Science Friday - States Expected To See More ‘Anti-Science’ Bills This Year
Episode Date: January 20, 2026An Associated Press investigation found that more than 420 “anti-science” bills were introduced in statehouses last year, targeting protections around public health issues like vaccines, milk safe...ty, and fluoride. As state legislatures come back into session, what can we expect for 2026? Joining Ira Flatow is Laura Ungar, science and medical reporter for the Associated Press.Plus, reporter Elise Plunk joins Host Flora Lichtman to discuss the complex case of a citizen-led pollution monitoring program in Louisiana that persists despite a law banning the use of its data.Guests: Laura Ungar is a science and medical reporter for the Associated Press.Elise Plunk is an environmental reporter and Report for America corps member at the Louisiana Illuminator.The transcript for this episode is available at sciencefriday.com. Subscribe to this podcast. Plus, to stay updated on all things science, sign up for Science Friday's newsletters.
Transcript
Discussion (0)
Hi, I'm I Refledo, and you're listening to Science Friday.
State legislatures are coming back into session, and as they convene, lawmakers across the country
are likely to encounter anti-science bills.
That's legislation that seeks to remove protections around public health issues, like vaccines,
milk safety, fluoride.
An investigation found that last year, more than 420 anti-science bills were,
introduced across the country. So what can we expect for this upcoming legislative year?
Joining me now is Laura Unger, Science and Medical Reporter for the Associated Press based in Louisville,
Kentucky. Welcome to Science Friday. Thanks very much. Thanks for having me.
Let's talk about this. Hard to believe more than 420 anti-science bills. What qualifies as an
anti-science bill? So we looked at three areas, as you mentioned, vaccines, milk,
safety and fluoride. The reason we chose looking at those areas is because they go against scientifically
proven health measures. Like, for example, experts say that global vaccine efforts have saved more than
150 million lives since the mid-70s. Cavities have declined dramatically since fluoridation began,
and milk pasteur Jason has saved millions from foodborne illness. So that's why we chose those to look at.
Can you give me an example of what these bills looked like?
The vast majority actually were anti-vaccine bills.
And we had certain methodology that we used to determine, you know, what we met by that.
So, for example, bills that made it easier to get a vaccine exemption or placed additional regulatory burdens or red tape around vaccination,
ban certain types of vaccines such as COVID-19 vaccines or MRNA vaccines.
But there were all sorts.
They tried to regulate vaccines in many ways.
And some were actually very extreme.
Like, for example, there's one that's called MRNA vaccines, weapons of mass destruction, for example.
That is.
That is pretty extreme.
And out of these hundreds of bills, roughly how many actually got passed?
So we only know kind of through when the story ran in the fall.
So at that point, it was about 30, had either been enacted or adopted in 12 states at that point.
And these states included, among others, Texas, Florida, North Dakota, Alabama, Montana, and Arkansas.
And who's pushing these bills?
There were several groups that were pushing these bills.
And so, like, most of the bills that were enacted were supported by at least one of four national groups.
And these are groups that have some sort of connection to Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., the health secretary.
And these groups were Maha Action, Stand for Health Freedom, the National Vaccine Information Center, and the Weston A Price Foundation.
And these groups also oppose dozens of science-driven bills as well as supporting the anti-science bills.
Do you think these groups have always wanted to push laws like this for a long time and now finally feel like they have an,
in due to RFK Jr. and Trump? Well, certainly some of them have longstanding relationships with
Kennedy. So, and it is a well-organized effort to do this. So, and there's a clear strategy to change
policies, ultimately at the national level. Do you find out one part of the country was pushing more
bills than another part? Certainly there were states that kind of stood out with a lot of these bills.
Florida was one, Texas, another one.
So, yeah, but they were really across the board.
And in red and blue states, as far as being introduced, really a lot of states had these bills.
Yeah.
And as you say, there are more anti-vax legislation than any other anti-science topic.
Yes, exactly.
So at least 350 were anti-vaccine of the more than 420.
That is amazing.
Well, it's a new year.
we're entering new legislative sessions.
What will you be keeping your eye on?
Well, certainly we're continuing to look at these same areas.
So we will just keep our eyes on what bills are coming out.
And there are some that have already been introduced this year.
So, for example, in Kentucky, where I am based,
there was a bill introduced this month to make water fluoridation programs optional.
And then in Indiana, next state over from where I am,
There's a bill to require the health department to establish a state version of the adverse event reporting system for vaccines, kind of like the federal one, except on a state level. So those are just a couple. But certainly the themes are the same. And you're also seeing a lot of changes at the national level as well with, for example, new federal regulations around childhood vaccines, cutting the number of universally recommended vaccines to 11.
And that was at this time. Last year, it was 18. So, you know, you can see some of these themes happening both at the federal and the state level.
Laura, is there any way to judge the human cost of these bills?
Yes. So the sentiment behind these bills, the rising anti-science sentiment is already taking a toll.
One of the families we talked to for this story lost their eight-year-old son to a vaccine preventable disease last year.
He had been vaccinated, but unfortunately, his parents said it didn't protect him because other kids, other adults need to be vaccinated as well for it to work.
And there are many parts of the country where, at least for a particular disease, there is not the herd immunity that you need to keep a whole community safe.
That is so sad to hear.
Since there are so many, are there ways for people to keep an eye on the legislation in their state?
if they're concerned about this.
It may be a website or something.
Anyone can go into a legislative website for their state
and look at the bills that have been introduced
and should be able to kind of follow them along that way.
Well, I want to thank you for taking them to be with us today.
This is certainly interesting stuff.
Oh, you're welcome.
We'll keep an eye on it with you.
Laura Unger, Science and Medical Reporter for AP based in Louisville, Kentucky.
We have to take a break.
And when we come back, we'll take a look at a case study of an anti-science bill,
which makes it harder for residents in Louisiana to hold industry accountable.
Stay with us.
Now we're going to pivot to a complex case study.
The Louisiana law sets the bar high for community groups collecting scientific data.
It may sound pro-science.
Rigorous data is good, of course, but it prevents coalitions of citizens from being able to use data they collect
about environmental toxins to enforce regulation.
Here's Flora with the rest of the story.
Joining me now to talk through this story is Elise Plunk,
environmental reporter at the Louisiana Illuminator,
and she's based in Baton Rouge.
Elise, welcome to Science Friday.
Hey, yeah, happy to be here.
Okay, why are citizens collecting data in Louisiana?
What are they monitoring?
You know, what are they looking for?
So Louisiana has a really long legacy of people living really close
by to industry, whether that's liquefied natural gas, like along the coast of Cameron Parish,
Louisiana, or refining facilities, anything throughout the region along the Mississippi River.
So living in really close proximity to these places, air pollution and water pollution are
concerns that very directly impact the people living nearby. So in an effort to kind of inform
themselves and inform community members about how exactly industry is impacting water they drink,
the air they breathe. Different groups across Louisiana are trying to organize and monitor the
quality of air and water in different community science-oriented research and monitoring projects.
And why do these folks feel like they need to take this data collection into their own hands?
I mean, presumably there are agents.
for this? Yes, there is a agency in Louisiana called the Louisiana Department of Environmental
Quality. They have the main role in deploying different devices that can check for different
components in the air that would impact health. But community groups in Louisiana really want
to push for more active monitoring within their, like,
localities. They have a lot of issues with air quality permits being routinely violated,
routinely exceeded the amounts of pollutants that industries are able to put into the air.
They go above those limits fairly often, especially in Cameron Parish, the liquefied natural
gas export terminals down there routinely violate air pollution permits. And there's a couple
different analyses and studies that go into that that I've cited in my reporting.
You interviewed Alyssa Portaro, who's a community organizer in Cameron Parrish, and you
were on a boat with her. We have a clip from that. Let's hear it.
This is like convenient thing to figure out what's going.
Yeah, the wind was whipping that day on the boat.
We can hear it. It's like we were right there.
Yeah, definitely. I was working on a story about some sediment spills into bodies of water in
Cameron Parish from some construction on a liquefied natural gas export facility.
And Alyssa, several of the fishermen I spoke with and went out with on that trip were concerned
that it was affecting oyster harvesting and shrimp in the area where they fish and collect oysters
and have their livelihoods.
So I was working on that story.
But as we were on the boat, they were conducting this research where they would put microphones
into the water and listen on headphones and note different levels of sound that would come from
like the readings on the instruments. And I didn't know what they were doing. So I asked what's
going on here. And Alyssa helped explain to me that they were concerned that noise levels from
industry nearby was affecting the migration patterns of shrimp. But they didn't exactly know
how to prove this without having researchers investigate and determine why shrimp migrations
weren't happening as far into the estuary as they had used to and why fishermen weren't catching
as big of halls of shrimp. Okay, you have this community who is trying to collect data on
environmental pollution. Tell us about the 2024 state law that puts a wrench into that.
In Louisiana, this is known as the camera law, the Community Air Monitoring Reliability Act.
So it was passed in the Louisiana State Legislature in 2024, and it makes the use of data for regulatory enforcement, meaning if a community member gathered data from an air monitor and it showed higher pollution levels than
the nearby industry's air pollution permit allowed for, it would not be able to enforce
regulatory action against that industry unless it was an EPA certified monitor, the kind of gold
standard of air quality monitors.
Which are, I'm sure, expensive.
Yes, very much so.
They can run upwards of hundreds of thousands of dollars, very sensitive equipment, and, you know,
very accurate equipment because of that. But something out of reach for a lot of these grassroots
groups that are trying to monitor their air kind of just within their own communities.
Right. It makes it almost impossible for these community science groups to gather data that could
then be used to enforce the law, it sounds like. Yes. Yeah. So I mean, it feels like there's some
complexity here. Like we want environmental data to be rigorous, right? But we also want people to be able to
hold industries accountable if there's pollution. How are the people that you have talked to thinking
about this? How are you thinking about this tension? Yeah, it's definitely something that I've gone
back and forth over in a way like trying to figure out how to cover this, because of course,
robust, reliable data is kind of the backbone of all of this. We want numbers we can count on
and, you know, things that we can support ourselves with in a scientific manner when it comes
to pollution monitoring.
I have spoken with several former EPA officials, scientists who work directly with these
types of monitors.
And I've asked, all right, so the gold standard monitors that are required for regulatory
change, how different are they from the more common monitors that are more affordable
that these community groups are using?
Right.
So the kind of consensus is that the gold standard is the gold standard for a reason.
and it's very accurate and the information you would ultimately want to have.
But these other air monitors that groups are using have reliable data as well.
So especially like in Cameron Parish in particular,
the Habitat Recovery Project's Air Monitor is funded by an EPA grant
that was given out to help grassroots groups like this afford monitors for their air quality.
So it seems to be that there's kind of a mismatch when it comes to the EPA has funded grants to buy these specific monitors, but different laws enacted are restricting their use.
So there's a misstep somewhere in here.
That's interesting.
I mean, does this extend beyond Louisiana?
Are there other places where laws like this are being passed or already exist?
Yes.
So in Kentucky, in the 2025 legislative session, I believe in March.
It's a little different in Louisiana because we have Mardi Gras, but I believe in March, there was a law passed not quite as restrictive as Louisiana's, but restricting the type of equipment you can use in order to enforce regulatory change for ambient air quality, pollution monitoring, that sort of thing.
In Ohio and West Virginia, several times there has been verbiage inserted into legislation trying to do a similar thing, but nothing has passed.
out of the legislature so far.
It's interesting. So there's a little bit of a trend, it sounds like.
Yeah, there's definitely state legislation popping up very similar to Louisiana's law.
At least Plunk, Environmental Reporter for the Louisiana Illuminator based in Baton Rouge.
Thanks, Elise.
Yeah, thank you so much.
This podcast was produced by Kathleen Davis, and we love hearing from you,
and you can reach us 24-7 on our listener line 877 for SciFRI.
We'll see you next time. I'm Flora Lichtman.
