Scott Horton Show - Just the Interviews - 2/24/22 Hassan El-Tayyab on the Effort to End the War in Yemen
Episode Date: February 25, 2022Scott is joined by Hassan El-Tayyab of the Friends Committee on National Legislation to discuss Yemen. Despite the rapidly unfolding situation in Ukraine, Scott and El-Tayyab agree that what’s happe...ning in Yemen is still the worst humanitarian crisis taking place in the world. And the war can only carry on with the continued support of the U.S. Government. El-Tayyab details how some Americans are working to get their government to stop supporting the Saudi’s immoral war of aggression. Discussed on the show: “Lawmakers take action on Biden’s failed Yemen policy” (Responsible Statecraft) 1-833-STOPWAR Hassan El-Tayyab is a musician and peace activist, who works as the lead lobbyist on Middle East policy for the Friends Committee on National Legislation. This episode of the Scott Horton Show is sponsored by: The War State and Why The Vietnam War?, by Mike Swanson; Tom Woods’ Liberty Classroom; ExpandDesigns.com/Scott; EasyShip; Free Range Feeder; Thc Hemp Spot; Green Mill Supercritical; Bug-A-Salt and Listen and Think Audio. Shop Libertarian Institute merch or donate to the show through Patreon, PayPal or Bitcoin: 1DZBZNJrxUhQhEzgDh7k8JXHXRjYu5tZiG. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Transcript
Discussion (0)
All right, y'all, welcome to the Scott Horton Show.
I'm the director of the Libertarian Institute, editorial director of anti-war.com, author of the book, Fool's Aaron,
Time to End the War in Afghanistan, and The Brand New, Enough Already, Time to End the War on Terrorism.
And I've recorded more than 5,500 interviews since 2004.
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all right y'all introducing hasan l tayb he is at the friends committee on national legislation
that's the quakers fcnl.org a great peace activist organization welcome back to the show how you doing
Thanks, Scott. Doing well.
Really happy to have you on the show here.
I am so embarrassed. I was late to this conference call yesterday with all these very, you know, important activists on the issue of the Yemen War.
And I asked a really good question, I think. And then I'm sorry, I forget his first name. Mr. Bot started to answer me.
And then I had to go because I had an extremely important phone call.
And it was extremely embarrassing that I had to go.
So I wondered, first of all, if we could just talk about,
because everybody already knows about the war.
Let's get to the current activism.
My question was, you guys, and I missed this,
I'm sure you already explained before I got there.
You guys are pushing Congress,
and you've got some congressmen working with you
to introduce the war powers resolution again,
1973 war powers resolution to make them end the war.
So then my question was, one,
I forget which is which,
the concurrent and the continuing resolution, but one of them is supposedly veto-proof,
and last time they used the vetoable kind.
So this time, are they going to do the veto-proof kind?
And or also, why not just defund the thing, which you can do just with the House, and you
don't even need the Senate to cooperate?
You can just have the House refuse to pass a thing for appropriations rather than even pass
a new thing.
They could just sit on appropriations until they get what they want.
So those were my questions, and then I didn't get to hear the answers at all.
So I'm very sorry.
And please tell Mr. Bot for me that I'm very sorry.
But could you please tell me what I need to know here?
Well, absolutely.
So I think you ask really good questions.
As far as the concurrent resolution, I completely agree with you that that's powerful.
It's good law.
Unfortunately, I could get into a whole bunch of legalese and talk about the legislative history.
But the executive branch basically determined that the concurrent resolution,
was didn't hold up, you know, in the court of law and that the executive branch didn't necessarily
have to, you know, respect a concurrent resolution in a case around immigration naturalization
services. Our point is that this is still good law and it hasn't been tested in the courts,
but unfortunately, that just makes our job a lot harder building that majority because
there's a lot of people on the hill that don't agree.
So what we're trying to do with this joint resolution is force the question.
We've already passed a joint resolution and just use that vehicle because it gets us our vote and it gets us over the finish line.
And really what we're trying to do is get a majority to pass this thing.
There's way more to that question that I want to get to some other things.
But as far as the funding question that you talk about, that's another good point.
we have consistently tried to pass no funding for the Yemen war via appropriations.
And there's an amendment in there right now that they're finalizing the 2022 appropriations
budget.
But unfortunately, the administration just looks at that and says, hey, we stopped offensive
operations, so we're not doing it.
And so that's why we think it's really critical that we get the Senate and the House to vote
you know, on this WPR, this war powers resolution to finally put an end to ongoing U.S.
complicity. And, you know, and we're looking forward to, you know, getting that through.
All right. Well, so there's a lot of new people listening. There are always as they come and go.
So what's to be concerned about here anyway? I didn't see on TV that this was a big deal or maybe if I did, it's all Iran's fault, something like that.
Yeah. There's a lot going on in the foreign.
policy world right now. There's an invasion in Ukraine. There's, you know, there's the Iran nuclear
deal happening and so much going on. But this is the world's worst humanitarian crisis right here in
Yemen with 80 percent of a 30 million population, you know, at risk of starvation and needing
critical humanitarian assistance. Last, this month, one year ago, President Biden, you know, he announced
that his administration would follow through on a campaign promise to end U.S. support for
offensive operations in the war in Yemen, you know, among advocates like myself who've long urged
the United States end its involvement in the war, we had really high expectations for a
serious shift in U.S. policy towards Yemen and Saudi, but unfortunately, we were quickly
disappointed, we have seen ongoing maintenance support, logistical support, and spare parts
transfers. And, you know, so that has just perpetuated the violence, perpetuated the Saudi
blockade. And January actually was one of the bloodiest months in the history of the whole war.
And, you know, we saw Saudi a target a detention facility, killing 90 civilians, wounding 200 more.
and also triggering a nationwide internet blackout and cutting off water to 120,000 people.
So reps Jayapal and DeFazio, they just released an op-ed in the nation about two weeks ago,
and they are announcing their plans that they want to introduce a new Yemen War Powers resolution
to terminate this ongoing support.
You know, Biden took us, you know, 30% there.
We're trying to get all the way
and cut off all of this stuff
that's enabling the Saudi operations.
Yeah.
Now, tell me,
what's the extent of what you know
about all of the real meaning
behind the term logistics there?
Because I think
that's essentially shorthand for
USA runs the entire war,
right?
All the air traffic control.
I mean, just even as far as that,
which planes are taken off,
which ways the wind blowing on takeoff?
when they take off, is everything, right?
There is no war without the U.S. and British officers and contractors running the whole damn thing on the ground.
Is that or is that not right, Hassan? Do you know?
That is absolutely right.
And one of the main things we're trying to do is cut off the daily transfer of spare parts and maintenance.
And they're a U.S. personnel that oversee even these private contractors doing this work.
And as our buddy Bruce Riddell has said numerous times from the bookies.
I don't know the guy, but your buddy.
But go ahead.
Yeah.
Well, he's a buddy for a piece in Yemen, that's for sure.
Someone that we might not see eye to eye on a whole bunch of issues.
But on this particular issue, he's been saying for years that, you know, if we stop the flow of spare parts and maintenance and this logistical support, the Saudis could not operate their warplanes.
They couldn't do these bombing runs, and they couldn't be targeting civilians with our help.
So we think that this is a critical piece of leverage.
We want Saudis to end their airstrikes, end their blockade, and finally, you know, agree to a realistic peace process.
And despite what the administration has said, up until now, they have not engaged in good faith,
and they've just been continuing their war of aggression.
And, you know, I try to remind people that, well, okay, they did offer a ceasefire last year,
but, you know, they weren't lifting the blockade.
They were continuing to strangle and choke off millions of Yemenis from food, fuel, and medicine.
So we think that's a priority, and we cannot be supporting the Saudis with this blank,
with this blank check as they continue this aggression.
Yeah.
All right.
Now, talk about in the House and in the Senate.
Who do we like?
Who cares about this?
Who cared about this under Trump and still care about this under Biden, their dear leader in the Democratic Party where they're in control here?
Yeah.
Well, you know, Congress has repeatedly made its opposition to U.S. involvement in the Yemen War clear.
You know, in 2019, they made history.
They passed a war power's resolution to end all support.
Trump vetoed it, unfortunately, and we saw a real breakdown in diplomacy.
So, you know, we've got a majority on record. We've got Biden saying it, you know, and I will point to even a vote in the House that happened in September on the National Defense Authorization Act. We got 219 Republicans and Democrats to come together. You know, it was introduced by Rep Kana, but it was also co-sponsored by Rep Schiff, that, you know, the rep from the L.A. area. And I hope he all, I hope he hears from a lot of people.
are listening right now about this. And, you know, we did get a majority. And so Jayapal, DeFazio,
Kana, those folks are all good. We are hoping that Bernie will introduce a companion effort on
the Senate side. You know, we're in talks with him now. And, you know, I'm feeling pretty good
about those conversations. But obviously, you know, grassroots support is really critical, people
reaching out. And I think that's going to be huge. We'd love to see Warren on this as well.
Rand Paul has actually been really good.
He's introduced a resolution to block weapon sales to Saudi in December.
Unfortunately, that didn't get the majority we needed, but he's really, you know, engaged on this issue.
And I think could be compelled to join an effort.
I'll also flag that, you know, we've got some other Republicans on the House side.
We're still trying to secure exactly who will be the co-lead.
But a lot of the folks that have supported in the past, you know, there's a.
strong indication that they'll come on board with us.
You know, folks like Biggs, Buck, Massey, you know, I don't, yeah, so folks like that,
I think we'll definitely, you know, join the effort.
We're just trying to figure out who's going to be the co-leave.
Give me just a minute here.
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Hey, y'all Scott here.
You know the Libertarian Institute
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Now listen to here, man, I was talking with Joe Serencioni earlier about how this horrible
crisis in Ukraine right now in a way makes the passage, the reenabling of the Iran nuclear deal
more possible, a little bit easier because, boy, when you're talking about a conflict,
look like this in Eastern Europe. It makes the Ayatollah and the Persians and
their supposedly threatening civilian nuclear program
really seemed diminished in importance. So maybe we can
just go ahead and put that to bed kind of attitude. And then so I wonder
whether, you know, obviously the same sort of effect
could affect the Yemen issue one of two obvious ways. In one way
just nobody cares at all anymore because people only
only care about Eastern Europe and so let the Saudis continue to do what they wilt.
Or maybe we could say, hey, listen, you know, Europe is so important that we really ought to
put an end to this Yemen thing or something and somehow turn this into a thing like the JCPOA here
where somehow this crisis makes it easier to solve that one kind of a deal.
Am I making any sense to you right now?
Well, this is, you know, certainly an interesting quandary and one that I've definitely thought about.
Part of the issue here is there's a political dynamic around energy and energy costs right now.
And cutting off the Saudis militarily, you know, I think there's a sort of incentive for the Biden administration and want to keep good relationships there.
But Congress might not feel that same way.
They might, you know, I'm, you know, pushing and hoping that people can, you know, follow through with things that they've already promised to do.
But it certainly is putting a lot of pressure on the administration to keep military support and relationship and the relations with the, with Riyadh, good.
So I think it's definitely a concern.
Other members might be swayed by that.
I'm hoping that we still have a majority that wants to say no.
Your war on Yemen is just not okay, and we need to end our complicity in it.
Yeah.
All right, now, not to get all into the battlefield, and hell, I'm not up to date all the way on the details,
but I guess just from my cursory keeping an eye on Jason Ditz and Dave DeCamp at anti-war.com
and their coverage over the last few weeks or, you know, six, eight weeks.
You have essentially some gains by the Saudis on the ground,
and the Houthis pushed back
from the city of Marib
and I forgot the names of
a couple other towns there in sort of the
relatively southeast of the country
and as you say
this horrible
bombings taking place at Haudeda
and all that but the bottom line
being that the Houthis are
sort of kind of having some setbacks
but it's probably not even fair to say that they're losing
in any way they're definitely not
in jeopardy of losing the capital
city, which is the Saudi's goal, obviously, is to drive them completely out of power in Sana'a and
try to put Ha'adhi or somebody else on the throne there.
That now, so the Saudis are making no progress, and in some cases have had some major
setbacks like in Marib over the last year, if you lengthen your time scale there.
But then again, Riyadh is not really threatened.
You have, you know, a couple of drone strikes and small missile attacks against UAE and Saudi
but nothing that threatens
some kind of, you know,
huthy invasion of their countries
and regime change against them
or anything like that. So they're losing, but on
somebody else's territory, in other words.
So
it doesn't look like there's too much incentive
for those sides to quit.
And if anything is going to make it happen,
you tell me if you got better ideas,
I want to hear him. But it seems
like it would have to be the American
people making the Congress,
make the president,
tell the Saudis and the UAE
and I guess Al-Qaeda would get the memo
that this is over
and we really mean it you have to stop it right now
we're not supporting this anymore
and even with whatever you can still do yourselves
we want that to stop too and we're putting our foot down
and we really damn mean it
but is there anything else that can be done
or we're in a real quandary here
where the Houthis and the Saudis
can afford to just keep fighting
and fighting and the Brits and the Americans and the French too I guess I just continue to cash in on
the deal and some people really care because as you said it's the worst thing happening in the
world right now of people laying down dying and and being exploded to death too and so yeah go ahead
I'm sorry I was going to try to wrap that up with a question at the end but I lost my sentence
I think what you said is pretty right on in a lot of respects. I'll just, you know,
add that despite, you know, some setbacks by the Houthis, you know, you've seen dynamics on
the ground pretty stable, you know, like the Houthis occupy and control about 80% of the country's
population centers. So we're talking, you know, 20 plus 22 million.
in people or so are living in Houthi-held territory that hasn't really changed.
You know, Marib, you know, is still sort of contested, but, you know, that hasn't really
changed.
You've seen a real increase in airstrikes.
You've seen a new UAE involvement, and that's sort of the tip for tat things going on by, you
know, the Houthis attacking Abu Dhabi and the UAE.
It was in response to the UAE actually sending, you know, the Giants Brigade forces, their
proxy forces into Houthi-held territory and taking back some, you know, making some gains there.
But largely, it's sort of, you know, you're still in kind of a stalemate. And, you know,
some have argued that we're no longer in a stalemate that the Houthis are, you know, getting,
you know, on the precipice of winning. But, you know, this latest defensive by the Saudis,
you know, air strikes falling all the time. So things, the violence is definitely escalating,
but things seem to be stuck. And I really do agree.
that without a lot of significant U.S. pressure, you're not going to see this change in any dramatic
way anytime soon, and you're just going to see things grind on. And, you know, in the U.S. can't unilaterally
bring about a ceasefire, but we have leverage here. We have to get the Saudis to lift its blockade
and end its airstrikes targeting civilians and civilians' infrastructure. And, you know, let's face it,
Scott, after a year of Biden's failed Yemen policy and, you know, you've got repeated, you know,
congressional efforts to correct course. Those have been rebuffed. You know, lawmakers are really left
with two options. They can turn a blind eye to craven U.S. complicity or they can pass this
Yemen War Powers resolution and finally bring an end to our support and do what needs to be done
here. You know, and we don't have a lot of time. You know, we've got the midterms coming up. Ukraine is
popping off and they need to get this done. And I think, you know, what I would say is that folks could
actually, you know, frame this is helping Biden fulfill his own campaign promise. That's what
Congress has the power to do right now. And, you know, he's, you know, like. It also helped him look
less the blood-soaked hypocrite while he's talking about how other people shouldn't launch and
wage aggressive wars when he was the vice president when Barack Obama.
launch this war of aggression against these people who never threatened us in any way
and he's continued it for a year again like this yeah you know he could not agree more
and about the liberal rules based international order except that oh the golan heights yeah those
belong to israel and western sahara yeah morocco can have that if they'll get along with
israel and kosovo we'll just break that off because screw the serbs they're friends with the
russians and we could break the rules whenever we want what are you going to do about it oh also
by the way, it's the liberal rules-based international order.
Pardon me while I go bomb some children.
I could not help but feeling, you know, I just like rub my eyes when I was watching
Linda Thomas Greenfield at the UN and saying all this stuff about Ukraine and in Russia's
act of aggression.
I'm like, how hypocritical do we, are we to say this in this moment?
And, you know, when we've toppled liberal.
Afghanistan, Iraq, we're helping the Saudis, you know, commit mass atrocities on Yemen.
And, you know, if not do it for like, just like the basic human rights principles, do it so you
actually sound credible.
So let's end this Yemen war and then let's stop other wars in the future and become, you know,
actually supportive of human rights and the, you know, a rules-based international order.
But Congress really is our last chance here.
This is where the buck stops.
Congress has to take back its constitutional war authority.
They need to cut off this ongoing logistical support for the Saudi warplains and get this done
because Congress has a role to play.
And I think that with this pressure, we can get the parties back to the bargaining table.
But without that, it's going to be really hard to bring.
this devastating war to an end.
Yep. All right. So, web addresses, phone numbers, dates where things are happening, protests,
lobbying groups, Zoom calls, anything that everybody needs to know here. Please, sir.
Yeah. So we set up the 1833 stop war number. So if you dial 1833 stop war,
it's going to go right to your member of Congress. And it's going to be, and it's going to give you
prompts, and you're going to be able to say,
exactly what you need to
and get the message across. I think that's a
great tool people can use. I would
say if you're listening and Rep Schiff
is if Rep Schiff is your member
of Congress and if this is the L.A. area
good chance that's the case.
We need him to be out front
on this. He is part of House
leadership. He's super respected. He's
also been really good on this issue in the past.
So we want him to be an
early co-sponsor of this bill.
I can't stress that enough because
we have a fight. We've got to get this
through, we got to get this through the House and, you know, the Biden administration,
they're probably going to whip hard against this vote when it does happen. So having people
like Adams Schiff on this bill is absolutely critical. So 1-833 stop war, get your voice heard.
And yeah, you know, I just really appreciate you covering this issue so much, Scott,
and for all your listeners out there. All right. Well, thank you. We sure appreciate you,
too, Hassan. Thank you very much.
Yeah, of course.
All right, you guys, that is Hassan al-Tayeb.
He is at the Friends Committee on National Legislation,
fcnl.org.
Oh, and his latest is lawmakers take action
on Biden's failed Yemen policy.
And that's at responsiblestakecraft.org.
The Scott Horton Show, an anti-war radio,
can be heard on KPFK, 90.7 FM,
in LA. APSradio.com, anti-war.com,
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