Scott Horton Show - Just the Interviews - 1/27/22 Gilbert Doctorow on the War Hysteria in Eastern Europe and Germany’s Reluctance to Go Along With It
Episode Date: January 28, 2022Scott interviews political analyst Gilbert Doctorow about the tensions in Eastern Europe. Doctorow points to the strong state of the Russian economy as sufficient evidence that they won’t want to st...art a new conflict, much less a massive land war. They also discuss the frustrations some Europeans are expressing with all the war hype, which is hurting parts of the European economy. Discussed on the show: “The pro-detente position of Willy Brandt’s ‘Ostpolitik” still is alive and finding its voice in Germany today” (GilbertDoctorow.com) Gilbert Doctorow is an independent political analyst and was the European Coordinator of The American Committee for East-West Accord. He writes regularly for Consortium News. His latest book is Does the United States Have a Future? This episode of the Scott Horton Show is sponsored by: The War State and Why The Vietnam War?, by Mike Swanson; Tom Woods’ Liberty Classroom; ExpandDesigns.com/Scott; EasyShip; Free Range Feeder; Thc Hemp Spot; Green Mill Supercritical; Bug-A-Salt and Listen and Think Audio. Shop Libertarian Institute merch or donate to the show through Patreon, PayPal or Bitcoin: 1DZBZNJrxUhQhEzgDh7k8JXHXRjYu5tZiG. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Transcript
Discussion (0)
All right, y'all, welcome to the Scott Horton Show.
I'm the director of the Libertarian Institute, editorial director of anti-war.com, author of the book, Fool's Aaron,
Time to End the War in Afghanistan, and The Brand New, Enough Already, Time to End the War on Terrorism.
And I've recorded more than 5,500 interviews since 2004.
almost all on foreign policy and all available for you at scothorton dot for you can sign up the podcast feed there
and the full interview archive is also available at youtube.com slash scott horton's show right you guys on the
line i've got gilbert dr row author of memoirs of a russianist in two volumes which i swear i'm going
to get to someday when i figure out how to stop time and catch up on all my book reading um gilbertdoctoro
dot com is this website. We run them all the time at antiwar.com. And you should know that he lives in
Brussels and is a very keen watcher of Russia and all of the former Soviet Union and the politics
involved in all of that. So welcome back to the show, Gilbert. How are you, sir? I'm doing well and
I'm glad to speak to you again. Great, great. Very happy to have you here. So I kind of want to know
everything that you think about what's going on, I guess we'll start with the danger of a Russian
invasion of Ukraine and an American violent response to that and the worst case scenario type
thing I think is probably what people want to know most. Well, I don't know how closely your
listeners follow the stock market. And I rather imagine they don't follow the Russian stock market
with special interest. However, today was a good
day for the markets and that is an answer to your question there you go great that's great
thank you so much for that great news i'm going to tweet that out right now as you continue thanks
the point is that one of the russian deputy ministers of foreign affairs made the remark that
russia has no interest no desire to even think about fighting with with ukrainians with their
with their Slavic brothers.
And that, of course, got the markets going very well.
Gasprom rose 10% today.
So the mood is more optimistic, but I have never been pessimistic
because the talk about war was, as I've said in some places,
complicity between Russians and Americans providing a cover to discuss things
which absent a sense of crisis and imminent disaster
would not have been possible.
What I mean is that the talk of war allowed the Biden administration
to take and to consider Russia's demands for revising the security architecture in Europe.
Now, we may say, well, so they considered it, and then they said no.
But the game isn't over, not by any means.
The initial no is there, but that is hardly going to be the final American answer.
They will find some kind of compromise that may not give the Russians exactly what they want,
which is sign on the dotted line that you will never let Ukraine in.
They may not get that, but they will get at the end of the day, I believe they will get certain offers from the United States,
which give them the assurance that the worst that they have tried to prevent and avert,
The worst being that the United States, the UK and other NATO members use Ukrainian territory
as a launching pad for offensive weapons and for stationing offensive military units
that are in an easy striking distance of the Russian heartland.
That is unlikely to happen.
Some kind of compromise will be reached, which keeps NATO forces,
effectively out of Ukraine.
So that has been my position from the beginning,
and I don't have very much to revise or change
now that what appears to be good news
has become out of Moscow and the markets have celebrated.
Well, that's great, that's right,
and that's what Ray McGovern has said to
that when they say, oh, we want a treaty
promising that Ukraine will never be brought into NATO.
They know they're not going to get that.
What they want is a real assurance.
And the same thing with, as we've talked about before,
I believe, sir, you're probably the first one who brought this up to me on the show,
the MK41 missile launchers in the name of defensive, anti-ballistic missile missiles
that those same launchers can be used for Tomahawks.
And that's certainly the way the Russians see them.
And they wanted an assurance, which Biden gave them quite blithely,
actually just sort of, no, we don't have any intention of putting missiles in there.
He said that publicly, like kind of off the cuff, even.
Like, oh, that's not even an issue.
We weren't even planning on doing that, which, in fact, that's a good question for you here, is,
did you have any indication that they really were considering putting those missile launchers into Ukraine?
Or do you think that Putin had some real reason to believe that they were considering doing that?
Or he was just kind of using that, you know, potential issue as a cudgel to get the argument started?
I think it's the last point.
There were, however, other things going on, which were not covered by the Blythe remarks of Mr. Biden,
and which will have to be addressed before this issue begins to be put away in the outbasket.
It's still very much in the in-basket.
And the other issues, for example, are the British and American,
but primarily British construction of two naval bases on the Black Sea for Ukraine,
which will effectively be armed and manned by the British.
And at least one of those naval bases is just 80 miles from the Crimea.
That is obviously unacceptable to the Russians,
and some kind of agreement will have to be separately reached
to ensure that it's not just these dual-purpose missile launchers,
but all military infrastructure that has an offensive potential
or has a very brief warning period before attack,
given the distances involved,
that all of this will be carted out of Ukraine.
That will be the likely end.
Now, how we reach that end,
how much more pressure the Russians will have to apply,
that will depend on the stubbornness of the American side,
and the Russians have a lot of cards up their sleeve.
There was talk in the last week of the agreements,
the strategic cooperation agreements,
that Russia has reached with Venezuela and Nicaragua.
And the purpose of doing that is to restage,
to recreate the Cuban Missile Crisis in reverse.
That is, whereas the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis
was Russia stationing missiles that were nuclear armed in Cuba, 90 miles or whatever it is, from Florida,
which the United States rejected as totally unacceptable and was ready to go to war over.
And now it is the Russians who are doing this in reverse that what you, the United States,
are doing by marching up to our borders in NATO or simply on your own,
is unacceptable to us.
You're presenting security
risks which we cannot accept
and we will return the favor
by placing our bases
close to you.
Now they weren't necessarily going to be
missile bases in either Nicaragua or Venezuela
but what they will be
very possibly
is a port facility
rights.
That is to say
for Russian submarines and surface vessels
to be able to put into port
in, say, in Nicaragua
and so not have to travel several thousand miles
back to their Russian bases
to keep a watch in the Caribbean.
Now that would be very unpleasant for Washington.
And it has the negotiating advantage
of placing in the front of,
pages of all of our newspapers, the Russian charge, oh, we don't have the right to a sphere of
influence or a buffer zone. Then gentlemen in Washington, how dare you call out the Monroe
doctrine and complain about our bases in Nicaragua or Venezuela? So that is a next possible
development if the Russians do not get satisfaction with their present negotiations that will
probably resume in Geneva.
They, of course, also have the possibility of playing peekaboo with their nuclear-armed hypersonic
carrying submarines off the U.S. coast, both East Coast and West Coast.
that would be certainly get the attention of Washington of Capitol Hill you have a lot of
angry words but the knowledge but but not just angry words but deep fear existential fear
which might make the United States more flexible in in negotiating the Russian demands
yeah now you know it's funny because the parallel kind of argument from the doves has
been guys remember the cuba missile crisis and how the americans reacted to the soviets putting
missiles and these kind of bases in cuba well how do you think they feel now but then there's
the whole other argument about the cuba missile crisis which is the russians could make another one of
those if they wanted to which i know you didn't say missiles uh you know a destroyer base would be
you know 10 percent of a cuba missile crisis but any kind of increased russian military presence in the
Americas would be, you know, obviously the kind of crisis, you know, politically, domestically,
domestically, that any politician would want to avoid. And so, but it just goes to show, right,
that there's all kinds of things the Russians can do. If they want to have something to negotiate
away, well, they could escalate all over the place. And, you know, we're probably just beginning
to imagine all the different things they could do to get the Americans to just agree to back off,
which has already happened, right?
I mean, as you're saying, the Biden government isn't going to, you know, force these issues.
In fact, the headlines on anti-war.com today are the Ukrainians met with the Russians and agreed to, I guess, try to reinforce the Minsk to ceasefire in the east of the country, which is, you know, obviously the Americans are behind them telling them they want them to make this deal, right?
or don't tell me that's over the American's dead body
that the Ukrainians are making that deal today?
Well, of course.
The United States would be pressuring Ukraine.
This is unpleasant.
They would like to have Russia over a barrel,
but they don't, in fact.
Washington's options are far fewer than the Russian's options.
And its geography tells you that story.
I think the most remarkable thing
in the development of the post-Cold War
is how the countries that the United States
has brought into NATO, the so-called front-line states,
like the Baltic states, which have borders with Russia
or are within very close proximity of Russia,
that none of them look at the map.
And when you look at the map, you understand
that there is a big neighbor,
and you may be close to them,
but they're also close to you,
and there's no way in hell.
that any country which is your ally
4,000 or 5,000 miles away
and has like 3,000 troops stationed in your country
is going to save your neck
if the Russians decide to break your neck.
So that's one side, the military side.
Of course, the other side to this issue
has been the self-destruction of these countries
economically and demographically
when their elites
did a cozy deal with Washington
got themselves established
as Washington's favorites and as the
democratically elected governments
well these democratically elected governments
in all of these East European countries
oversaw the loss of 25, 30% of the population
because their economies imploded
when they lost the Russian market
and they lost the Russian market
because they gave it away
or by spitting in the face of the Russians
and smiling to the Americans
so these countries all are in a weak position
although they shout a lot
and make a lot of noise
and have until recently been the tail wagging
the NATO dog
the Russians intended
to end that
that impossible situation
and to speak to the principle, which is why they went over the head of Europe and spoke
to the United States.
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Tell me, Gilbert, about, as you wrote about on your blog,
about the head of the Navy or something, I guess, in Germany,
who said something reasonable and was forced to resign?
Well, he received a lot of very unfavorable press.
Remarks that he made on 21st of January when he was visiting in India.
This was in a closed meeting,
but some people used their iPhones to tape it,
And then they disseminated these tapes in which he was saying very reasonable things, but very politically incorrect things, given his station and given the official position of his government.
He was saying that Vladimir Putin deserves respect and that the main thrust of the present Russian activity around the Ukraine borders is precisely to get respect.
and that respect is very cheap, and so it's unreasonable that Europe doesn't give it to him.
And that was enough to, oh yes, he also said that the Crimea would never go back to Ukraine.
Now, these are pretty obvious things, and they will never go back to Ukraine,
and most anybody who's got their head properly screwed on to their bodies knows that.
However, the official position of the German government, together with NATO and the United States,
States is that the Russian occupation is illegal and so forth.
So he said politically incorrect things and he took a lot of flack
and he consequently tended his resignation, which was then immediately accepted.
So he's gone.
However, as I noted in an article yesterday, this was not a one-off thing.
This is not the strange behavior of one German head of Navy who happened to have a heart as well as a mind and who behaved like a normal human being, which is something that's quite exceptional.
The whole government seems to be the Germans are the most reluctant to go along with the more aggressive posture out of everybody in the current situation, right?
All right.
Well, if your listeners will hear repeated that the German coalition government has as a foreign minister and as a minister of defense greens.
And you will hear the mainstream statement that the German Greens were a peace party.
Well, maybe for a couple of days when they were founded 30 or 40 years ago, ever since they've been a war party.
And that in the European Parliament, the most of the last decade, the most vociferous anti-Russian voices in the European Parliament were always German Greens.
I stress German greens because there are several green parties from other countries, a Scandinavian green parties, which are much open and reasonable and discuss all these issues like adults.
The German Greens were not adults, they were anti-Russians.
So Mr. Schultz, the German federal chancellor, has a tough time.
He needed the help of the Greens to form a majority coalition and his new government.
But he is the heir to a different tradition.
That is the tradition of the Espe day, of the Socialists going back to the 1970s,
was that called enspannungspolitik, the detente in nice French English,
relaxation or rapprochement between Germany and Russia.
This was the policy that was championed for five years during his chancellorship of Villabrand,
who was, we all know first as the, or some of us know, as the celebrated mayor of Berlin,
who went on to become chancellor.
And he, with the assistance of a certain Egon Barr, who was his helper and thinker as regards relations with East, he formulated this policy of dealing, trying to build bridges to Russia and to influence the Soviet Union then and try to make the Soviet Union more civilized, more open, more like us.
by bringing them close to us, rather than by driving them away, which was the American way,
dealing with them only from a position of strength, which means by Dick Tut.
That was the American approach, and the Ville Brunt had a different approach.
That is the legacy of the 1970s Socialist Party of Germany,
and it was picked up in the new millennium in 1999 to 2004,
by the socialist chancellor at the time who did two things that are very notable in which I would mention here.
One is that he backed, this is Schroeder, Gerhard Schroeder, he backed the gas pipeline, the Nord Stream 1 pipeline.
was joined France and Russia in publicly denouncing the United States plans to invade Iraq.
He denied the United States the U.N. cover that it sought before staging the invasion of Iraq.
And so the American invasion of Iraq was illegitimate from the first day.
They formed what was called a coalition of the willing.
Well, the Americans didn't have a choice but to forgive Schroeder and Germany.
After a big fuss with France over the freedom fries and whatever, the United States gave a little tap on the wrist to France,
and the United States went after Russia to hound it out of the civilized world.
So the bad relations with Russia started under Bush Jr., and the state, the state,
The starting point was precisely the Russian denial in the U.N. of the U.S. hopes for U.N. sanctioned invasion of Iraq.
Anyway, I want to say that this was, the policy of Schroeder was Russia friendly.
And then after he was succeeded, he was a very brave man, the German finances were a mess after investing hundreds of billions of euros in raising.
the East Germany, following the unification under coal, the government was broke, and Mr. Schroeder
did a very brave thing. He introduced austerity to put finances in order, which made him
instantly very unpopular, and he lost an election. And he was replaced by Madame Merkel,
by Frau Merkel, Muti Merkel. And their party, the CDU, the Conservatives, had no
investment in close relations with Russia. And despite all the talk of our American newspapers
of how, because Angela Merkel was an Aussie, came from East Germany, and she spoke Russian
as a child, she had an instant rapport with Vladimir Putin and blah, blah, blah. That was all
just a newspaper concocted propaganda. There was no love between Madam Merkel and Vladimir
Putin, she looked down her nose at the Russians in general, and although she initially
resisted American sanctions in 2014, following the annexation of Crimea, she then went on to
become the main enforcer of European-inspired, of U.S.-inspired sanctions against Russia.
So this new government of Mr. Schultz is an heir to this legacy of good relations with Russia,
which was not the policy of the CDU or the conservatives who were in power for 13 years under Merkel.
We will see whether or not Schultz is able to manage.
master to take control of his government and override the rather hawkish and warlike instincts
of the greens that he had to bring into his government in order to rule.
But I wanted to bring attention, if you have to give me one more minute to say this,
I wanted to bring attention to something that happened yesterday, the day before yesterday,
and which is a follow-on to your introducing the question of this German minister of the Navy
who was forced to resign.
40 German dignitaries, well-known personalities
who were former, they were all in retirement.
You don't make open letters to the government
when you're in the government
or occupying positions of authority.
If you do that, you find yourself out on the street
the way the German naval minister is.
So these are retired but very well-recognized
and known ambassadors of Germany.
political scientists of Germany and business people.
And they signed a letter, the 40 of them,
calling upon Schultz to implement the socialist party's tradition of detente with Russia.
And they blame the United States for using this conflict over Ukraine
to enforce its control over Europe as a whole
against the interests of Europeans.
I think your readers would be quite interested
to consider the statements that are made
because I imagine many of these statements
that they will also subscribe to
that European Union consists of vassals
controlled by the United States
and working against the interests of the European peoples.
Well, I'll tell you what I mean.
To read the statements from
This guy, I'm sure I'll say his name wrong,
Jen Stoltenberg, the head of NATO.
You know, he talks as though he's ready for war at any time,
and then he came out making demands that I'm not exactly sure
the exact language of it, but essentially saying that he wanted,
he demanded that the Russians leave the Dombas,
where they really aren't anyway, and the Crimea,
but also South Ossetia and Abkhazia and the Transdegiate,
Easter. I'm sure I'm saying that wrong, too,
which is this little strip of land, I guess,
I'll let you describe, I think,
between Hungary and something or other.
And he's
demanding all of these, he's calling all this
occupied territory and demanding the Russians
leave now. And this is
after Biden's given his written
response to Putin, which we have to assume
include some climbing down, rather
than just more tough talk.
But, so I wonder
who this guy, Stoltenberg, is really representing.
Is it just Lockheed Incorporated? Or is
something else? Well, I think he gets his marching orders from Washington. Just as the head of the European
Commission, von der Leyen, who was the formerly the Minister of Defense in Germany and worked very
closely with NATO, she also gets her marching orders from Washington. And for that matter, the head
of the European Council, Charles, also gets his marching orders from Washington. These people
are on the U.S. payroll. I don't mean necessarily they get a check every month, but they're lined up to get their hot dogs at the ranch. And Europe as a whole does not defend European sovereignty at present. Individual countries have that possibility. And Germany is the outstanding case where there is a tradition of independence from the
from NATO and from the European Union vassals the following Washington.
Under Merkel, that was submerged, and she did Washington's bidding in the hope of preventing
things from getting still worse.
In the case of Schultz will have to see what he does.
He isn't very impressive in the first days in office, but perhaps he'll get his feet on the ground
and will be able to command a team that is distinctive in being more peace-minded.
By the way, the open letter had the following title.
It was for a German security policy that builds peace.
So I think that this will be of interest to your listeners.
Just, it is not a completely new development.
I was in Berlin in November, together with Ray McGovern, by the way.
We both were there in November 2016 when something called detente now was launched, also by socialists with people who had served closely with really Brad's assistant, Egon Bar.
and this appeal, which found rapport in the States.
Noam Chonsky signed on.
Daniel Ellsberg signed on.
Ray's organization, the Vips, the veteran
intelligence professionals, yes.
They signed on.
The American physicists signed on.
There were a number of large and very,
and very reputable social organizations in the states.
And the appeal, which I brought to the nation,
the weekly magazine of commentary in New York,
that appeal was put on their pages.
Now, unfortunately, at the time that this was made,
I'm sorry, Gilbert, I'm so sorry to interrupt,
but I am up on a time wall right here.
to go. Somebody's supposed to be interviewing me
in a minute here. Okay.
But thank you so much for coming on the show
and for all your great insight here.
And we'll look forward to reading you at
Gilbertdoctoro.com and at anti-war.com. Thank you again, sir.
My pleasure. Bye-bye.
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