Rev Left Radio - Historical Documents of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO): A Collab between Guerrilla History and Iskra Books

Episode Date: July 4, 2024

Breht reads the forward that him and his Guerilla History co-hosts (Henry Hakamaki and Adnan Husain) wrote for the brand new book put out by Iskra Books "Historical Documents of the P.L.O.: A Collection for Critical Organizational Study", a scholarly yet accessible anthology of the documents that forged the backbone of the Palestine Liberation Organization’s struggle for sovereignty and liberation. Get the book HERE All profits from the book go to the Middle East Children's Alliance

Hello, everybody. Welcome back to Rev Left Radio. All right. So I'm actually very excited about this little announcement I have for you. I'll have another Patreon episode come out later this month for sure. But this is just something I wanted to talk about. On the Patreon, I'll probably talk about it as well in the public feed. If you follow us on social media, you've probably seen us retweet this and post this on our stories.

But when I was at the very end of my time with the wonderful guys over at Guerrilla History, we were invited by Iskra Books to write a foreword to a book that they were putting out called the historical documents of the PLO, Palestinian Liberation Organization, a collection for critical organizational study. And so the summary is explore the core political documents of pivotal chapters from the revolutionary organizational history of Palestine with historical documents of the PLO, a collection for critical organizational study. A scholarly yet accessible anthology of the documents that forge the backbone of the Palestine Liberation Organization's struggle for sovereignty and liberation. Study the revolutionary structure of the PLO's effective revolutionary political organization through two new critical forwards from Henry Hakkimaki, Adnan Hussein, and Brett O'Shea from guerrilla history, David Pete and Ben Stonke from Iskra Books, as well as an afterward from Powell Warrigan, and engage in critical study with the organizational narratives that have ignited radical political discourse worldwide and shaped the fight for Palestinian self-determination.

On the back, the blurb from Ali Qadri is, quote, a tour de force of major documents representing landmark developments in the history of the Arab struggle for the liberation of Palestine, a central reading to anyone wishing to understand the Palestinian question. The discussion of the selected text is an indebted, depth examination of modern forms of anti-imperialist struggle. So this is really awesome on the back of the book. Not only do you have the Iskra Books, Workers of the World Unite logo. You also have the guerrilla history logo.

It is really fucking cool. It says a collaborative publication with guerrilla history and Iskra books on the back and as part of their Palestinian resistance series. Absolutely fucking honored to be able to help write the forward of this book. And I'm going to read our little forward for you. There's other forwards in here. And then this, the whole book itself is really great. And the important thing, let me look this up so I get the organization right.

But all profits go to a good cause. So this is not, you know, putting money in the pockets of anybody. This is actually going to fund a really nice organization. Let me make sure I get the name right. Check one, two. Okay. So all profits from this project are being donated to the Middle East Children's Alliance. So it's a, all proceeds go to, go to.

do a good cause. You get to have this honestly really pretty book and hard cover from Iskra Books, you know, beautifully laid out, love the cover, love the whole look of it, love the side view when you put it on your bookshelf, this dark gray, charcoal gray and black. It looks awesome. And yeah, you're just supporting us, you're supporting Iskra books, you're supporting a good cause to help children in the Middle East, et cetera. So there's no downside to buy in this book and supporting all those wonderful things. And again, we don't make any money off this. This is all proceeds go to a good cause. All profits go to a good cause. So this is just trying to get more information out into the world in a different way. So I'm going to read our little

forward to the book and then encourage you to check out the book, especially in an organizational context. You know, this is about an in-depth exploration of the PLO's organizational political work and how they conceived of their organization, what their goals were, stuff like that. So it's really, like, practical in that way as well. So I'm just going to read as this little Patreon episode, our foreword that we wrote together for this collection of documents. And the foreword is titled, A Guerrilla History of the PLO, Henry Hakamaki, Adnan Hussein, and Brett O'Shea. The Guerrilla History podcast dedicated an episode to discussing historical documents of the PLO, a collection for critical organizational study.

and introducing its documents for the political education and the historical consciousness of its audience. Below is an edited transcript reworked to serve as a preface reflecting on the value of these documents from the Palestine Liberation Movement for guerrilla historians, those who want to use history as a tool of liberation and in support of the struggle for justice everywhere. We have preserved the conversational format among ourselves and the three co-hosts, Henry, Brett, and Adnan, as an example of the dialectical value of political and historical discussion based on these invaluable records. We hope that readers will themselves engage in such dialogues, discussions, and analyses with colleagues and comrades.

So starting off, so this is basically, it's almost like a transcript of me, Henry, and Adnan talking. So it'll be, you know, Henry Hakamaki, and then I'll go into his part and then go into mind and Adnan's and back and forth. So when I say one of our names, that's who's speaking. So we're starting off with Henry. In presenting this collected edition of historic documents, from the Palestinian Liberation Movement,

we're setting out on a journey that not only sheds light on the struggles of resilient and courageous people, but also reinforces our commitment to standing in unwavering solidarity with their cause. It's critical to believe in the innate and inalienable rights of all oppressed peoples and recognize the imperative of understanding history to build a brighter future.

It's within this context that we invite readers to delve into the rich tapestry of documents that have shaped and amplified the Palestinian struggle, appreciating their value as a way as essential tools for education, activism, and mobilization. In order to fully understand the Palestinian issue, we must turn to the primary sources that have been curated in this collection. These documents chronicle a long and arduous journey,

marked by a relentless desire for freedom, justice, and self-determination. From the displacement and dispossession of the Nakaba in 1948 to the ongoing occupation, blockade, and annexation still occurring today, these documents bear witness to the systematic and enduring oppression faced by the Palestinian people. The importance of studying historical primary documents cannot be overstated. These sources provide an unfiltered lens through which we can examine the complex historical, political, and social dynamics

that have shaped the Palestinian struggle. They offer firsthand accounts of the experiences, aspirations, and grievances of those on the front lines of resistance. By engaging with these documents, we break free from the stifling narratives that have sought to marginalize and distort the Palestinian cause. Brett O'Shea. First and foremost, I think it's crucial to understand this conflict, this ongoing genocidal attack on Palestinians, in its full breadth, in its full scope, its full historical totality. We cannot start a discussion of the current conflict on October 7, 2023.

We can't start it in 1973 or 1967, and we can't even start it in in 1948, even though the formal material process of dispossession and occupation began around this time. It goes back much further, it goes back to Jewish experiences in Europe, it goes back to pogroms in the Holocaust, it goes back to the early Zionist movement and the nationalist movements in Europe more broadly, all of which need to be wrestled with. If we're going to understand this conflict, our goal should be to understand the current conflict in its full totality, its full historicity, its full global dynamics, and its relational and ever-evolving nature. With that in mind, the first thing I would say is that the existence of Israel is the existence of occupation. It is the existence of a settler colonial apartheid state, and with its more recent hard right turn, it is internally, I think, rising to the status of a fascist state. This is the concrete, actually existing reality of Zionism, despite the utopian and idealist conceptions on offer from liberal Zionists. Additionally, when you don't understand this conflict in its totality, you'll hear things or you'll begin to say things like, quote, Israel has a right to exist and Israel has a right to defend itself. well let's break those claims down briefly does any state have an inherent right to exist

does a state that is premised on occupation on the oppression and brutalization of other human beings really have a right to exist or rather do people have a right to exist certainly jewish people have an absolute right to exist muslim people christian people secular people all have a right to exist but no state in and of itself has an inherent right to exist and certainly no state that is premised on the oppression of another people has a right to exist, as its existence is synonymous with the unfreedom of those that brutalizes and suppresses. Therefore, when we talk about this topic, we have to understand it in this full historical totality, and we have to begin to question some of the keystone talking points of those who wish to obscure that history, and who wish to

present Israel as a regular country so as to mystify the actual basis of its existence, which is, of course, the violent occupation and oppression of another people, the Palestinian people. I think it's absolutely crucial to bring together primary source documents in particular to appreciate exactly the kind of history that leads to understanding the effective political action. We don't get a good sense of history just from the view of outsiders. What original documents produced by the Palestinian National Movement, including official documents of the Palestinian Legislative Council, the Palestinian Liberation Organization and its subgroupings allow us to do

is to have the voices of participants, those who are most concerned with the freedom of Palestinians, and to understand how they envisioned it. It presents to our historical consciousness internal perspectives, so that we have more than just an outsider's viewpoint on the historical unfolding of this liberation struggle. It is vital to appreciate how Palestinian political actors wanted to represent themselves to the world. These documents gathered into this helpful edited volume serve as a wonderful venue for seeing how political ideas and political organizations develop in history, something absolutely crucial for any liberation cause

that would like to learn from history, to appreciate how the struggle developed, how it related both to local as well as geopolitical conditions on a larger scale. This interaction between local forces and the wider geopolitical context can be appreciated even in the early foundational documents of the PLO. For example, note how at the outset of 1964

the PLO wanted to define who the Palestinians were. how they fit within the larger sphere of Arab nations and Arab nationalism, how Palestinians should understand the historic injustice and wrong done to them, and how and against whom precisely they needed a struggle. It is so interesting what the documents reveal. You notice right away that there is a very inclusive, secular, political vision of what it means to be a Palestinian, and yet simultaneously an articulation of its particular cultural and religious contexts.

I noticed resonances with the contemporary anti-colonial liberation struggle, that of the Front De Liberatione National in Algeria against French settler colonialism. There are natural connections and language and ideology at that shared historical moment. The FLN likewise drew on a sense of the spiritual and cultural resources that people would have to draw upon in their national struggle. Examining primary source documents allows us to appreciate the particular and shared features of anti-colonial movements of that era. Another valuable example is the PLO's charter from 1967,

which reveals how there has been development geopolitically in relation to institutions like the non-aligned movement. The PLO was connecting its struggle to the demands of the non-aligned bloc in the Global South, and this language and consciousness suffuse the charter. Without reading primary source documents, these connections aren't so visible. So what a collection like this allows guerrilla historians to do is to appreciate the evolving ideological and political struggle in history, how different political ideas are being sharpened and clarified dialectically, the tactics that likewise develop in relation to historical circumstances. The documents reveal this unfolding history when analyzed dialectically.

How did Palestinians themselves come to national consciousness? And what did that involve? Those are the questions that studying the words and expressions of Palestinian actors and organizations help answer. Brett O'Shea. I think Adnan makes a really good point. The thread that I would like to pick up from what he said is the point about settler colonialism. I think the essential analytic lens through which we can come to a concrete understanding of this entire situation is the lens of settler colonialism. When one

abandons that analytical lens and many people invested in Israel's continued existence go to great lengths to obscure or denounce this approach, you will become more susceptible to various forms of Zionist mystification. You'll get presented with framings and premises that are hostile the Palestinian liberation and Palestinian humanity. For example, you'll be told that the Palestinian resistance are terrorists. You'll be browbeaten to accept a decisive split between so-called innocent Palestinians whose humanity we can recognize, if only peripherally, and those Palestinians who are fighting back, who are not allowed to be seen as fully human, or to express any sentiments of affection or understanding toward. Once you've accepted something like this,

you've already ceded bedrock elements of the ideological battle to the Zionists. In contradistinction of such mystification, the settler colonialism analysis allows us to see clearly that the armed resistance of the Palestinians is not terrorism, but rather a just national liberation struggle. Moreover, we are able to apprehend the dialectic of violence and see clearly that the whole cycle of violence that has plagued the Levant for over 75 years is a direct product of the existence of Israel and its brutal colonial occupation of Palestine. If we want to end such cyclical violence, then we have to address the problem at its root. The settler colonial framing allows us to understand that this is not some

thousand-year-old religious dispute between Jews and Muslims, nor is it some super-complicated geopolitical Rubik's cube. Rather, it is a struggle between the colonizer and the colonized, and thus the real solution lies in addressing that inaugural injustice. Imagine one, democratic,

multi-ethnic, multi-religious state of Palestine, which codifies and protects the civil, constitutional, and human rights of Jews, Muslims, Christians, and the secular alike, embracing them all as fully equal citizens and honoring the diversity of peoples that have called Palestine home for centuries and millennia.

This would, of course, require full decolonization as a necessary prerequisite to the formation of such a state. But it would actually solve the underlying problem in a way that Israel's continued existence and even the idea of a two-state solution will never be able to. The fact that Israel would rather drop a nuclear bomb on the region than accept such an arrangement

speaks to the pathological rot at the core of the Zionist project. But it's worth noting that we have seen such obstinance to the idea of basic equality before, among the white colonial populations within the Jim Crow American South, in apartheid South Africa, in French-occupied Algeria, and in the former Rhodesia, among others. This fact adds yet more weight to the analysis I have been offering by highlighting the shared origin of Israel and these other projects of occupation, European settler colonialism. Understanding Israel as a settler colonial project and the Palestinian Liberation Movement

as a national liberation struggle is crucial when analyzing the historical and ongoing dynamics in the region. From a Marxist-socialist-communist perspective, it's essential to defend decolonial movements and support the struggle for national liberation, self-determination, and justice. The establishment of Israel as a settler colonial state involved the displacement, dispossession, and marginalization of the indigenous Palestinian population, with disestablishment. process unfolding through systematic policies of colonization, including the expulsion of Palestinians, the destructions of their homes and villages, and the establishment of Jewish settlements on Palestinian land. Recognizing Israel as a settler colonial project helps

expose the underlying power dynamics, structural violence, and the ongoing oppression faced by the Palestinian people. Conversely, framing the Palestinian liberation movement as a national liberation struggle acknowledges the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people to reclaim their land, secure their rights, and determine their own political, economic, and social's future. It recognizes their right to resist and struggle against their oppressors, who are backed by a dominant global order that upholds and perpetuates colonial and imperialist systems, or rather structures. Defending decolonial movements means standing in solidarity with those fighting against oppressive structures and seeking to dismantle systems of domination and exploitation. It involves

supporting the self-determination of peoples who have been colonized, affirming their rights to their land, culture, and identity, and advocating for the restoration of justice and equality. This solidarity is rooted in the understanding that the struggle for liberation extends beyond a single nation or region. It is a global endeavor against the underlying capitalist, imperialist, and colonial systems that perpetuate oppression and inequality. We must align ourselves with movements and struggles that challenge the status quo, offering support to those who fight against settler colonial projects and demand justice for historically oppressed peoples.

Turning our eye to the role of Israel for a moment, it's important to also see Israel as an extension of Western imperialist domination. Various thinkers have stated that Israel is essentially akin to a landed aircraft carrier, operating as an extension of the Imperialist Order of the West as a forward operating base within the Middle East. It acts in pursuit of the Western imperialist ambitions within the region and beyond. We can look at how Israel has related militarily to its closest Arab states, as well as how Israel has upheld the imperialist structures more globally,

including, but not limited, to supporting apartheid South Africa, monetarily and militarily, even after the Western imperialist nations themselves no longer were able to explicitly defend the apartheid project. Understanding the role of Israel in these ways as a settler colonial project and as an extension of Western imperialist domination is not unique to us, nor is it a particularly new school of thought. This is a school of thought that was seen even in the historic documents that are presented within this text.

And as we see, Palestinians who have been operating on the front lines of the struggle have been seeing this very struggle through this lens since the inception of the National Liberation struggle against the Zio imperialist entity that is the state of Israel. Adnan Hussein. Historically, it has to be observed that Zionist began a very late settler colonial project, which accounts for some particular or unique conditions more than just identifying Israel as a settler colonial state that structures the characteristics of Palestinian national liberation struggle against it

decolonization now and over the last several decades responds dialectically to the position that Israel inhabits in the imperialist capitalist global order it is more than just an outpost of western colonialism but a forward base of empire a front-line state in a key oil-producing and transatlantic and transit region vital to the global capitalist economy and imperial hegemony. In fact, its significance, and therefore the importance of the Palestinian struggle, is the model of global apartheid sustained through militarism, surveillance, high-tech security

apparatus, and algorithms of repression and exclusion. It is the crucible and testing ground for the industrial complex of control and the future of inequality, of climate fascism, to protect the global elite. This is why I think the Palestinian struggle is so important as a way. world historical struggle. Studying its history informs us of the prospects for liberation and resistance against a broader form of global oppression ahead. Israeli society, surrounded by and separated from its environs and the Palestinian people through an apartheid wall, represents, in miniature, a broader developing global order, developing of the 1%. A fortress Europe that uses

the Mediterranean as its kind of boundary wall to separate itself from the peoples of the global South, a U.S. militarized border wall with Mexico to keep refugees of its wars and climate disaster out. Israel has attempted to create a zone of security in which the settler colonists can live as Europeans in this land, in the Middle East, and wall themselves off from the conditions of the rest of the region. What was demonstrated most recently on October 7th, but it has been historically demonstrated over and over again, is that this is an unsustainable model. It's an unjust model that will always engender resistance. And that's what the documents of this collection portray.

At every stage in different periods of history, Palestinian resistance takes on new forms and above all indoors. These documents reveal a history of resistance. Despite 75 years of dispossession, ethnic cleansing, a genocidal killing, military occupation, and imprisonment, Palestinians have refused to surrender. They have simply refused to surrender while facing the high-tech advanced militarized techniques of repression, costing billions and supplied by the West.

That's of world historical significance. Like the documents show during the 1960s, the struggle for Palestinian liberation, equality, and justice was connected to anti-colonial resistance and national liberation struggles across the global south and in the 1980s with the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa. So too today, the struggle to free Palestine strikes accord with the oppressed and with those who struggle for justice globally. Even in the imperial core, whether it is for indigenous rights, land back, decolonization, or Black Lives Matter, anti-racism, and police brutality struggles, activists can identify with the Palestinian people who are fighting the empire and are bearing the brunt of its diverse forms of violent control, exclusion, and suppression. So that's why solidarity with Palestine and studying how the struggle for its liberation has developed and unfolded over time through Palestinians' own expressions of their political consciousness is so valuable. for guerrilla historians.

Brett O'Shea. There is something fundamentally human about resisting oppression. It's as natural to us as taking flight is for birds or as swimming is for fish. And this urge for freedom cannot be beaten or humiliated out of people, even though every empire in human history has tried its best to do just that. The Palestinian struggle is, in a fundamental respect, humanity's struggle against oppression and domination. I think that's one of the major reasons why it resonates so strongly across the world,

and why their resistance is such an inspiration to people fighting for their own humanity and freedom in other contexts of oppression. It's a universal struggle, and it's in our nature as human beings not only to resist oppression, but to see ourselves in the brave resistance of others, and to connect with that on a deep, visceral level. That is why we see these beautiful acts of solidarity and these long-standing bonds of solidarity between the black liberation struggle in the United States and the Palestinian resistance movement. You also see it in the Irish resistance against English imperialism and domination.

You certainly see it in indigenous movements for self-determination across the entire world, including throughout Turtle Island. Such solidarity with the Palestinians is, of course, reciprocated in full by the Palestinians themselves. So there's this really beautiful dynamic happening here, where we can all see our own humanity in the other, and thus generate a universal,

egalitarian vision of what humanity could become. We can ask ourselves, what would a human civilization free from occupation, free from oppression, free from domination look like? What would it mean for human beings to live as true equals under the sun and to cooperate in order to create a world finally worthy of the claim that it is inhabited by an intelligent species? Pardon me for waxing poetic here,

but sometimes I think about the future of humanity and the possibility of taking our explorations into space, into the cosmos. At the moment, despite all of our self-congratulatory rhetoric about how far we've come, I do not believe we're mature enough as a species to do that in a dignified and authentic way. As long as there are human beings here on Earth consigned to various forms of wretchedness, we simply don't deserve a seat at the cosmic table. We don't deserve a seat at the table of intelligent species, if such a thing exists, while we allow this brutality and this oppression to continue to continue to,

exist down here on earth. So the aspirations and the inherent dignity of humanity is not only encapsulated in the Palestinian struggle, but it points towards a possible human future in which we grow up as a species and overcome what Albert Einstein called this predatory era of human history, by which he meant all forms of class society and the intrinsic injustice that they require. I truly think that a universalist vision of our common humanity is important. Henry Hakamaki As stated previously,

Israel does serve as a sort of model to modern settler colonial states as well as ethno-religious movements. In recent years, there's been a rise in fascist movements around the world, with two prominent examples being the settler colonial state of Israel and Hindutvah and India. These movements share troubling similarities

in their policies of ethnic cleansing, discrimination, and the suppression of dissolution. undermining the settler colonial state of Israel is critical to undermining similar fascist movements like Hindutvah and India for several reasons. Firstly, both movements are built on the foundations of exclusivity, where one ethno-religious group claims superiority over others. By challenging the legitimacy of Israel's settler colonial state, we can expose the inherently discriminatory nature of such ideologies. Secondly, these fascistic movements rely on the support and legitimization they receive from other countries. Israel in particular benefits from extensive military and economic aid from global powers, which allows it to continue its oppressive policies.

By withdrawing support and actively opposing and hopefully dismantling the settler colonial state of Israel, we can send a strong message to other countries that enable such fascistic movements will not be tolerated. Furthermore, undermining the settler colonial state of Israel can serve as a powerful example for those fighting against Hindutva in India. Directly, it can demonstrate that resistance is possible and inspire others to challenge oppressive systems and ideologies. Lastly, both Israel and Hindutvah pose a threat to regional stability and peace, with their policies of occupation, land grabbing, and religious discrimination fueling tensions and conflict.

Not only within their own borders, but also in neighboring regions. By undermining the settler colonial state of Israel, we can contribute to a broader goal of peace and justice in the region. Brett O'Shea. As an American, I would also be remiss if I did not point out emphatically the U.S. is complicity in the Israeli occupation and brutalization of Palestinian people. Since virtually day one, the baton was handed off by the British colonial empire, but the U.S., ever since then, has really been the main nation state,

the main ally, the main enabler of Israeli aggression and crimes against the Palestinian people. As an American sitting here, I might not be able to influence Israeli politics or Palestinian politics, or Middle Eastern politics, but I do have a moral and political responsibility and obligation to call out my own government, to do whatever I can to hold my government accountable, and to support any and all movements here in the United States aimed at disrupting the continued brutalization of the Palestinian people through American complicity. America has a unique power in the world to put an end to this. It has the leverage over Israel that no other country has ever had, and its refusal to use that leverage to bring about

peace makes the U.S. just as complicit as Israel in these crimes. And I think the entire world may be outside of the American borders and some parts of Western Europe see that extremely clearly. I think as this current iteration of the brutality continues, the reputation of both Israel and the United States around the world will continue to decline and will have massive implications for politics in the later half of the 21st century. I would like to make another point as well. When you're saying any of the stuff that we've been saying thus far, and when you begin to talk about settler colonialism, and when you publicly recognize the humanity of the Palestinian people and their resistance, the first thing you'll hear from those invested

in the status quo or those invested in Zionism will be accusations of anti-Semitism. And I think it's worth saying that we cannot be silenced by these bad faith accusations of bigotry. Accusations that, to be sure, are simply meant to shut down conversation because Israel and its supporters around the world know on some level that if open and honest discourse were to take place around the world in regards to this conflict, Israel would come out looking very bad. So one of the main tactics they've used over many decades of propaganda is to label their critics as anti-Semitic. I have two quick points that I think are worth saying. First and foremost, I would argue that Zionism in itself is anti-Semitic, insofar as it attempts to tie all

Jewish people by virtue of them being Jewish to the many crimes of the Israeli state. And secondly, I find the overapplication of accusations of anti-Semitism to aid anti-Semitism, in so so far as such clearly cynical accusations water down and dilute that very serious allegation. There is a far-right global resurgence that we're living through in the 21st century that employs genuine anti-Semitism as a matter of course, which desperately needs to be combated. But when you over-apply that label to anybody criticizing Israel, or even its newest iteration, the notion that criticizing or protesting American-based weapons manufacturers like Elbit who sell weapons to Israel is anti-Semitic, you're actually being incredibly

anti-Semitic by watering down that accusation, cynically weaponizing it, and thus rendering it less meaningful when it's actually needed. Ultimately, we want a world that is safe for Jewish people, for Muslim people, and for everyone else on earth. That's the world that we want to create. Our criticisms of Israel are in service to the construction of such a world, a world that is safe for all people to live in dignity as equals. We must refuse to be browbeaten into accepting oppression via the cynical employment of such accusations, the cynical employment of progressive rhetoric for abjectly regressive ends. And finally, Henry Hakamaki.

One other note that could have gone earlier in the conversation is that the genocidal actions of the settler colony of the state of Israel are often combated with claims that if they didn't genocide the Palestinian people, that the Palestinian people would genocide the Jewish population. This is often put out into popular consciousness alongside the idea that various groups associated with the Palestinian liberation movement have explicitly stated their desire to eliminate in whole or in part the Jewish people

from the area of historic Palestine rather than simply aiming to dismantle the settler colonial state of Israel. By providing historical documents from these groups themselves within this text, readers will be able to combat these bad faith accusations with direct evidence provided by the groups in question that show that their aims are not genocidal in the least,

but simply relate to the national liberation of their people and the creation of a just, multi-ethnic, multi-religious society. And that, my friends, is our forward to the book Historical Documents of the PLO. I'm very proud of that. I think it's a great introduction to the set of documents in the book. And, yeah, I'm just proud of what we were able to accomplish,

and I'm proud to throw my little raindrop into the ocean of Palestinian resistance, making the appeals, making the arguments, and specifically from the perspective of U.S. citizens and Canadian citizens in the case of Adnan and people from North America to show the complicity of our own government and to show that we have a material interest in combating the suppression and in stripping our government of the ability to continue to help Israel engage in its settler colonial project. So the book is great. Again, that's the foreword. Very happy to be included. Very proud of what we've done together with the guerrilla history guys.

And if you want to buy the book, I'll link to it in the show notes. the book again all profits go to the middle east child's alliance so you're supporting a good cause and getting an awesome book all right love and solidarity