Short History Of... - Margaret Thatcher

Episode Date: October 8, 2023

Margaret Thatcher was one of the most controversial figures of the 20th Century. Praised by some as a fearless leader and feminist icon, and despised by others as a heartless politician, the Iron Lady caused divisions wherever she went. But why did Britain’s first female Prime Minister inspire such extreme hatred? What policies did she implement, how did they affect the communities of Britain? And what, if anything, is her legacy today? This is a Short History of Margaret Thatcher. Written by Nicole Edmunds. With thanks to Chris Collins, historian, and editor of Margaretthatcher.org. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

It's October the 12th, 1984, 2.50 a.m. in Brighton, England. Inside a large, luxurious suite on the first floor of the famous Grand Hotel, a 58-year-old woman sits hunched over a desk. Head bowed, her face is wrinkled with concentration as she scribbles across a sheet of paper. Despite the early hour, she is dressed in a long velvet evening gown, with pearls at her neck and ears. She spent last night at a lavish party, but the moment she left she got back to work. Later today she will be giving an important speech, and she wants it to be perfect.

Though she ordinarily gets by on as little as four hours sleep a night, at just before 3 a.m. she is ready to turn in. After drawing a line at the bottom of the page, she puts down her pen, folds the paper in half, and calls to a member of staff that it's ready. Her colleague hurries through, and the woman places a finger on her lips, a warning to be quiet. She doesn't want to wake her husband, who's asleep in the other room. But moments later, the peace is blown apart.

Out of nowhere, a deafening explosion shakes the entire building. As the lights go out, the woman is thrown onto the floor and plunged into a suffocating cloud of dust. Beyond the ringing in her ears, all she can hear are distant screams and the terrifying creaks of collapsing brickwork. After a few seconds of panicked disbelief, her thoughts turn to her husband. Heaving herself up, she feels through the wreckage, fragments of glass from the windows shattering underfoot. She shouts her husband's name until her voice is hoarse. Finally, she hears his weak reply coming from the bedroom. He is safe, uninjured, but confused.

Together, husband, wife, and colleague force open the door of the hotel suite and pick their way into the lobby. They're greeted with a scene of devastation and chaos. Hundreds of startled-looking guests, many of them the woman's own colleagues, are crowded together, bleary-eyed from sleep, and dressed in their nightclothes. Some are sobbing, others are dumbstruck, whilst a few rush back and forth trying to find a way out. But though dust is still raining from the ceiling and the walls are threatening to give at any moment, it's too dangerous to try to escape. They're going to have

to wait here until help arrives. Within minutes, sirens are wailing through the still night air, and the blue lights of police cars and ambulances flicker on the hotel walls. As the wounded call out for help inside, firefighters and paramedics tear through the building. Soon they are leading the terrified crowd to safety, carrying the injured out on stretchers. Though they are trained to treat everyone the same in an emergency, the person they are most relieved to find among the survivors is the woman with the pearls, Margaret Thatcher. She and her husband are helped out onto the street,

then immediately ushered into an awaiting police car and swept away from the scene. As the sun starts to rise, news spreads across the world. Mrs. Thatcher, Britain's Prime Minister, has been the target of an assassination attempt. Margaret Thatcher was one of the 20th century's most controversial leaders. When she came to power in the late 1970s, Britain was in turmoil,

plagued by industrial strikes and economic depression. But though her hardline policies enabled the economy to recover, it came at a cost. Thatcher's iron rule diminished the power of trade unions, closed down hundreds of coal mines, and led to mass unemployment. For many Britons, Thatcher left an indelible stain on countless communities and will never be forgiven, while for others she was the headstrong leader the nation so desperately needed. Forty-five years since she entered Downing Street, the woman known as the Iron Lady still divides opinion.

Was she a revolutionary leader who saved the country from decline? Or a heartless politician willing to sacrifice individual livelihoods for the sake of economic growth? And what led to an act of violence that one journalist called the most audacious attack on a British government since the gunpowder plot? I'm John Hopkins. From Noisa, this is a short history of Margaret Thatcher. The girl who will one day become Britain's first female Prime Minister is born on October 13, 1925. Margaret Hilda Roberts and her family live in Grantham, a large industrial town just over 100 miles north of London. Her father, Alfred Roberts, is a greengrocer by trade, while her mother works as a seamstress.

is a greengrocer by trade, while her mother works as a seamstress. In their flat above the family shop, Margaret and her older sister Muriel are brought up according to strict Methodist values. Their parents teach them about individual duty, order, honesty, and charity. Chris Collins is a historian and editor of the Margaret Thatcher Foundation. Methodism was something that really stayed with her, even though she seems to have lost her personal faith. Her father was a lay preacher in the Methodist church, and some of his sermon notes survived.

And to listen or look at those, you hear her voice. He talked about God does not want faint hearts for his ambassadors. He talked about the importance of inner strength, of knowing thyself, of charity also, duty to others, of service. These were values that she did very profoundly take to heart. But politics shapes her childhood too. As well as sitting on the local council,

Alfred Roberts is chairman of various local associations. As a young girl, Margaret watches with wide-eyed admiration as her father expertly deals with matters of business and politics. She grew up in quite a political household, but it was not, interestingly, a conservative household. It was a liberal one. Her father was an old-style liberal, somebody who believed in a small government kind of liberalism, and he brought her up very much in that tradition. By 1945, Alfred Roberts is elected mayor of Grantham. But despite their respected position in the town, the family are by no means wealthy. Both Margaret and Muriel attend the local state school before taking the exams to secure their places at grammar school.

But the hard work has only just begun. In 1943, against the backdrop of World War II, 17-year-old Margaret sits her university entrance exams a year early. She is accepted to study chemistry at Somerville College, Oxford. She is accepted to study chemistry at Somerville College, Oxford. But when she arrives, she's thrust into a world far removed from her close-knit hometown of Grantham. Although the university is taking steps to progress with the times, Somerville is one of four all-female colleges. The revered ancient corridors throng with students from the country's wealthiest schools. It seems to be an exclusive club for society's elite,

not exactly a place for a greengrocer's daughter. But she has come this far and won't be deterred. Barred from joining the university's all-male debate club, she signs up for the Oxford University Conservative Association. As one of just three women to join, she quickly becomes a prominent figure in student politics and is elected President of the Society in 1945. She is the second woman in history to hold this esteemed position. It's one of the moments where being a woman

actually was something of an advantage because she went up to Oxford in 1943 at a time when there were relatively few men at the university because of the war. So she naturally moved into positions of leadership in the University Conservative Association that might have been close to her otherwise. And she has a natural, very sensible approach to that, which is take advantage when she can, bide your time, be patient. When there's a gap, jump and run through it.

And this is one of those gaps. She makes very good use of it. She impresses everyone. She's got tons of energy. Age 21, she graduates from Oxford University with a second-class degree in chemistry. Although politics is her passion, she's a realist at heart

and knows that a political career for a woman is practically unheard of. This is 1947, when women over the age of 21 have had the vote for less than two decades, and make up less than 4% of the House of Commons. So she accepts a job at BX Plastics in Colchester, 60 miles northeast of London, and begins working as a scientist. A couple of years later, she signs up to the local Conservative Association. Although her role is voluntary, her ambitions are lofty. Her sights are set on Parliament.

During the general election of 1950, she campaigns as the Conservative candidate for Dartford. It's considered a Labour safe seat, but to her, the challenge is part of the fun. Embarking on a gutsy political mission, the 24-year-old begins to make a name for herself. With her colourful jackets, skirts, hats and handbag, all bought especially from London's Bond Street, she promises to seek peace with the Soviets, reduce the cost of living, and create jobs. And though she loses to her rival, Norman Dodds, it's by no means a total failure. She managed to tear 6,000 votes away from Labour, and has experienced the rush of a proper political campaign.

What's more, at a local dinner dance, she meets divorced businessman and decorated war veteran, Dennis Thatcher. The pair embark on a whirlwind romance, and when they marry in December 1951, Margaret Roberts becomes Margaret Thatcher. He's an enormous influence over her life. He brings actually some of the joy and fun

that was perhaps missing when she was a young woman. Part of his appeal to her is that he's a very cheerful, naturally energetic man. He also has a successful business and her lifestyle suddenly is actually rather settled. She moves to a flat in Chelsea, a really nice part of her town to be in. Her husband, unusually for the time, is very happy to be married to a woman who's going to have her own career. A lot of men with their own businesses would have said, darling, stay at home, look after the kids. That's not what she wants, and he fully accepts that. With her new husband's support, Thatcher quits her job in science and trains as a lawyer. Conscious that many of her peers in politics have relevant degrees,

she hopes studying law will help close the gap. She works exceptionally hard, even through pregnancy. In 1953, while in hospital recovering from a premature double-caesarean delivery of her twins Mark and Carol, she completes her final application to the bar. Her determination pays off in the general election of 1959. Aged 34, Thatcher wins the conservative seat of Finchley in North London, and enters the House of Commons as an MP for the first time. As she walks through the revered corridors, surrounded by unimaginable history and prestige, countless men pass her by, dressed in expensive suits and barely giving her a second glance.

Just like when she arrived at Oxford University all those years ago, it's clear that she is part of a minority. The entire layout of Parliament is designed for men. There are male-only smoking rooms, an exclusive men's club, and even a shooting gallery. As for the women, who account for just 19 out of 635 MPs, no such luxuries exist.

Women could get into government, they could get into the cabinet, but nobody thought they'd get to the very top. The glass ceiling was made of rock in those days. You wouldn't even be encouraged to look up at it or let go through it. The institutional sexism means Thatcher is often ridiculed for her more feminine traits. Male MPs mock her high-pitched voice, and tabloids claim she dresses more like a politician's wife than a respected Member of Parliament. She'll later consult a voice coach to deepen her voice to a more masculine pitch.

Despite the prejudices, though, Thatcher now takes to Parliament like a fish to water. She's promoted to the Ministry of Pensions and National Insurance team, and a few years later becomes the spokesperson on tax. And in 1970, Conservative Prime Minister Edward Heath invites Thatcher to join his cabinet as Education Secretary. But her time in this role is not a happy one. All too often, women cabinet ministers were assigned to jobs for caring responsibilities like health or education. Children, women, it's a simple equation. Politicians thought that way. So there she is, shuffled off into this position. And she does her very best, but she struggles.

And she struggles because, in particular, she hits a kind of landmine very quickly. In an effort to cut government spending, which has been rising for years, Thatcher decides to end the provision of free milk in primary schools. The backlash is instantaneous. All over the country, outraged parents accuse Thatcher of depriving their children of much-needed nutrients. They claim that she's sacrificing children's health in order to fill the government's pockets.

Countering that children from disadvantaged families will be unaffected, Thatcher also argues that her policy is simply an extension of a previous labor decision to stop giving free milk to secondary school pupils. But few listened to her desperate defense. Here is a woman taking milk from children. She's cutting against the grain,

the false assumptions I think that men often have about what women are really for or about, and they hit her very hard and she's got no easy response. And you see a kind of weakness in her position politically, almost in her political persona. a kind of weakness in her position politically, almost in her political persona. Hatred for Thatcher spreads through the country like wildfire.

Her Labour counterparts declare that she's out of touch, and the Sun newspaper brands her the most unpopular woman in Britain. Wherever she goes, she is met with choruses of Thatcher, Thatcher, the Milk Snatcher. Her political career, so recently in the ascendancy, now hangs in the balance. Even her husband, Dennis, usually her biggest cheerleader, is getting cold feet.

He's worried that their children will get bullied at school and pleads with her to resign. I rather think she did at some point stick with giving up politics. It was so painful. It was a very aggressive personal attack. And she hadn't developed much of a thick skin. Some of the things that were said about her were sharp. It hurt her. It toughened her.

She became a bit cynical. Eventually, the news cycle moves on and the hysteria of the milk crisis dies down. But Thatcher continues to struggle at work. In 1972, Edward Heath negotiates Britain's entry into the European Economic Community. But Thatcher does not celebrate the deal. A Eurosceptic at heart, she worries that joining the European Union will take power away from Britain. It's a battle she'll spend the rest of her life fighting. But right now, her Euroscepticism and unpopularity in the media are the least of the Conservative Party's concerns. During the early 1970s, the social climate in Britain is bleak. Industrial

output is at an all-time low, and production is paralyzed by endless strikes in response to the government's announcement of a pay-rise cap. The Conservatives introduce a three-day working week in an attempt to ration electricity while the coal miners are striking. But it does little to put Britain back on its feet. Unable to make progress, Edward Heath's government lose the general election of 1974 and reluctantly take their places on the opposition benches. While Heath is licking his wounds, a rebellion brews within his party. There are whispers about taking a vote of no confidence, an action which would oust Heath as leader. Among those willing to take his place is 49-year-old Margaret Thatcher. But though she does put herself forward, she doesn't really believe she can win the leadership contest. I don't think there will be a woman prime minister

in my lifetime. As it turns out, her instinct is is wrong many tories believe that this confident opinionated politician who's unwavering in her beliefs is exactly the person they need in 1975 the conservatives elect thatcher as their leader four years later at the 1979 general election At the 1979 general election, the British public do the same. On May the 4th, the streets of central London are packed with crowds. Men, women and children line the roads from Westminster Abbey to Downing Street, watching as a sleek black car drives swiftly by. Inside the car is 53-year-old Margaret Thatcher, Britain's first ever female Prime Minister. There are both cheers and boos as the car takes a left turn onto Downing Street,

then comes to a stop outside number 10. A smartly dressed chauffeur steps out and opens the rear door. Cameras flash and click in a frenzy as the passenger is revealed, her electric blue high heels landing on the paving stones with a confident clack. Dressed in a blue jacket and matching skirt, gripping tightly onto her handbag, Margaret Thatcher steps out. Encircled by reporters,

the newly elected PM clears her throat and speaks. And to all the British people, howsoever they voted, may I say this. Now that the election is over, may we get together and strive to serve and strengthen the country of which we are so proud to be a part. And finally, finally, there is now work to be done. That final sentiment is nothing if not accurate. The country she inherits in 1979 is riddled with division, discontent and economic depression. As Prime Minister, she wastes no time in rolling out policies to kickstart the British economy,

starting with addressing the strikes by drafting bills to curb the power of trade unions. She also gives council tenants the opportunity to buy their houses, reduces direct taxes and raises interest rates to combat inflation. From the start, the values of her childhood are plain to see. Behind every policy is a desire for individuals to seize control of their own destinies. However, her decisions are deeply controversial, and many believe she is robbing workers of their rights and widening the gap between rich and poor.

Indeed, under her leadership, unemployment starts to skyrocket. Indeed, under her leadership, unemployment starts to skyrocket. Businesses are encouraged to increase productivity through modernization, and thousands of workers are laid off. It's enormously disappointing, and even to her, very surprising that the results are so tough in terms of the impact on employment. This leaves a long legacy in people's memories too. She's seen by many as the person who resides early, who turned to the mass unemployment. But Thatcher stands firmly by her principles and implores the public to do likewise.

At the Tory party conference in October 1980, she tackles these divisions in one of her most famous speeches. To those waiting with bated breath for that favorite media catchphrase, the U-turn, I have only one thing to say. U-turn if you want to. The ladies not for turning. Thatcher's approval rating drops as low as 25% at the end of 1981. And with the next election creeping closer by the day,

she can't take her foot off the gas for even a second. If she wants to stay in office long enough to see her hard work pay off, she needs a chance to win back the approval of the unimpressed British public. And in April 1982, that opportunity arises, but not in the way she would have hoped. Over 8,000 miles away, the remote Falkland Islands sit in the South Atlantic Ocean, protected as British territory since the 19th century. But Argentina, the Falklands' closest neighbour, claimed the islands belonged to them.

After years of failed negotiations between Argentina, Britain and the UN over ownership, the Argentine military dictatorship, or Junta, takes matters into its own hands. It is April 2nd, 1982, and the atmosphere at No. 10 Downing Street is one of panic. The door to the Prime Minister's office swings open and closed as though on a pendulum.

Phones are ringing off the hook, and the hallways are alive with hurried footsteps. Just minutes ago, a grave announcement was made. The Argentine junta has invaded the Falklands. Inside a crowded room, Margaret Thatcher faces her most senior staff and colleagues. Her face is white with concern, as the reality of what is happening settles in. She's used to the pressure of the job, of rolling out economic policies and facing division among her citizens. But now, she must become a wartime leader. In front of her are rows of stern-looking men

in military uniforms. Scores of cabinet ministers, secretaries, civil servants, and diplomats. And no one can agree on what to do. On the one side, ministers implore her not to take action. They insist it's not worth waging a war for an archipelago half the world away, especially when the nation's been struggling with years of economic depression. Margaret nods, knowing it's a sentiment shared by the US President Ronald Reagan, who hopes to preside over a period of peace. But others assure the Prime Minister that military action may be the only answer.

They call the invasion unprovoked aggression by a fascist regime and demand that if she wants to defend democracy against dictatorship, she needs to act now. Her mind bursting with the multitude of opinions around the table, she tries to think clearly. Everyone waits for her decision. Eventually she clears her throat and leans forward.

Fixing her piercing blue eyes on a senior navy admiral, she tells him he'll have to take the islands back. The admiral shifts uncomfortably in his chair. He knows just how far away the Falklands are. It would take weeks for his men to reach the islands, and every day they spend traveling, the junta would be getting stronger, training and preparing for war. So, despite the direct order from his head of government, he shakes his head and replies that he can't. But Margaret has no time for any more arguments. She's made her decision, and it's final. She stands up from her seat, collects her papers from the table, and reissues her command. You've got to, she says. On April 5, 1982, the British government sends orders to attack the Argentinian army.

A naval task force is dispatched to Port Stanley, the capital of the Falklands, consisting of 127 ships and 27,000 personnel. Over the next 10 weeks of fierce warfare, British naval forces lose a total of seven vessels, with 225 servicemen killed and almost 1,000 wounded. But the Argentinian forces suffer even higher losses. They lose a total of nine ships, 650 soldiers, and well over a thousand of their men are seriously injured. while over a thousand of their men are seriously injured. Finally, on June the 14th, after more than two months of fighting, British forces see a white flag flying high in the sky above the Argentine base. It's the flag of surrender.

With the British closing in on Port Stanley, the Argentine army know they're beaten. The war is over, peace has been restored, and Britain has won. Back in the UK, the atmosphere is electric. Celebrations break out, and the streets of London are lined with Union jacks draped from windows. But while Thatcher smiles for the press, in reality she feels far less victorious. She's filled with guilt at the 225 British lives which have been lost. Later that night, she retreats to her private study and writes individual letters of condolence to every family bereaved by the Falklands War. Critics of Thatcher share this sadness, but also claim such extreme military action was both needless and senseless.

Hundreds of lives were lost for the sake of upholding Britain's international prestige. And not every aspect of the war was necessary. When orders were given to sink the General Belgrano, an Argentinian ship, it wasn't even in the military exclusion zone. But Thatcher's cabinet agreed to attack it anyway, at a cost of over 300 Argentine lives. Even so, the Falklands crisis goes down in history as a watershed moment in Thatcher's political career. The fact that she fights for them is an enormously important event. The very craziness of it, in a sense, is the logic,

the reason why it makes so much impact. She's fighting for a principle. She's fighting that this shouldn't happen to us, that we will resist aggression, that we will not be kicked around. It's a demonstration of enormous courage, of enormous skill and courage on the part of the armed forces, of course, principally, but also politically on her side. And it has the most enduring effects. Thatchism becomes suddenly a major feature of the political landscape. It's not going to disappear quickly.

Approval of the PM almost doubles in the immediate aftermath of the war, and the economy is showing signs of improvement too. And in the general election of 1983, Thatcher wins with a landslide majority of 144. It's an impressive feat, and larger than any British Prime Minister since Winston Churchill. As a woman, as well as a politician, she realizes that the best place for her to be is the person who is strongest and toughest of all that's the position she wants to be in and she's almost saying farewell to the possibility of being seen as the gentlest kindest nicest most feminine these are things she's never going to be seen as book snatcher has taught her that she can never play

both ends of this game. But she can be Steven's The Iron Lady. That is her strength. And that is where she begins to build this enormous reputation. Thatcher's vision for her second term as Prime Minister is largely unchanged. In an effort to continue the growth of Britain's economy, she implements more free market policies, which become known as Thatcherism. The guiding principle is to ensure prices are determined by supply and demand, as opposed to being regulated by the government. In theory, productive industries which benefit society will thrive, while those that are outdated and unproductive will fail.

During this period, there's one free market policy in particular that Thatcher relies upon. Privatization. This is when the government sells shares of national companies to private investors and the public. Supporters of privatization argue that it will improve business performance as companies will compete for profits, thereby driving demand and strengthening the economy. In the mid-80s, the Conservatives privatize some of Britain's largest businesses, including British Telecom, British Aerospace, and British Airways. As Thatcher and her government hoped, privatisation does wonders for the economy.

Output grows by 11% and the government's debt is replaced by a profit of £2 billion. Britain becomes a financial hotspot for international investors and confidence is restored in the market. But while the economy is booming, many people are suffering. A major drawback of privatization is the mass unemployment it triggers. Losing the safety net of government subsidies, some businesses have to make significant layoffs in order to stay afloat. Older industries such as steel, textiles and, most of all, coal,

are forced to let thousands of employees go. Nowhere feels these effects as badly as the north of England, Wales and Scotland, where many livelihoods depend on industrial work. Unemployment and poverty spread through these regions like a plague. Those who had previously enjoyed stable careers suddenly find themselves out of work, unable to afford rent, food, or basic necessities. Communities which were once bursting with life turn into wastelands. And soon, the discontent reaches boiling point. In March 1984, a year into Thatcher's second term, she announces plans to close 20 coal mines that she believes to be unproductive. In response, the National Union of Mine Workers, the NUM, launches a nationwide strike. Led by firebrand union figure Arthur Scargill,

thousands of miners protest, using the slogan, close a pit, kill a community. It was a very major political event, a very controversial political event. It's something that pits communities against each other in the coal areas, and it has a much wider political effect. It's such a long-lasting strike. It's agonizing for many people. It's agonizing for the Labour Party, which had a rooted sympathy with the miners. It divides families. It divides people all round. The strikes continue through the spring, and hundreds of families are plunged into poverty as breadwinners suddenly lose their wages. The miners are torn.

If they work, they'll be seen as supporting the government, but at least they'll get paid until the mines close. If they strike, they won't have any income, but they'll be sticking to their morals. And by doing everything they can to force the government to reverse its decision, maybe their jobs could be saved. It's an impossible situation, one made even worse by Thatcher's unrelenting stance. Desperate to make their voices heard, the miners' picket lines sometimes descend into chaos.

The date is June 18, 1984. As the sun rises over the sprawling industrial town of Rotherham in South Yorkshire, a young man slips a denim jacket over his shoulders and steps out of a small grey end-of-terrace house. He closes the door behind him quietly, careful not to wake his wife. He stops outside and pins a yellow badge to his chest. In bold black letters, it reads, Save Our Pits. Today the young man plans to join his friends and colleagues by picketing a coking plant in the nearby village of Orgreave. The intention is to prevent coal trucks from entering and leaving the plant.

Eager to be there on time, the man breaks into a jog and heads towards the main road. Despite the early hour, it's already thronging with people. He spots a few of his friends and rushes forward to meet them. He can taste the excitement in the air. It feels as though the entire community is standing together. The crowd of protesters follows the road out of town and to an open expanse at the top of a hill between a rail line and a busy main road. It's here that the trucks will attempt to collect the coal.

But when the crowd reach the top of the hill, they come to an abrupt stop. Confused, the young man tries to see what's causing the holdup, but he's too far back to get a clear view. He weaves forward until he sees it. Up ahead, about 100 meters away, stands an army of police officers. Dressed in black helmets and boots, plastic riot shields guarding their bodies, and hands gripping metal battens. Rows upon rows of policemen are facing the miners. They are flanked by mounted officers who stare threateningly down from their horses.

The young man swallows hard. It's clear that the policemen have arrived for war. Suddenly, a jostle breaks out towards the front of the crowd. The miners are furious at what they perceive to be an overreaction to their unarmed protest. They start shouting. Some pick up stones from the ground and throw them at the officers. In response, the police clumsily try to control the miners. A shrill whistle pierces the air, followed by a thunderous clap of galloping horses

and metal batons against plastic shields. Mounted policemen charge towards the picketers in an attempt to break them up. The situation escalates quickly, and soon miners and officers are throwing punches. Realizing it's a battle he can't win, the young man looks around for a way out. But with a busy road to one side

and a railway track to the other, there's no way to escape this carnage. Like all the picketers around him, he's trapped. Although they outnumber the 6,000 police officers, the 8,000 picketers are unprepared for the level of fighting that ensues. As evening finally descends, thousands retreat home to nurse their injuries, from bruises and scratches to broken bones. Over 50 protesters are arrested for rioting, but their charges are eventually dropped. In fact, 30 years later, an inquiry will be made into the actions of the police that day,

including allegations of the use of excessive force and fabrication of reports to justify arrests. The confrontation between picketers and police on June 18 will be remembered as the Battle of Orgreave, the most violent incident of the 1984 miners' strike. The industrial action continues throughout the summer, well into winter and the new year, but the government refuses to give in. As far as Thatcher is concerned, Britain is at war and the protesters are the enemy within. is at war and the protesters are the enemy within. To ensure the economy isn't damaged by civil unrest, like it was during the 1970s, Thatcher takes several precautions to limit the strike's impact. This is actually not planned for a strike in the sense of wanting one. She planned in case there was one.

She planned in case she wasn't able to stop it. And when it happened, the planning proved to be pretty effective. There was a good deal of coal production throughout the strike, and that helped keep the power stations running, which meant there were no power cuts at any point during the strike, according to what had happened the previous time there were great minor strikes in the 1970s. So Mr. Thatcher gets through this. Eventually, in March 1985, after 353 days of

striking, the National Union of Mine Workers reluctantly gives in. No agreement between the government and miners has been reached, and the plans to close the pits will go ahead. All in all, Margaret Thatcher will close a total of 115 coal mines during her time as Prime Minister. 20,000 individuals lose their jobs in the short term, and an indelible stain is left on the former mining communities of Britain. And the political challenges of 1984 don't end with the miners' strikes. For decades, the British government has been at odds with Irish nationalists. Among other issues, they're determined that Northern Ireland leave its union with Britain

and join the Republic. With her party's determination to reject their wishes, Thatcher becomes a target. During the annual Conservative Party conference in Brighton, the provisional IRA attempts to assassinate her by planting a bomb a few stories above her bathroom in the Grand Hotel. Though she emerges unscathed, five of her close friends and colleagues are killed, and many seriously injured.

Still, she refuses to negotiate with the IRA and adopts the same stubbornness she relied upon during the miners' strikes. But the tactic doesn't work, and the conflict will continue long after she has left office. By 1987, Margaret Thatcher has been in office for eight years. Her reputation is truly global,

and she's carved out a particularly favourable image in America. She naturally begins to align herself with those who think in the most positive way, in her eyes, about the US, in the US. So, for example, she's enormously attracted to Ronald Reagan. They have a kind of bond that is formed very early on. They're both in opposition to the orthodoxies of the time, and they just immediately see the world the same sort of way. And this becomes a very important relationship clinically for her.

Thatcher has even found admiration from within the seemingly impenetrable Soviet Union. After inviting prospective USSR leader Mikhail Gorbachev to Downing Street, she tells reporters that she believes she and Gorbachev can do business together. To the delight of her supporters, both at home and overseas, Margaret Thatcher storms to victory at the 1987 general election. She is elected as Prime Minister for the third time, with a significant majority. However, for many, she's outstayed her welcome. In 1988, she introduces a controversial law known as Section 28. Section 28 bans local authorities from anything it deems to promote queer lifestyles, including, in its words,

the acceptability of homosexuality as a pretended family relationship. In practice, it means schools must refrain from any discussion of homosexuality full stop. But though the majority in the UK echoes these attitudes, right now the AIDS epidemic is sweeping through the country. Though AIDS can affect anyone, gay and bisexual men bear the worst of its deadly effects. This new legislation rubs salt in the wounds of an already persecuted and grieving subset of society. Thatcher also becomes increasingly at odds with pro-Europeans. During the late 1980s, many politicians favor closer integration with Europe and support the idea of a single currency, hoping to exchange sterling for the euro.

Thatcher opposes this idea, worried that Britain's sovereignty would be threatened. So she distances herself from European governments and becomes suspicious of pro-Europeans in her cabinet, including her Chancellor, Nigel Lawson. She's deeply sceptical of Nigel Lawson's case for joining this European institution, and that dispute becomes quite poisonous. They're both extremely strong personalities. He feels let down by her, she feels let down by him, and privately, and then less and less privately, it simmers and grows until it becomes a crippling problem in her third term. Falling out with the Chancellor is never a good idea for a prime minister.

Eventually, this animosity causes Nigel Lawson to resign. With a growing number of enemies, both old and new, Thatcher's popularity slips away. At Oxford University, her alma mater, 5,000 students petitioned to prevent her from being awarded an honorary degree. Though it's something that has traditionally been bestowed on every prime minister, the petition is successful, and Thatcher is denied the coveted doctorate. Britons start to refer to her not as the Iron Lady, a nickname she cherished, but instead as TBW, that bloody woman. And things just keep on getting worse.

Things just keep on getting worse. From 1989, Thatcher implements the Community Charge, known commonly as the Poll Tax. It's a replacement for the old domestic rates where every household was charged for local services according to the value of the property. The larger the home, the more the homeowner would pay to the council. Thatcher vehemently opposes this system. She believes everyone benefits from local council services, such as waste collection and street

cleaning, and should pay the same amount. So she devises the poll tax, a compulsory levy whereby all adult residents living in one locality are charged an identical rate, irrespective of property size, value, or individual income. Under the old system, 14 million adults paid an average of £180 per year. With the poll tax, each and every adult in the UK, a total of 38 million, pays around £360. And it's just a huge error. And she knows that she's made a mistake. Many people who were previously very conservative are turned away by sudden increases

in the local government tax. Protests break out all across Britain as millions refuse to pay the new tax. Eventually it's repealed, but not before irreversible damage has been done to That the new tax. Eventually, it's repealed, but not before irreversible damage has been done to Thatcher's reputation. In November of 1990, while Thatcher is visiting Europe to celebrate the end of the Cold War, the Tories in Westminster launch a leadership contest. Headstrong as ever, Thatcher initially vows to fight on and win, but even she cannot clear this final hurdle. Haunted by

divisions in the country, dissent in her cabinet, and a fast-deteriorating public image, she reluctantly resigns. On November the 28th, she makes her final speech in the House of Commons. Later that day, dressed in a crimson jacket and skirt, her signature handbag tucked under her arm, 65-year-old Margaret Thatcher walks solemnly out of Number 10 Downing Street, her home for more than a decade. With tears in her tired blue eyes, she makes a short, succinct farewell speech, but her voice fails to mask her grief. farewell speech, but her voice fails to mask her grief. Following Margaret Thatcher's resignation, Conservative Party leader John Major moves into Downing Street and takes the reins as Britain's Prime Minister. Seven years later, in 1997, Labour leader Tony Blair is elected with a landslide majority.

In 1897, Labour leader Tony Blair is elected with a landslide majority. As for Margaret Thatcher, she remains an influential figure in British politics. She travels the world, gives lectures at renowned universities, writes two memoirs, and is awarded a baronetcy in June 1992. Her husband Dennis passes away in 2003, followed by her close personal friend Ronald Reagan in 2004. After these tragedies, Thatcher's own health deteriorates. She suffers a series of small strokes in the early 2000s, and the onset of dementia forces her retirement from public life. On April 8, 2013, Baroness Margaret Thatcher passes away in her room at the Ritz Hotel in London. She is 88 years old.

Thatcher is honored with a ceremonial funeral, attended by Queen Elizabeth II, Prime Minister David Cameron, and countless world leaders. Elizabeth II, Prime Minister David Cameron, and countless world leaders. To this day, Margaret Thatcher remains a controversial figure. But while individuals can debate her policies, criticize her actions, and argue whether she's a hero or villain, one thing no one can question is her love for politics. She was taught by her father from the youngest age to dedicate her life to duty and service. And that, rightly or wrongly, is exactly what she did. She really was somebody who lived for politics and loved it so much. And afterwards, really,

life held very little for her. There were many good things, and yet at the same time, very little happiness, I think, is possible for her. She had simply nothing in the way of a great task, a great duty to carry her life on. And it's a sad thing that she had little happiness, I think, after she left number 10. Next time on Short History Of, we'll bring you a short history of the Congo River. It's effectively a continental-sized country. From one side to the other is London to Moscow. The river is the geographical defining core of the country. But it's not just geographical.

It's the historical, it's the cultural, It's the historical, it's the cultural, it's the economic, it's the tribal, it's the anthropological. It is everything. It's the defining characteristic. All I can say is it is an extraordinary natural feature which dominates that space,

that central African area. And I find it utterly beguiling. That's next time.