the attention of a very powerful enemy. One that is determined to prevent the left getting a foothold in Latin America. The USA. President Nixon's White House was wrapped by the Cold War. I mean, this all happened in a context of global anti-communism. There was huge fears and trepidation as to what might happen should the

global left or the communists sympathizers win at this time. Henry Kissinger, the recently deceased Secretary of State, or the Secretary of State at the time in the 1970s, he famously said that he didn't see why he should sit around or the US should sit around and watch countries like Chile turn communist through the stupidity of their own people. Well, for Henry Kissinger in the United States, it was symbolic. He will be the first Marxist who is democratically elected. Henry Kissinger's best bet is the Christian Democratic Party. It looks like they could still come out on top.

But Allende's socialists are gaining popularity, promising to build on the reforms his centrist rivals have already put in place. There were things the Chileans wanted. They wanted to nationalize their copper industry. They wanted a more equitable system for the miners, for the peasantry. The things that Allende was promising were to address debts that Chile had to its society that had never really been dealt with. You know, he had quite kind of basic policies, this idea of giving every child a glass of milk a day to address malnutrition. nutrition, there were ideas around education, healthcare, basically trying to level up the working classes to give them a slightly more even footing with the wealthy classes in Chile.

So that was what Allende was promising. Allende has managed to cobble together a coalition of other leftist parties under the banner of the Popular Unity Party. With their support, his candidacy is looking viable. He might just clinch the next election. And there are many who fear this, including Pinochet. Augusto Pinochet, in his memoir, says he recognized immediately that all hell would break loose. Allende was going to bring all terrible things. He'll bring Chile to a point where the army will have to intervene. And he says at one point, and when the army comes out, it is to kill. After a troubled campaign full of angry clashes, the 1970 vote sees Allende's popular unity party come out on top.

Just. Unsurprisingly, the result proves bitterly divisive. just. Unsurprisingly, the result proves bitterly divisive. And in a three-way race, Salvador Allende eked out a victory despite U.S. opposition in 1970. That set in motion a whole series of consequential events that still reverberate to this very day. In actual fact, Allende hasn't garnered enough votes for an outright win. In the runoff vote between the two leading candidates, his nose is in front, but it's up to Congress

to ultimately confirm the next president. It was a very slender victory in the presidential election, and the electoral system at the time meant that he had to be ratified by Congress. So Henry Kissinger really was desperate to avoid this. And what we know from recently declassified documents is that Agustin Edwards, who was head of the conservative El Mercurio media group in Chile, met with aides at the White House in the period before Allende's

ratification to give his opinion on who in the armed forces and in the navy in particular in this case might be willing to rebel against the constitution and help Nixon's White House avoid a leftist like Allende assuming the presidency in Chile. In a bid to thwart Allende's ratification by Congress, Kissinger comes up with a desperate plan. He also put forward this plan to avoid the ratification, which included the kidnap of René Schneider, who was the head of the armed forces at the time. He was known to be loyal to the Constitution, and of course would have safeguarded Allende's ratification should that be what Congress chose to do. So they hatched this plan to kidnap Schneider. They went ahead, they provided life insurance policies for the plotters,

they gave them arms, munitions, they gave them some money as well to carry out this plot. And eventually what happened was they intercepted his car one morning in a fairly wealthy neighborhood of Santiago and they botched the plot completely, ended up shooting him. Schneider himself died a few days later in hospital. And that very much galvanised support for Allende's ratification. And that was what happened in 1970. Allende was ratified by Congress and became the first democratically elected socialist president in the world. It's not long after the elections that Pinochet and the new president cross paths.

As a by-the-book military man, Pinochet appears to be a safe pair of hands, and it seems Ayende has forgotten about their little clash in Pisagua. It has been more than twenty years, after all. Outwardly, Pinochet has never shown any overt ideological commitment to left or right. His loyalty, it seems, is to the Chilean constitution. And so, under Allende, Pinochet is installed as commander of the Santiago garrison. He's also promoted to general. Ironic that such a staunch conservative should owe his advancement

to a socialist regime. Little does Allende know, his new general is vehemently opposed to his leftist ideals. Just as much, in fact, as Nixon. Kissinger is about to switch to Plan B. In one recently declassified document, he writes to Nixon about President Allende, stating,

We have no recourse to oppose his legitimacy because he was elected freely. We have to make sure that we undermine his ability to govern, that he does not present the world with a model of success. Basically, Henry Kissinger, with Richard Nixon, became the architect of a protracted effort to undermine Salvador Allende's ability to govern, to make sure that Salvador Allende did not create what Kissinger called an insidious model that other countries in Latin America and Europe might follow. Kissinger's kind of view of the global chessboard during the Cold War, he felt entitled him to simply, you know, thwart the aspirations and democratic vote of the Chilean people.

And he convinced Richard Nixon, who really didn't need much convincing, that the United States could not coexist with Allende for even six years, that they had to make sure that he failed and at maximum create the conditions for him to be overthrown. Funding and resources from the United States dry up at once. According to the U.S. ambassador in Santiago, not a nut or bolt will be allowed to reach Chile under Allende. There was an invisible blockade of credits and multilateral loans. There was a pretty significant five-part CIA covert set of operations, much of it focused

on a propaganda war against Allende through funding for the leading right-wing newspaper El Mercurio and efforts to expand US ties to the Chilean military. There was this famous line that came out of the White House not long before the coup d'etat where the US announced its intention to make the Chilean economy scream. There was this idea that you could constrict the economy so much that Chileans would ultimately turn on Allende and turn on his ideas and his principles themselves. Despite the US opposition, Allende wastes no time in imposing his vision for Chile.

As the first democratically elected socialist president, he knows all eyes are on him. The economy he inherits isn't in the best of shape. Unemployment is high, inflation is soaring. With American money cut off Allende needs new allies. Cuba, the Soviet Union and China. On the domestic front Allende moves fast, nationalizing more industries, introducing price controls and rationing to tackle inflation. He's barreling towards his socialist dream, and it's raising eyebrows around the world. Even allies such as China's premier Zhou Enlai, warn him to slow down. But Allende is determined.

He's convinced his vision will work. At first, the reforms seem to bear fruit. Wages increase by up to 40%. There's free milk for all children. New hospitals, houses and schools are built, paid for with public money. President Allende is keeping his election promises. But at what cost?

To his supporters, factory workers, miners, artists, musicians, students, Allende is more popular than ever. But the upper and middle classes, the landowners and businessmen, are feeling the pinch. For many Chileans, this dramatic shift to the left is too much too soon. It's not long before scuffles begin breaking out again, and just like before the election, it's the military who are tasked with keeping the peace. The combination of Allende's reforms and the US economic squeeze now means that more Chileans than ever are struggling. Nixon and Kissinger's plot was to make the economy scream

in Nixon's wonderful terminology. But, you know, socialists don't necessarily run economies very well either. Food supplies were dwindling. They had these kind of state-run grocery stores in the country. Food production was centralized as well. And people were queuing up for hours to get supplies, basic supplies, flour, sugar, from grocery stores in Santiago and around Chile. And there was this famous march of the empty pots, which was a group of women who marched down from a wealthy neighbourhood here in Santiago, down to the centre, banging pots, empty pots together,

to basically voice opposition to the Allende regime. The march is attended by thousands of women from a range of social backgrounds. There are more violent clashes. A state of emergency is imposed, along with a curfew. There is a range of social backgrounds. There are more violent clashes. A state of emergency is imposed, along with a curfew. There is hyperinflation, empty shelves in shops. In January 1972, former President Eduardo Frei Montalva accuses the Socialists of destroying the country.

Even the leader of Chile's Communist Party, Luis Corvalan, turns on Allende. He calls for a revolution, warning the path of violence is not excluded. By October 1972, the country is in total disarray. Shops have closed under the high costs and limited supplies. There are more skirmishes, more states of emergency declared. And now the truckers have announced a national strike, bringing supply chains to a standstill. Once again the military is deployed to sort things out. And, unlike Allende, they are more popular than ever. After all, it's soldiers driving

military trucks who are now putting food back on shelves. Allende's vision for Chile is in tatters. The striking truckers have him over a barrel. And they're in no hurry to find a resolution. Because this strike is being bankrolled by the deep pockets of the American government. They could make sure that strikes were being properly financed. The truckers' strike famously in 1972 was one of those that they helped facilitate. I mean, the kind of the covert support of the US

to opposition to leftist regimes is one of the great legacies of Henry Kissinger and of the Cold War era White House. By 1973, Allende's position is almost untenable. Over half the country, including many who previously supported him, are now wondering how to oust their president. Within the military, murmurs of a possible coup are growing louder. the military, murmurs of a possible coup are growing louder. There was this huge anti-socialist, anti-Allende, anti-communist sentiment within the various branches of the armed forces and discussions of a coup d'etat had been happening even before. Allende assumed power in 1970. You know, it was kind of assumed that this might

be the way it all ended. On June 29th 1973, a squadron of tanks closes in on the presidential palace. They are led by Lieutenant Colonel Roberto Super of the Chilean Army Tank Force. tank force. Flanked by foot soldiers with machine guns, he and his men are ready to stage a coup. But Super has jumped the gun. He doesn't have the support of the rest of the military. His operation is poorly planned and badly timed. Loyalist soldiers, led by Commander-in-Chief General Carlos Prats, suppress Supair's men in under two hours. 22 people die in the process. And where is Deputy Commander Pinochet in all of this?

Supporting Supair, whose views he privately shares? Or joining his commander, General Prats, in suppressing an illegal rebellion? Neither. Pinochet has found a way to hedge his bets, to stay on the fence a little longer. He spent the morning of the coup at a regimental barracks north of Santiago, well out of harm's way. It's not until hours later, after Colonel Souper's insurrection has already collapsed, that Pinochet emerges from the wings.

Dressed in full combat uniform, he leads a column of soldiers and marches on the presidential palace. When he runs into the deputy chief of police, Pinochet cautiously asks for an update. All is well, the other man tells him. The loyalist forces have the situation under control. Excellent, responds Pinochet. What a shame he and his men arrived too late to help defend the constitutional government. No one will ever know for sure which side he had been planning to support that day.

The coup may have failed, but the writing is on the wall for Allende, and for those in the armed forces still loyal to the president. Though General Prats succeeded in putting down Souper's uprising, his own popularity is at an all-time low as well. His pro-Constitution stance doesn't hold much sway with his men. By this stage, most of the military oppose the President. It's only respect for Prats's rank that has prevented his troops from openly turning on him. But no such respect is due from their wives and girlfriends. On August the 22nd, they stage a rally outside Pratz's house,

calling him a coward for continuing to stand by Allende. Pratz realises he's lost his authority and promptly resigns, leaving a vacancy at the very top of the armed forces. One man looks like a shoe-in for the job. Prats is second in command. Augusto Pinochet might not be as outspokenly loyal to Allende as his predecessor, but no one seems to have a word to say against him, and the general comes highly recommended by Prats himself.

For President Allende, it's a no-brainer. On August 23, 1973, Pinochet assumes the role of commander-in-chief of the Chilean army. And so begins a new relationship between Chile's wildly unpopular president and his remarkably unremarkable general.

A relationship that won't last long. He was appointed commander-in-chief because he was at that time thought to be loyal to the constitution. So that was the kind of relationship they had. I mean it wasn't a close one but I think there was it was almost impossible for Allende to avoid involving the armed forces, the various branches of the armed forces in politics before the coup d'etat because everyone knew that it was coming and if you were going to try and avoid it, then I think it was a case of keeping your enemies close. A little over two weeks into the new job, the General is called into a meeting with

Allende. The President is worried there might soon be another attempt to overthrow him. He asks Pinochet to draw up a strategy to prevent any further coups. But what Allende doesn't know is that he's too late. A plot against him is already in motion. It hasn't been initiated by Pinochet, but the General seems to know all about it, and he isn't saying a word to his boss. Really it was the navy and Valparaiso that decided to take the lead in the coup. Pinochet's kind of arrival at a pinnacle of authority meant that he just didn't quite have time in some ways to play a leadership role. But the documents have him talking about eliminating Allende a full year before that. So, you know, it's not like he came to this idea the very last

second. He clearly was part of it. It's just, I think, that in terms of the command structure and his ability to push this, he was somewhat of a Johnny- lately whereas the other military commanders have been in place for a while Finally after a long career on the fence it's time for the general to pick a side Will he join the heads of the Navy and Air Force or will he defend the Constitution and the president whose ideology he despises. If this coup is successful, supporting Allende will prove fatal for Pinochet. If he throws in his lot with the rebels and they fail, the outcome could be equally bleak. But what if he joins the coup and it works? Perhaps, for once, it's a gamble worth taking.

Pinochet's wife, Lucia, certainly thinks so. She's always been ambitious for her husband. She's advised him, encouraged him, shaped his career. Now she has an ultimatum for him. So Pinochet later wrote in his memoirs that on the eve of the coup d'etat itself, his wife, Lucia Iliad, who was incredibly strong-willed and known to be a vehement opponent of Allende and his ideals, took her husband, took Austal Pinochet into their children's bedroom while they were asleep and said to her husband,

they're going to be slaves because you haven't been able to make a decision. Effectively forcing his hand and telling him that he should sign up to the coup d'etat, which of course he duly did. And you know, as they say, the rest is history. Decision made. In the early hours of September 11, 1973,

the first orders are given. Return the Navy ships to harbour. Cut off the transmitters. Scramble the bombers. Send in the tanks. It's just two days since Allende asked Pinochet to protect him from future coups. Now, the general is participating in one himself. And by the end of the day, only one of them will still be standing.

In the next episode... September the 11th, 1973, marks the beginning of Pinochet's vice-like grip on Chilean politics. The touch paper is lit. Before the day is out, a rapid and brutal campaign to expunge all traces of socialism will commence. And the aftermath of the coup will scar the country forever. That's next time. you