Rev Left Radio - John Brown: Man on Fire
Episode Date: December 7, 2020In this cross-over episode with our sister podcast Guerrilla History, Breht, Adnan, and Henry examine the life and legacy of radical abolitionist John Brown. They discuss the historical context in whi...ch Brown operated, his connections to other well-known historical figures, his ideology, motivations, and religious convictions, as well as the morality of his actions and the lessons we can learn from him today. Documentary audio clips from "John Brown's Holy War" here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nWS_Jrjh11s&feature=emb_logo Outro Music: 'God's Gonna Cut You Down' by Johnny Cash ----- Please Support Rev Left Radio: https://www.patreon.com/RevLeftRadio or make a one time donation: PayPal.me/revleft LEARN MORE ABOUT REV LEFT RADIO: www.revolutionaryleftradio.com
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On December 2nd, 1859, a tall, thin, 59-year-old man rode on a wooden box in an open wagon.
The box was his coffin.
He was going to his execution.
He just handed his jailer a note.
I, John Brown, am now quite certain
that the crimes of this guilty land
will never be purged away, but with blood.
I had vainly flattered myself
that without very much bloodshed, it might be done.
For most of his life, John Brown had been an obscure shepherd and tanner.
Now, it was a national symbol.
Brown goes from being a very minor figure in the abolitionist war against slavery
to the emblematic figure of that, the defining figure in some ways.
To abolitionists, John Brown,
John Brown was a hero, a saintly man who killed for his beliefs.
But others saw him as the embodiment of evil, a murderer, and lunatic.
John Brown was fighting for the American creed, putting into practice the words of Thomas Jefferson,
that the tree of liberty should be watered with the blood of tyrants.
Brown carved a canyon in public opinion
that split north and south,
and no longer were there any ties,
Brown had taken his sword and sliced the connections.
The South rejoiced in the execution.
But throughout the north, church bells told for him.
Some 1800 years ago, Christ was crucified.
This morning, Captain Brown was hung.
He is not old Brown any longer.
any longer. He is an angel of light. Henry David Thoreau.
Hello everyone. So today we have a little surprise for you. We're doing our
basically our first ever crossover, full crossover episode between Revolutionary Left Radio
and our new project, Gorilla History.
This was originally going to be an intelligence brief.
One of the things we do on guerrilla history, just between us three, just doing a short
little mini episode covering some interesting elements of history.
But then we decided since there's so much to talk about when it comes to John Brown that
we could expand this to a full episode, throw some clips in there, and do a crossover episode.
So if you're listening to this on Revolutionary Left Radio and you haven't heard about
guerrilla history yet, this is the new project.
This episode is going to be a collaboration with that new project.
and we urge anybody who likes this stuff to subscribe to guerrilla history on your favorite
podcast app, rate us to increase our reach.
And even if you have a few extra dollars laying around, subscribe to our Patreon for
monthly bonus content, the links of all of that will be in the show notes so you can
quickly and easily go to everything I just said there.
But yeah, today we're going to be discussing John Brown.
And we're going to assume a certain level of background, general knowledge on the part of our
audience when it comes to John Brown because mostly left-wing people are listening to us.
John Brown is an important historical figure for the left and just in general.
And so we're not going to get bogged down in like the minutia and the dates of his life,
but more doing a general overview of his life and then diving into reflecting on strategies,
on morality, on what role religion and its motivation plays in political struggle and just
use this as a doorway to have those more reflective conversations pull out,
and apply what we can to our situation today, which is not wholly dissimilar to the situation
that people in John Brown's time were facing. So with that little opening, Salvo, I'll hand it over
to Henry to dive into the questions. Yeah, great. Thanks, Brett. So I just want to reiterate,
if you're listening to this on Rev Left, make sure to check out the guerrilla history feed,
subscribe, share that'll really help get this project up and off the ground and truly running
at the level that we want it to be.
As Brett said, we're going to talk today about John Brown.
Now, John Brown really is an individual that we all should have some understanding of,
either through school or just through our independent study.
John Brown is somebody who Harriet Tubman called the greatest white man to ever live.
Malcolm X throughout his life always said that if white men were trying to get into the organizations that he were running,
he would refuse all of them.
But if John Brown was still alive, he might make an exception.
This is how highly thought of John Brown was both by his contemporaries, as well as people in the present day.
And of course, John Brown is, this is the John Brown that's the famous abolitionist that we're talking of.
So I guess let's get right into this, guys, and let's talk about how John Brown is being portrayed these days,
because it's a little bit harder to say from a historiographic context, how he was portrayed.
throughout the years because it has changed quite a bit. But I think let's start with how he's
being portrayed today and kind of our just our thoughts on John Brown. Brett, you want to start
off with that? Sure. Yeah. I mean, I think one thread that has always been present and it's been
emphasized at different times to differing degrees is this idea that John Brown was insane, right?
That he was a zealot, that he was blindly and dogmatically religious and his actions are
unethical and they are a product of madness, not the product of very clear moral reasoning.
And I think that it obviously has ideological significance. It obviously plays into the interests
of maintainers of the status quo, et cetera. But I would obviously flip that. This was not
an insane man. I would argue that this is one of the most sane men in an insane society. This is
the years leading up to the Civil War. It's often said that,
John Brown and his comrades fired the first shots of the Civil War, and I think that is actually
a fair thing to say. And I also think that he is portrayed as a revolutionary because he was.
And I think an interesting dichotomy to look at when it comes to the abolitionist movement is to
look at him versus Abraham Lincoln. I think an Abraham Lincoln and him agreed that slavery needed
to come to an end, right? But Abraham Lincoln is a much more liberal, reformist person. And his idea was
that yes, slavery is bad, but black people are not quite the equals of white, right? And he never
went that far, either in his strategies or in his ideas. And whereas John Brown not only believed that
slavery was a moral abomination on every level, but also that black people were inherently
the equals of white people. And he treated black people in his life as equals in a time
when that was so rare that the black people who got that treatment from John Brown were often taken aback.
There's one story that comes out in documentaries and his kids relate of when they're in this area
and they're building up this cabin. I won't get into the details. But two black hikers come across
John Brown's property and he invites them in for dinner. His kids are sitting around the table.
He feeds them dinner, says grace. And he refers to them by their surname, right?
Mr. and Mrs. So-and-so. And the kids write about how there was just a sort of
of visceral recoil on the part of the black folks because they had never been addressed
that way by a white man. And I think that really speaks to the integrity and the genuine, sincere
belief that we are equals that John Brown held throughout his life. And his actions came out
of that belief. If you truly believed that human beings were your equals and that they were in
bondage, what steps, you know, what levels would you be willing to take it to? John Brown took it all
the way. Now, we can talk about the morality of that decision. We can talk about the lack of
strategy, and I think we will get into that towards the end of the episode, but to understand
John Brown as a deeply sincere man who truly believed in the equality and put his ideas into
practice, I think is the way we should think about him. And even when, right before he was hung, right,
right before he was killed, he was still speaking utterly, eloquently and coherently about his
motivations and about the evil of this land. And that is not the prose that would fall out of the
face of an insane man. He was always sane. And I think that's how I like to think of him as one
of the sanest men in an insane society. Excellent. Adnan, what are your thoughts on John Brown and
how he's being portrayed in current day? Well, I think he is such a lightning rod figure of
controversy in American history, which is why he's so fascinating to deal with. It seems that every
generation, even if he may not be a household named to people, and sometimes he's just a footnote
in the narrative histories we learn in high school and so on, nonetheless, every generation
seems to go back to confront his legacy and wrestle with what kind of a person he was, what his life
meant. Did it have any larger meaning in the great narrative of, you know, liberation struggles
for social justice in this country and how to think about that? And I think about that. And I think
Brett hit a lot of the kind of key myths about him and confronted them. One other element of it
is I think particularly in post-9-11 American political culture, there were some qualms, as there were
all through this period, because he was a revolutionary, the role of violence, right,
actually using or engaging in violence. Was he a pacifist who just sort of went too far?
Did he ever, did he intend, you know, to engage in violence struggle? How did he justify it and
understand it? And why is that so dangerous, you know, for people to contemplate? And so even
people who would, as Brett mentioned, support the cause of anti-slavery and abolition in
American history were made very uncomfortable by his tactics. And so that, you know, has always
been controversial. But I think it's interesting that even in the post-9-11 period, you know,
with the global war on terrorism, there was a way in which thinking about the legacy of John
Brown was very uncomfortable to realize that, you know, American history has this deep violence.
And why is it that John Brown in particular is held up as some controversial figure as the first terrorist and the debate even about whether he's a terrorist or not?
And also some people who wanted to distinguish between his adoption of violent means of struggle for liberation of blacks from slavery, well, how and why that's different from other people's use and appropriation of violent means and struggle, right?
So somehow to characterize this as different.
But I think another aspect of thinking about John Brown is he's often characterized as a failure, you know, that he was a failure.
And we'll talk perhaps a little bit about his earlier life.
But it's almost as if this person who turned towards radical politics and of really being willing to sacrifice himself and his family for a larger cause was somehow undermined by the,
the fact that he wasn't successful in normal material sorts of terms as a failed business person.
And somehow this is as if that he turned to out of freedom being having nothing left to lose
so that he, you know, he turned to this struggle.
But he was a mediocre person who was marginal to the abolitionist movement.
He wasn't one of the great intellectuals and orators whose writings we study William Lloyd Garrison.
the, you know, Emerson's and the Thoreau's and Wendell Phillips and all that, he was some kind of
disreputable, failed person who took things too far. That, I think, is also something that we should
really question and confront in the context of this, because also it's used to, you know, characterize
the Harper's Ferry raid as just a dramatic failure. And I think, you know, he was obviously
mistaken about certain things. We'll talk a little bit more about that. But I think, you know,
some of his final words on December 2nd, 1859, before his execution were really quite prophetic,
which shows that he understood the dynamics of U.S. history. He said, I, John Brown,
am now quite certain, underlined, certain that the crimes of this underlined,
guilty land will never be purged away but with blood. I had, as I now think,
vainly flattered myself that without very much bloodshed, it might be done. So what he was trying
to do was find a way to liberate black people from the evil, horrible institution of slavery
in a way that could avoid the violent cataclysm that would otherwise be necessary
by trying to bring allies black and white together to throw off this peculiar institution.
So he's somebody who clearly had an understanding,
and these are words are often seen as prophetically announcing that the Civil War would have to start.
So those are just some initial thoughts about his portrayal.
I would say that one of the reasons why it's relevant to be talking about this today,
and Brett mentioned, I hope he will elaborate a little bit on how he sees these symmetries
between John Brown's time and our time.
But I think one reason is that popular culture has returned to this,
and there's this new Showtime series, The Good Lord Bird,
that is seven episodes that portrays John Brown's life through the eyes of a particular fictional character
drawn from and based on the Good Lord Bird novel by James McBride
of a young African-American adolescent young man, boy
who cross-dresses and is part of these events
and is the narrator for this.
And this has put on the table the latest reimagining
and trying to understand John Brown and his legacy
that is just continually relevant for this.
for this country.
Just one more thing to add, bouncing off what Adnan said,
when it comes to the question of violence,
I just wanted to make this point really quick,
is that the reason why it's so trenchant
and it's so palpable,
this debate over whether or not violence has ever justified,
is I think because there's a consensus in hindsight
along the political spectrum,
except for the very far right fringes,
that slavery was bad, right?
And so in hindsight, we see that there's no actual nuances
of the morality involved
of whether or not the thing in question
can be defended or not everybody accepts that it can't so given that we all accept that it can't
what lengths are justifiable to go to to overturn an obvious uncontroversial um you know immorality
an evil in the world and i think that just the the heightened palpability and sharpness of
slavery allows is the perfect vehicle through which to have those conversations and when
something is so obviously as evil as slavery the question of of whether or not violence
is justified, becomes even more refined, even more acute. And I think that's part of what makes
John Brown an enduring figure and continues to be the genesis of these sorts of conversations.
Excellent. I think that you've covered basically how he's portrayed very well. I want to basically
transition us into this next point by discussing my thoughts briefly, but it'll transition into the
next topic, which is the origins of John Brown, where he came up, this, how he
got this deep-seated moral conviction and then transitioning further into his life. So as I was
saying with YouTube before we hit record, I basically see his life as being two phases. The first phase
being his formative years where he developed this deep moral conviction and then his, you could
say later years where he took on more of an action-oriented approach utilizing his moral
convictions, those never changed. And I think that this is why I want to use this as a transition
point, because my thoughts are very much in line with what you were both saying, and particularly
what Brett was saying. This was not an insane man. This is a man who had a deep-seated moral
conviction all through his life. And I know that we tend to think of John Brown in his relations
to African-Americans, particularly slaves, but John Brown had a deep moral conviction.
that all men were created equal.
That was his conviction from very early on in his life.
And one of the stories that really strikes me
as being indicative of the fact
that he did have this deep-rooted conviction
all through his life.
And this wasn't just some psychosis
that he was going through spur of the moment
that caused some of the events
that we're going to talk about shortly.
But this really was something
that was rooted deeper within himself.
is that when he was 29 years old, he was living in Pennsylvania,
and there was some white families in the area that wanted John Brown's help
in driving off some Native Americans who were hunting in the area,
and they always hunted in the area.
John Brown responded to them by saying the following, quote,
I will have nothing to do with so mean an act.
I would sooner take my gun and help drive you out of the country.
And John Brown had very good relations with Native Americans all through his life.
And we all know about, of course, his relations with African Americans and slaves.
This is a man who had that conviction that all men are created equal.
It was started very early on in his life.
And it was a thread that was carried all throughout.
And if you believe that the moral conviction that all men are created equal is indicative of psychosis,
then maybe you might be able to say that John Brown was psychotic.
But I think that most of you that are listening to this podcast are going to be of the mindset
that all men and women, of course, but as the phrase goes, all men are created equal.
All men are equal.
And if you don't find that to be psychotic, then you have to admit that John Brown was acting
on moral conviction, not on psychosis.
And that's my thoughts, and that's going to transition us into basically John Brown's life.
So, guys, I guess I'll pitch it over to you.
Let's talk a little bit about John Brown's life, his upbringing, and then kind of that transition into his active role in trying to foment the end of slavery in the United States as it was.
I guess, Adnan, I'll pitch it to you first.
Do you want to talk about John Brown's life, his origins, kind of what gave him this conviction that we've been talking about?
Well, sure.
I mean, I think the broad, obvious culture in which he was steeped was northeastern Protestant evangelical Christianity, right?
He came from a very religious family congregationalists who were abolitionist in orientation.
early on. So even his father was
a known supporter of abolition of slavery.
It came out of this northeast environment
of Christian thought and doctrine that really took
the theological principle that you were just articulating
that we think of as just a kind of a political principle,
a moral principle of the equality of all humankind,
they believed that this was a theological principle.
So the sense that everybody, every human being, was created by God
meant that fundamentally the essence of the human soul
ennobled every person and individual
and accorded them with a kind of dignity and equality
that was completely incompatible with enslavement, right?
that this was a degradation of that divine spark of the soul in every human being for you to be
deprived of liberty and degraded to a position where you could not act according to your own
lights and make your own moral choices because you were controlled as property by others.
And of course, they also observed how cruel and evil the institution was in its violence.
right so very often we were talking about how controversial john brown's use of violence struggle was
what the abolitionists were so conscious and aware of was both the systemic and the individual
violence that was necessary to sustain and maintain enslavement so i think those that's the
environment that he came from um in terms of the religious
culture that mattered to him. Now, for much of his life, we don't know about him being as
actively involved in struggle, though he would have been steeped in this culture. He had a large
family. He was involved in many different business ventures, and like many people during that
period, went further west to seek opportunities. He was involved in the tanning industry. He seemed
to have been quite a skilled person, but, you know, the fortunes of capitalism
on the frontier, you know, meant that at times, you know, with speculative, you know, not always,
you know, are the people you work with as morally scrupulous and ethical, and also there are a lot of
opportunities for advantage taking and also a lot of speculation in that economy. So there were
boom and bust circumstances, and he was sometimes victims of these downturns and of the exigencies
of business and so he wasn't always as successful as he hoped or wanted to be but that was
something of a common story he wasn't really distinguished by that and i would hesitate to really
emphasize as i said in my opening remarks that these were somehow motivations or that there's some
compensatory element to his turn to a more active and radical uh politics i think in the 40s 1940s when he
himself also turned to a more active phase. It was a period where there was a lot of mobilizing.
It wasn't just somebody like John Brown going off on his own, and perhaps we'll talk a little bit
about the Fugitive Slave Act that really radicalized many people in 1850, but even the events
leading up to the 1850 Fugitive Slave Act really turned many people, both emancipated or
escaped black slaves and white abolitionist allies to a more active form of struggle during that
period. So maybe we'll talk about that, but I don't know if maybe Brett has other thoughts or
remarks upon the early John Brown. Yeah, I mean, I think that was a great summary. I definitely
want to emphasize that the Calvinist background of the fact that his father was not only an abolitionist,
but was also a station master on the Underground Railroad, right? One of these white folks that would
use their house to bring in, you know, black folks escaping the south, going up north,
give them food, give them lodging, point them in the right direction.
This is something that John Brown himself eventually became as well.
So both his father and him were active on the Underground Railroad, which is a fact that I
actually didn't know before engaging for this episode.
And if you want to learn more about this, I read the book by W.E.B. DeB. DeBoise on John
Brown? Fascinating. Because you get DeBois's, you know, Marxism and critical lens geared towards
John Brown's entire life. It's a beautiful, well-written, fascinating exploration. But, you know,
thinking about the tension, and Henry rightly pointed out these two phases, but I will complicate
that a little bit by just suggesting that those tensions were always there, right? Once,
it was like the tension between providing for his family, which was large, he had many, many
children, many of whom died, right? His first wife died. This is a man who lived a life of multiple
tragedies that, you know, if any of us experienced even one of them would be life-defining,
he experienced it over and over again. And this growing idea in him, not only this moral
objection to slavery, but this increasing sense that he had a role to play, like an ordained
role by God, that God's purpose for him became clear and clear over time. And I loved Adnan's
point that we can't pathologize his financial ups and downs because that was just America
at that time. What happened to John Brown happened to countless others, and none of them did
what John Brown did. So to make that the causal arrow and element of this whole thing, I think,
is just another attempt to obfuscate and pejorativize him and his life, pathologize him, right?
So I think we should reject that, and that was a great point. One of the things that happened in
his childhood that was really important to him was this time when he went to spend some time.
I forget the exact circumstances, but as a young boy to spend some time with this white slave master,
who was a nice guy all in all, right?
But he had a little slave boy.
And one of the incidents that John Brown talks about that haunted him for his whole life,
this is as a child, was watching that man's slave just do some minor error, right?
And then was beaten with an iron shovel brutally.
And John Brown is a little boy sitting there watching that.
And everything within him rebelled against the injunction.
justice of that and that was a lifelong imprint that he had and towards the end of his life he also
said the two main documents right the two things that that he rooted himself in was the declaration
of independence and the bible jesus's story and unlike so many christians he actually cared
about how jesus actually lived his life and the message that jesus put across and it's really
important to emphasize the huge role that christianity played in american culture at this time where
pro and anti-slavery arguments were almost by default funneled through Christian doctrine and
the arguments on each side were made always with appeals to the Bible and to God. And so he was in
that environment as well, which I think is important. And understanding John Brown's life,
as Henry alluded to, all men are created equal, right? This fundamental phrase that started off
the American experiment, but also gave rise to one of its core contradictions from the very
beginning. How do you reconcile this? John Brown's life, especially the latter part of it when he took
action, could be seen as that contradiction inherent in American life coming to fruition, you know,
exploding beyond the bounds of contradiction towards some sense of resolution. And I think
understanding John Brown as consciously seeing the Declaration of Independence and, you know,
the New Testament, the Bible, as his two guiding lights, I think is incredibly fascinating and just
gets at a core current in not only American culture and history, but American Christianity,
right? These were funneled through that. And so I think that's an important thing to emphasize
as well. And there's more to say, but I'll leave it at that for now. I'll come back to some
other stuff as we progress. Great. And I want to underscore the point that John Brown being in debt
was not something that was unique to him. And as Adnan said, this was something that was
fundamental on the frontier. There was two back-to-back economic crises. We tend not to think
of economic crises that are very severe being stacked one after another, but of course there was
the panic of 1837. Two years later, there was another economic crisis that was even, it didn't
hit the cities quite as hard, but it was much more harsh than the frontier side. So he went far,
far into debt after the panic of 1837 and the subsequent crisis in 1839 and that that was what
caused him to be in debt for a large portion of his life but that's kind of getting away from the
point here. Adnan brought up a point that will transition us into the latter part of his life
and it was something that of course we were going to mention which is the fugitive slave act so the
fugitive slave act for those of you who maybe don't remember too much what it is is it was a law that was
passed by the federal government in the United States that said that if a slave had escaped
from their plantation in a slave state and they had reached a free state, even though that that
was a free state that they had got into, those free states, any individual that came across
the escape slave had to basically turn in the slave to be sent back into slavery. And there was
penalties for not for not turning in escape slaves or for aiding escape slaves even though they
were in a free state.
And as Adnan said, this act of the federal government basically legitimizing slavery as
something that was acceptable federally, you know, individual states had the ability to not
have slavery, but the federal mandate was firmly in favor of slavery being a legitimate
economic system, a legitimate social system.
And this really enraged John Brown.
And at this point, he was around 50 years old.
And it really was kind of the transition point between these two phases of his life that
we've talked about.
Of course, as Brett said, there was certainly mixing of these two phases.
But the Fugitive Slave Act really was kind of the kickoff point of this more radical action-oriented
phase of his life. So Adnan, do you want to expound on that at all in the Fugitive Slave
Act and how that radicalized John Brown? Well, what I wanted to say about that really is
that we study John Brown because he's symbolic or exemplary of maybe a white. He was both
stunningly unique in some aspects of his career and thought.
and commitment, but I also want to say that I think he comes out of,
we would be surprised to realize that, you know,
he does come out of an environment that we don't always appreciate
of how radicalizing the Fugitive Slave Act, for example, was.
It turned southern Pennsylvania, for example,
into a zone of constant conflict, of simmering raids and counties,
of resistance to slave-catching gangs that would make incursions to try and kidnap people in
Philadelphia and all across the southern part of Pennsylvania and coming over from Maryland,
which, you know, continued to be a slave state. And there were periods of resistance where
there were armed and violent confrontations that took place. For example, in Christiana, Pennsylvania,
as recounted in a really excellent book that I would recommend to people
called The Slave's Cause, A History of Abolition, by Manisha Sinha.
It's a very thorough and detailed and granular account of many different dimensions
and aspects of the abolitionist history, transnationally,
but also very granularly in this period.
And what she talks about is a kind of revolutionary abolitionism that starts to
emerge in the 1850s where some of these sensational violent responses to attempts to
kidnap former slaves who had managed to escape and led to, for example, a slave owner named
Edward Gorsuch, that name might ring bells to people who was from Maryland, okay, who
tried to retrieve four slaves in Christiana, Pennsylvania, with a party of people.
and these slaves and white allies fought against them and ended up killing him.
And it caused a huge controversy and sensation that polarized politicians who were pro-slave or not.
And those who, you know, again, had to go through this problem of, you know, dealing with tactics,
even if they might have been against slavery and whether they could bear the pressure from pro-slave forces that wanted the return of these people.
and so on. So there was simmering conflict. John Brown emerges out of that. He's one of these,
you know, valiant fighters who form a league, the Gilead League of Gileadites, which is a group
that is involved with resisting, supporting fugitive slaves and resisting attempts to render them back,
you know, for rendition back to slave states. So I think
he fits into a pattern of people who became more willing to be revolutionary in their approach
to adopt more militant tactics in response to the violence of kidnapping by re-enslavement gangs
and of the delegitimization of the federal government as a pro-slave government,
even if it would claim to be neutral, it was upholding this principle.
of property as a legal regime that for many invalidated the federal government as a moral
just government and it's interesting that when secession happened there were a number of very
radical abolitionists who actually welcomed secession because they said at least this may free the
government from having to cater to slave interests and we could actually have a government that we can
influence that we can feel as legitimate. So somebody like Wendell Phillips, who gave a very famous speech
even before John Brown's hanging when he was in trial, in custody and in trial, the lesson of the
hour. And he said, what is the lesson of the hour? It's insurrection. And his audience was just like
aghast, you know, a gasp. It was a sort of sensation for him to just utter these words that
insurrection was legitimate. So it wasn't really only John Brown. It's just that he had the courage
to actually strike that blow, that electrified and galvanized these anti-slavery forces even further
out of the mix of radicalization that was taking place because of the Fugitive Slave Act.
Yeah, incredibly well said. And I would just bounce off that and drill down on this point that,
just like today with the abolitionist movement with black lives matter there is a spectrum right there the
liberal reformists on the sort of right wing edge of these movements and there are the radicals on the
on the far left wing edges john brown was certainly if we could put that paradigm on onto that abolitionist
moment he was on the far left of that argument but a lot of the people who were sympathetic to brown
you know they had ideas like nonviolence um there were some moneyed you know moneyed liberal sort of
coastal elites that were obviously against slavery but we're not
not willing to go as far as John Brown did, or if he did do those things, they would sort of turn away
and pretend they didn't see the rougher edges of what Brown was doing.
And related to the Fugitive Slave Act also was this period of time right before the Civil War
where my state, Nebraska and Kansas, were getting brought into the union as separate states.
At that time, Nebraska included the Dakotas as well as Nebraska, and Kansas was where Kansas is.
And there was a debate, right?
do we make these new states slave-free or do we have slavery in these new states?
And the compromise was sort of, well, we'll let the people that live their vote and decide for
themselves, right?
So this actually initiated a whole set of migrations, right, where freestaters, that they were
called free staters from the north, including John Brown's sons, fled into Kansas to do homesteading,
to be citizens of Kansas so they could vote against making it a slave state.
And reactionaries, what we would call today fascists, right?
right from the south coming up from missouri and whatnot into kansas to say no actually we're we're
going to vote to keep slavery here and this this gave rise to a whole bunch of conflicts but it
it culminated in many ways in john brown's first act of not only violence but murder right i would
say completely justified murder but what happened was john brown was 55 at this time his sons went
down to kansas he was up i think still in in um pennsylvania ohio area is in those days 55 was
very old and that trip was very arduous, you know, so at first he didn't want to go. And, you know,
John Brown's sons and their sort of comrades met and conflicted with these pro-slavery,
what can only be described as hardcore reactionary fascist groups, who took part in extrajudicial
slaughtering, beatings, you know, just the same that we see with the reactionaries today
was happening back then. And John Brown's sons wrote to John Brown, like, you know, more
than anything, we're outgunned. You know, these pro-slaughts.
slavery fascist have all the weapons and we need weapons more than we even need bread and when that
letter got to john brown john brown said even though i'm old as shit who cares he got all of his
guns together put together as much of of weapons as he can in a wagon made his way down to kansas
found his sons and their little units you know in mud very sick uh malnourished etc but it culminated in
after john brown went there he helped build cabins and get all these people back to to health and
and set up a little settlement right and then um he decided one night he went out into the woods to
pray and and you know feel what his purpose was at this point and he came out of those woods and said
it's time to act he told his men you know sharpen your weapons put a revolver in his in his waistband
and what they did is they went to the cabins of the most vociferous fascist the most hardcore reactionaries
pro-slavery threats to really their settlement in their lives i mean these people were really
willing to take it to killing John Brown's sons and their unit went there and would knock on
their doors, pull them out in the middle of the night, and he killed about five of these
hardcore pro-slavery reactionaries. This was controversial, an absolute scandal. John Brown was
pursued from that point out from different sort of law enforcement agencies, different reactionary
formations. He never publicly admitted to having participated in what became known as the Potawatomi
massacre um but it really was this turning point where all these ideas and these debates about
violence and and how far to take the abolitionist struggle culminated in this john brown raid
of these you know hardcore reactionary cabins and um and yeah and that was before the raid on
harper's ferry and all of that and it was something that i think marked this definite turn
towards the use of revolutionary violence and the abolitionist cause let me just remind the
listeners very quickly, in case we've forgotten since our U.S. history classes, because this is
almost never talked about outside of that context. But this period of time was essentially a civil
war within the state of Kansas called the Bleeding Kansas conflict or war, whatever you would
want to call it. But essentially, it was prelude to the American civil war between pro-slavery
and anti-slavery forces.
And as Brett said, in the aftermath of his actions in Kansas during the bleeding Kansas
war conflict, again, pick your word, he was pursued by law enforcement.
But it's important to understand that law enforcement in Kansas was also intricately tied
into the events as a whole.
So Brett mentioned the Potawatomi Massacre.
this was preceded by the sacking of lawrence kansas by armed essentially a militia group led by the sheriff
that was a pro-slavery militia group they went in they basically burned down all of the anti-slavery
newspapers took violent action and basically sacked the entire town or city
And again, this is a law enforcement official that's upholding this federal mandate of allowing slavery as long as the states are fine with that.
And they're trying to ensure that the state is fine with it by silencing any dissent against slavery.
So many of those within the law enforcement line of work that had law enforcement capacity were already opposed.
to the kind of theoretical, ideological backing
that John Brown was acting on,
much less the actions he was taking.
It's very possible that if he was just
a vociferous supporter of anti-slavery causes,
he still could have been pursued
by some of these pro-slavery law enforcement officials,
but once he actually took action
against the pro-slavery forces, it was inevitable.
that he was going to be pursued from then on by not just law enforcement officials that
were pro-slavery, but by pro-slavery militia members and the like.
So I think that that's important to underscore because I don't think that a lot of people
remember that at this time period, this is 1855, Kansas essentially was in a state of civil
war within the state.
Adnan, I'll let you pick back up there.
I just wanted to make sure that that was clear to the listeners.
That's such important context, Henry, to incorporate both what you and Brett were talking about in terms of the situation in Kansas, which is, you know, of low-level constant violent struggle where in many cases the emerging, you know, state apparatus of government and law enforcement wasn't acting in a neutral sort of fashion.
And so you have to put all of this into context when we're talking about the turn towards more radical measures and the willingness to use and confront violence with violence the way John Brown clearly was willing to do in certain contexts that this is after decades and decades of peaceful organizing, of petitioning, of using the traditional instruments of participatory.
democracy, but that it was seen as impossible to achieve success because the federal government
was captive to pro-slavery forces, the system of government.
And what was taking place in Kansas during this period also radicalized people back
east hearing about the value in some sense of actually
confronting directly pro-slavery forces as a model, and that's where he began thinking about
a wider prospect of liberation by creating, well, it's interesting, we should think about what the
plan was that he had. I mean, the attack on Harper's Ferry, whether it was meant to provide
arms for a outpost in the Blue Ridge Mountains of free armies that could be on the borders
with slave states where fugitive slaves could join the army of their own liberation or whether
he was trying to kind of spark that through the attack on Harper's Ferry itself.
You know, some of these details are a little unclear about exactly what, you know, he intended.
But it's clear that he felt some more radical measure was going to be necessary.
And I think he received support.
He wasn't completely alone.
A lot of the narrative is to sort of suggest that he was individually some kind of crazy extremist who then fomented the civil war or caused the civil war.
which is sort of, for example, how in the 1920s, 30s, and 40s, he was seen, you know, this is a period post-reconstruction, where, you know, Jim Crow, even people in the North were not willing to question Jim Crow at this, you know, very frequently, and they saw that this issue was dividing America.
So this ridiculous film, the Santa Fe Trail that has Ronald Reagan and Errol Flynn is a portrayal of John Brown's life that in some sense, when the United States was on the eve of joining or at least thinking about joining World War II to fight Nazism, the issue of American racism is something that couldn't completely be ignored.
but it was hard to figure out how can we submerge this divisive issue in order to bring people together to have the unity to join, you know, in the war in World War II.
And so this kind of film was a sort of propaganda to try and blame this agitator, this insane, you know, radical extreme Christian who thought he was an instrument of God.
in his delusion, you know, is somebody who forced and created a conflict that didn't
unfortunately, you know, didn't have to happen. So this is a period where people, you know,
regret the civil war as some sort of tragic, tragic, you know, circumstance that divided, you know,
brother against brother and tried to de-ideologize, you know, the conflict and say that it wasn't
about, you know, the evils of slavery, you know, is about other issues and it's unfortunate that
it happened and so on and to find people that could be scapegoated and blamed for it.
So I think that's just interesting that he does, we've lost this in this period of history
where really many people in the North really just did not accept the institution of slavery
and it needed a kind of spark to actually galvanize action.
I think something important to do right now.
So we've mentioned tangentially the rate on Harper's Ferry, but we didn't actually really
discuss what the raid was what it was all about kind of goals and the aftermath of that so i want
to transition to that now brett would you be willing to kind of lay down the historical context of
this raid kind of what the idea was behind the raid and then we can just chat about what the
aftermath of this raid was sure yeah i mean as as admon said it really is you got to think about it
as this this form of trying to really at first right raid raid an army a government armory
stock up on weapons and then it's sort of unclear what was going to happen next but the idea
was there would be like a sort of a retreat into the nearby hills there would be a taking
over of territory and these actions would spark in john brown's hope and this is where we can
talk about the strategic failures a what he would call a spontaneous army of slaves to rise
up and join the fight and i think one of the crucial elements of why the the the raid on harper's ferry
went so wrong is because that never materialized right it happened too quickly you don't get
information spread around a lot people are more taken aback and and confused and scared than they are
to like pick up guns and join the fight right uh the town itself turned on john brown they they went up
into the mountains as like john brown and his unit they they took over the little area they had
control of the bridges. This is like a sort of watery area where the bridges are really essential
infrastructure in and out of the town. So townspeople would go up and take pot shots at them
while the government was getting their response together to come down and crack down on these
fighters. And so it was a sort of chaotic event. The raid went well, right? And there's only one guard,
I think, standing guard at the place. So he was easily taken over. One,
actually sort of tragic fact about this was a freed black man was a part of the very initial
he was like watching this happen and there was an incoming train and he was running to tell the
train of people about what was happening john brown's forces were like stop stop if you don't halt
we're going to have to shoot the guy kept running you know to basically blow up their spot and
they had to shoot him and kill him and so the whole thing sort of went into chaos very quickly
after that. And I think there is plenty of critiques to be made about the strategizing and the
tactics. And it feeds into this idea of just blind dogmatism, right? It was not a very well
super thought out plan. And then so the reactionaries can say, see, he was crazy. You know,
who would try to do this, et cetera. And so it really plays into a lot of that stuff as well. But
eventually, the little place they were holed up in was surrounded by government forces. I think a
2nd Marine Battalion.
One of the interesting historical notes here is that Robert E. Lee, right before the Civil
War, Robert E. Lee was the like the general of the battalion or the leader of the
battalion that had surrounded John Brown's little little hole in and spot on all of his
all of his comrades.
And there was injuries, you know, I think multiple, by the time they were holed up, multiple
members of the unit were injured inside with John Brown.
John Brown, you know, famously was was still sober-minded.
he was not panicking he had this sort of singular focus to what he was doing that was that was almost
you know transcendent and that played out the entire time um but yeah eventually it was it was crushed
it was ended and they they went in and they arrested john brown and john brown and this is sort
of a historical alternative history right what if instead of being captured and in prison john
Brown was killed right there because so much of his oratory, his rhetoric came out in that
period after capture when it was a national, if not international story, John Brown had the
spotlight on him.
Journalists came to, you know, why he was, after he was caught, the governor came in a bunch
of journalists in tow, and they were asking him questions, and John Brown lay wounded on the
ground, but, you know, because he got beat brutally when they invaded, he got knocked out,
knocked unconscious.
So he was injured, he was laying on the floor, and he was just,
just openly answering, he's like, you can ask me anything. And the journalists were asking them
all these questions. And he was just very concise and clear and sober-minded with his reasoning,
why he did it, what his vision of the country was, et cetera. And that really launched him
into national fame in a way that he hadn't had before. And so, you know, that period of time,
I think is really crucial between his capture and his ultimate hanging because he also got his day
in court, right? And one of the things while he was in court is his lawyers wanted to do the
insanity plea, which, you know, is a reasonable strategy if you're trying to get your
your guy off the hook, but John Brown rose up and rejected that. He's like, I don't even want
to take that plea because I'm not insane. And he gave some of his most clear and cogent, you know,
arguments for why he had done what he'd done, proving that he was not an insane man. Obviously,
that jury came back within, what, 45 minutes saying that he was guilty and the judge said that
that he was going to be executed by hanging
and we can get into that
and its aftermath and the reflections on that.
One other thing I want to point out
before I handed over to Adon
just tying these historical notes together
when John Brown was eventually
hanged for his crimes
it wasn't open to the public
only military people could be in attendance
and John Wilkes Booth
right, the assassin that went on to kill Abraham Lincoln
he was not in the military but he stole
a military outfit
it so that he could go to the hanging of John Brown, and he later wrote how he looked at
John Brown with utter disgust, saw him as a complete traitor, and was repulsed by everything
John Brown stood for. And then, you know, just mere years later, he would be the one that puts
the bullet in the head of Abraham Lincoln. So fascinating historical connections with Robert
Lee and John Wilkes Booth and John Brown himself. But again, that's not a detailed history of
the rate itself. That's just an overview. Adon, anything I missed, feel free to pick up and carry
forward. I think you're absolutely right that the success that he had was really as an advocate
when the world's attention was on him and the eloquence and the self-possession and the
clarity of his vision and the stoic willingness to be, you know, to sacrifice himself rather
than to try and find exoneration somehow or, you know, he spoke with great courage and in those
moments, it is, of course, very hard to see him as somebody suffering from, you know, insanity or
delusion. I mean, it was very sober facing the fact that he was going to die, but he wanted to
turn his life and his last moments of his life to some positive purpose and seem to recognize
in some sense that even if the military venture of trying to spark slave revolt and a war for
their liberation, you know, failed in its immediate objectives that nonetheless the larger
cause of seeing the end of slavery could be achieved through the lesson of the hour, right?
And to use that moment to convince people that it was inevitable that a confrontation with
the evils of slavery would have to take place.
So I think that was more significant, of course, than the actual raid.
But I think the raid also did contribute something important, which was that it, as some
commentators, even at the time, like Wendell Phillips, seemed to perceive and understand, is that,
you know, Wendell Phillips giving this, you know, speech in November, you know, before, a month
before John Brown was actually executed over a month, you know, said basically, that's the end of slavery
in Virginia. It's over. And, you know, it might still exist on some level, but it's like a tree that
has been uprooted. It stays green for a while, but it is dead. And, you know, they could realize
that the overreaction, the panic and terror that John Brown's raid created in the South would see
the end of slavery.
And what he said about it was that it wasn't just John Brown himself,
but it was the moral conscience of everybody's John Brown.
They were frightened of the way in which his courageous action dramatized the moral necessity,
you know, the absolute moral clarity of needing to confront slavery as,
a great evil. They couldn't avoid knowing that. And so I think, you know, the raid, even if
militarily it wasn't a success in the way that he managed or, you know, intended, it clearly
panicked the South and led to responses that certainly ushered in the era of the Civil War,
the secession and civil war.
On November 2nd, the jury, after deliberating for just 45 minutes, reached its
verdict. Guilty of murder. Guilty of treason. Guilty of inciting slave insurrection.
Slowly, John Brown rose to address the court.
Had I interfered on behalf of the rich, every man in this court would have deemed it an act worthy of reward.
I see a book, here, the Bible, that teaches me to remember them that are in bonds.
I endeavored to act up to that instruction.
I believe that to have interfered in behalf of his despised poor was not wrong, but right.
Now if it is deemed necessary that I should forfeit my life, and mingle my mind.
and mingle my blood further with the blood of my children
and with the blood of millions in this slave country.
I say, let it be done.
The judge calmly sentenced Brown to execution by hanging.
From prison, he wrote hundreds of letters.
Charlestown jail cell became his pulpit. His words reprinted in scores of newspapers.
You know that Christ once armed Peter. So also, in my case, I think he put a sword into my hand,
and there continued it so long as he saw best. And then kindly took it from me.
In Massachusetts, Henry David Thoreau could not sleep as he wrestled with the question of violence.
I do not wish to kill or be killed, but I can foresee circumstances in which both of these things would be unavoidable.
The revolutionary had changed the philosopher's mind.
I want us to discuss now using the aftermath of the Harper's Ferry raid to look at how inevitable the reaction was.
And then let's also think about the moral nuances within the actions that were taken, just briefly.
And then after that, we can talk about kind of take-home lessons, what we should learn from John Brown and his legacy.
as well as perhaps what we can learn from the failures in terms of tactics moving forward.
Yeah, in a lot of ways, you know, I think about like the Easter uprising in Ireland, right,
as this event that was an attempt to rise up a failure but resulted in an inevitable advancing
of the contradictions in society and it fed into further victories down the road, right?
And that's very much what happened here.
But there is some, I mean, I think it's worthwhile to explore these nuances because
the nature of reaction is that the blowback is inevitable and it's crazed, it's desperate,
it's violent, it's cruel, and that's always been the case.
But in these instances, from the Potawatomi massacre to the Harper's Ferry raid itself,
the blowback not only was widespread, but it actually was concentrated on John Brown's
sons themselves.
So after the Pottawatomie massacre, I think two of his sons who weren't even involved in the
actual attacks on those on those on those pro slave reactionaries they were beaten bloody by these vigilani
groups that that that that came out afterwards to get vengeance and in the case of the raid itself
among many other people that were either injured or died was one of john brown's sons as well
and as john brown's son lay dying um you know and he was like curled up and and sort of in
this panicky mode you know john brown was like you have to die like a you know you have to die like a man
John Brown went in there willing and ready to die.
It was an act of conscious martyrdom, and we can ask ourselves, you know, given the inevitable
blowback, given the fact that a lot of it came down on his sons and black folks that were
in his party, you know, that were part of the raid, like a newbie danger field, who joined
John Brown's Harper Ferry raid because his wife and children were on the verge of getting sold,
like his wife was going to get sold to the south, and they were scared they'd never see
their father again, right? So he joined in John Brown's cause and was killed, shot in the head
during the raid itself. And so to just understand the cause and effect of these radical
actions, this was inevitable, right? If it wasn't John Brown in his unit dying, people were
already dying. The violence had actually reached Congress where a famous case of an anti-slavery
northern senator beaten brutally over the head within an inch of his life, with a pro-slavery
senator and his cane, right?
So the tensions were boiling over.
And so you can't place all of this at the feet of John Brown by any means.
He was swept up in historical processes that were well beyond his control as well.
But just thinking through, you know, how your actions will inevitably invite backlash,
what that backlash might look like and how best to defend against the inevitability of it
are things I think we can carry forward seeing how this one instance played out
and how so much of that backlash was brutal and immediate and killed many.
of the people that fought alongside John Brown that might not, you know, in the ultimate analysis,
been as willing to die in that moment as John Brown was. So there's no answers here, but they're
interesting and they're worth thinking over if for nothing else, then that we don't want to fall
into a simple black and white. This is all good. This is all bad. That's anti-dialectical. It's
anti-critical thought. So wrestling with these nuances, I think, is perennally important because
we face many of these same issues, although different on the surface, today.
Yeah, I really have to agree with that point about the nuances, about the issues, more questions
than really answers, you know, that this history poses for us in this time as well.
You know, one of the criticisms was tactically, this was unwise, you know, wasn't perhaps a good plan.
there were a lot of assumptions made, right, that all you had to do was spark,
you know, strike a blow for freedom and that immediately slaves would come in droves.
You know, he called it bees coming to the hive, bees swarming, and that didn't, you know,
manifest. So some have suggested that not only tactically, but perhaps also he didn't necessarily
understand the condition, you know, of enslaved black people, what they suffered under and the
regime of fear and oppression and what that does and, you know, that they had to have a rather
practical sense for their own survival. That didn't mean that just because some white guy came
and was calling them to action that they would trust that this was the right time and the right
circumstances to engage in this dangerous activity of revolting for their slavery. There had been
other slave revolts that had taken place, you know, Dominic Vasey, Nat Turner, you know, all of these
had been crushed really brutally. And so it was perhaps a big assumption for him to assume
that he could provide the spark that would lead to slaves rising up and contributing in a direct
fashion immediately to the end of slavery was maybe a misperception of how that institution of slavery
and the culture of enslavement, you know, what it does to a society, to a culture, and to people
who have to live in those oppressive circumstances. You know, of course we know that the
colonizers don't understand the subalterns always, right?
That there is a different consciousness and perspective.
So there's been some questions about that and about whether he had a kind of white
savior complex.
But I think, you know, just the other point is really that there were many, of course,
people who fully endorsed his vision in many ways.
So somebody like Frederick Douglass endorsed his vision,
even if not his tactics it seems that perhaps he backed out of or thought that this plan might have
had real dangers to it but you know people supported black the harriet tubman obviously was a
strong supporter frederick douglas believed in in the need for confrontation with the with the
system of slavery so there's a variety of positions in it i don't think what i would see is the real out
come or the real value is recognizing that John Brown had a vision of radical egalitarianism that
he was committed to and that he actually in his life, in his thought, and in his actions
really lived a sense that others were equal and that this demanded something of him.
So he may have had white privilege. He was from a white settler, you know, in the privileged
status in a white settler colonial society. But he may have had white privilege. But he was from a white settler,
he was willing to strike blows against white supremacy, white privilege himself and use what
you know he had to galvanize, you know, a liberation for others whom he fully believed and practiced
a sense of their value and worth and dignity as human beings as utterly equal to anyone
else. That's, I think, important to underscore. So there might be issues about judgments and
tactics and so on. But I think his commitments were clear, and those are certainly inspiring in his
historical legacy. So two final questions, and let's again keep them short. One thing that I think
would be interesting before we just everybody think of one take-home message to take from this
story. That's one question. But before we talk about that, I'm just curious as to your thoughts,
each of you on John Brown's perhaps you could say influence on liberation theology later on
based on his theological convictions intersecting with his moral and political convictions.
And of course, this is well before liberation theology as we know it would have been around.
But I think that you definitely could draw a thread.
you know, maybe it's not the driver of liberation theology, but you could definitely see a distinct
thread from one to the other. And I'd just be curious if either of you or both of you would like to
comment on that before we each give perhaps our one take-home lesson from this biography,
essentially, of John Brown that we just did. Yeah, I would love to touch on that because that was
actually in my notes and I wanted to get to that as well. Thinking of this as a proto form of liberation
theology where you know john brown was so deeply motivated almost exclusively right through the
ideology of his christianity through his understanding of what god and jesus stood for and what they
believed in he made that very clear all throughout before during and after um these acts of of
um of resistance of revolutionary violence even in some cases he said he said at one point in letters
he's like, Jesus at one point armed Peter, and I think he did the same for me.
He put a sword in my hand.
He let me go about my business, and then when it was time, he kindly took that sword back
from me, right?
So he saw all of his acts as motivated by his religion, and he saw himself as an instrument
of God, you know, and that's a profound sort of, you know, breakthrough in American Christianity,
at least.
And although it wasn't conceived as such at the time, because it was.
before a liberation theology,
I think you can certainly draw a straight line
from this to those later developments.
And two more areas, I think we can do the same briefly.
Guerrilla warfare, I think, you know,
guerrilla warfare had obviously existed before this.
You could even think about guerrilla warfare
as asymmetrical warfare in the context of the American Revolution itself,
but certainly this was an instance of the advancement
of those asymmetrical tactics in the American context
happening under John Brown.
And the last thing is, you know, Antifa.
He wasn't anti-fascist.
The Potawatomi Massacre is literally him going out and doing direct action against, for all
intents and purposes, are fascists, our pure, explicit white supremacists.
And he killed a few of them.
That's anti-fascist action.
You know, so from liberation theology to guerrilla warfare to anti-fascism, I think we see
those proto elements in the John Brown story.
And I think that, if nothing else, is fascinating.
I wouldn't add anything to what Brett.
just said, I would just suggest if people want to learn more about him and to really understand
something like the mentality, if you want to try and imagine it, it's hard for us in a secular
kind of understanding of politics to really see how these religious ideas could have
really motivated John Brown. I would turn to a work of fiction. I think Russell Banks's
cloud splitter is an unbelievable novel that really tries to imagine the consciousness in
mentality of John Brown in that culture, and it does a really great way of making it palpable
and rooting it in the story of his life. So I would read Cloud Splitter, but I would just also
endorse that W.E.B. Du Bois's biography of Brown is a masterful sort of study of using history
for liberation, and W.B. Du Bois considered it his favorite voluble.
Of all the things that he wrote, he really thought that what he was able to say about John Brown was somehow connected to the secret of how we could use this history to liberate ourselves.
So I would just recommend that volume and say that in addition to the takeaway conclusions Brett had that there's much more thinking to be done on him, so many lessons to learn and to apply to our circumstances today.
And so I would encourage people to look to those sources.
And if you want to read one historical, modern biography, I would suggest David Reynolds' 2005 John Brown abolitionist as a really seriously researched and balanced portrait and portrayal of him.
I think again and again, we'll come back to the lessons of John Brown in this country.
Yeah.
In regards to my final thought, I just want to throw out.
there that something that John Brown really teaches us is that regardless of people's
background, what's really important are people's convictions. So I know that the three of us are all
on the left. I think that that's fairly clear to the audience. We all come to the left from
different backgrounds, different ethnic backgrounds, different socioeconomic backgrounds. John Brown came
to his ideological viewpoint through theology.
There's a lot of other people that were active at the time that came to a similar ideological
viewpoint and wanted to take similar tactics.
And again, we talked a little bit about the potential flaws within those tactics, but
they came to the same ideological viewpoint and the same convictions coming from different
backgrounds.
And I think that one of the things that we have to understand for moving forward, and
in various movements that were involved in,
different causes that we're championing,
is that what really matters is the conviction of the individuals.
We have to try to build coalitions of individuals,
not coalitions for coalition's sake,
but coalitions of people that have these same convictions,
morally, ideologically, and by building these coalitions,
we give ourselves the best chances for survival.
for success.
One of the things that we saw with John Brown and the anti-slavery struggle is that
coalitions of individuals coming together ultimately was what ended slavery,
but it was a lack of building the coalition ahead of time that caused the failure at
Harper's Ferry.
As Brett said, there wasn't enough planning that went in ahead of time to ensure that
there was going to be some broad mass support for once that act was carried out in order for
the end goal to be realized. That coalition building had not yet taken place for that specific
event. But the coalition of people coming together to fight against slavery, whether it was through
a theological conviction, a moral conviction, or just they thought that all men were created
equal for their own personal beliefs, whatever reason. That coalition of people coming together
and joining around that one conviction
was ultimately what enabled
the overthrow of the slave system
within the United States.
And that's my take-home message from John Brown
is that we can see from one aspect
these goals were realized by coalition building,
but the specific event that John Brown's most famous for
is at least partially a failure of coalition building
in terms of not taking the time
to build the coalition ahead of time
and really rushing into that.
so of course we need to take action we need to be bold in our strategies but we do need to build
coalitions with other people guys any final thoughts before we wrap this up i mean i would just i would
just echo everything that that both of you have said i think it was all well said there's so much more
to talk about um but obviously leave that for another day i hope this episode inspires people to
not only think through these questions but to re-examine the life story of john brown because
not only do you learn so much about him you learn so much about
history, American history, American white supremacy,
the forms of reaction and these cycles that we live in because it was founded as a
settler colonial white supremacist state that we're constantly revisiting these questions of race.
And the Black Lives Matter is the most, and the abolition against mass incarceration
are modern day examples that live directly in the legacy of the earlier abolitionists.
And we have all those contradictions, all those different sides still in play.
And we have to work through them.
That's the nature of history.
We, like John Brown, live in a time of heightening contradictions where so many of the threads
and conflicts of American society are rupturing into the explicit.
And so we're situated at a similar period of time.
So pulling from these histories, learning these narratives, learning what motivated them,
I think they're all tools in our toolbox as we look forward and try to carry forward the torch
of abolitionism, of egalitarianism, of ending white supremacy.
so inspiration and knowledge are to be found in these historical episodes you can run on for a long time
run on for a long time run on for a long time soon or later got to cut you down soon or later got to cut you down
go tell that long tongue liar go and tell that midnight rider tell the midnight rider tell the rindler
The gambler, the gambler, the backfighter, tell him that God's gonna cut them down.
Tell them that God's gonna cut them down.
Well, my goodness, crazes, let me tell you the news.
My head's been wet with the midnight dune.
I've been down on the bended knee, talking to the man from Galilee.
He spoke to me the voice so sweet.
I thought I heard the shuffle of vain.
the shuffle of angels sweet he called my name and my heart stood still when he said john go do my will
go tell that long-tongue liar go and tell that midnight rider tell the rambler the gambler the
backbiter tell him that god's going to cut him down tell him that god's going to cut him down
you can run on for a long time run on for a long time run on for a long time
Run on for a long time.
Sooner later, God, I cut you down.
Sooner later, God, I cut you down.
Well, you may throw your rock, hide your hand,
working in the dark against your fellow man.
But as sure it's got made black and white,
what's done in the dark will be brought to the light.
You can run on for a long time,
run on for a long time, run on for a long time,
Run on for a long time.
Sooner later, God, I'll cut you down.
Sooner, later, God, I cut you down.
Go tell that long-tong-tong liar.
Go and tell that Midnight rider.
Tell the rambler, the gambler, the backbiter.
Tell them that God's going to cut you down.
Tell them that God's going to cut you down.
Tell them that God's going to cut you down.
Thank you.