Strict Scrutiny - Absentee Ballots, Asylum, and Too Many A**holes to Count
Episode Date: March 23, 2026Leah, Kate, and Melissa preview this week’s arguments at the Court, including Watson v. Republican National Committee, a challenge over when election offices must receive absentee ballots in order ...for them to be counted. They also cover a flood of legal news, including the quagmire that is the New Jersey U.S. Attorney’s Office, rulings from lower courts both encouraging (U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia) and grim (the wrong-like-clockwork Fifth Circuit), and the showdown between Senator Rand Paul and Trump’s pick for DHS head, Markwayne “NOSPACES” Mullin.Favorite things: Kate: How to stop a dictator, Zack Beauchamp (Vox); The Case of Kristie Metcalfe (NYT’s The Daily); Project Hail Mary, Andy Weir Leah: The Epic transcript from NJ; luck…or something, Hilary Duff (producer Melody’s pick: Future Tripping; producer Michael’s pick: Adult Size Medium); Her giveaway to celebrate Melissa’s new book (enter here); Melissa: Love Story Official Playlist (Spotify); Paradise (Hulu); Risk and Resistance: How Feminists Transformed the Law and Science of AIDS, Aziza Ahmed. Preorder Melissa’s book, The U.S. Constitution: A Comprehensive and Annotated Guide for the Modern Reader and enter the giveaway for a t-shirt HERE.Buy Leah's book, Lawless: How the Supreme Court Runs on Conservative Grievance, Fringe Theories, and Bad VibesFollow us on Instagram, Threads, and Bluesky
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Hello and welcome back to strict scrutiny, your podcast about the Supreme Court and the legal culture that surrounds.
We're your hosts. I'm Kate Shaw. I'm Leah Littman. And I'm Melissa Murray. And today we're going to
preview the cases that the court will hear during the March sitting. And then we'll briefly chat about
some legal news. So the March sitting is a two-week sitting jam-packed with big cases. The most
discussed case of the term, Trump v. Barbara, which is a challenge to the birthright citizenship
executive order, will be heard on Wednesday, April 1st. No, that's not an April Fool's joke.
That day also happens to be Sam Alito's birthday. That too, is
not an April Fool's joke, although he might be. But the first week of the sitting has some
significant cases that we want to pay close attention to, like Watson versus Republican National
Committee. It's a pretty harrowing electoral landscape out there, and it is that electoral
landscape that is the backdrop for Watson versus R&C. The president, as you know, has tried to
strong-arm states to tilt the electoral map in his favor. We know that at the court, Louisiana
v. Calais may hamstring the remnants of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. And depending on the court's
timing in that case, it may actually have an impact on the 2006 midterms. We've also seen the
president continue to push for the passage of the SAVE Act, which is now at the Senate. That
act would likely overhaul and dramatically limit who can vote. So that's the landscape. It's all
pretty grim. Okay. So Melissa set the stage and now enter Watson versus RN.
see. The case challenges the long-standing practices regarding the counting of ballots that are
cast by Election Day but received after Election Day. Now, for years, Republicans seemed
pretty agnostic about absentee ballots, maybe because absentee ballots actually favored
the GOP, at least in some cases. So, for example, enlisted military personnel, a group that
historically tends to lean Republican, have long been entitled under federal law to use absentee
ballots when they're deployed during an election cycle. But COVID and the 2020 election cycle
really upended things. So you will remember election night 2020 when very early on, it seemed like
incumbent President Donald Trump was posting some big wins and would likely prevail. But as many
voting rights experts predicted, the red wave was really a red mirage. Once absentee ballots were
actually counted, the picture really began to shift. However, because it took a while to count all
of those absentee ballots, the election wasn't called for Joe Biden until the weekend. And that lag
between election night, the counting of the ballots, and the calling of the election fueled the
GOP's fantasies of a stolen election and led to attacks on absentee ballots.
I have to say the moment the election was called for Biden, I still remember we were out
for a bike ride and we just heard the local community banging pots and pans.
And we knew that the election had been called for Biden. Exactly.
It is one of those where you obviously knew where you were a moment.
We were upstate and like on this long like autumnal walk in the woods with some friends.
and then started getting text messages
when we came back into range.
But we missed the like pot banging
and kind of like euphoria in New York City.
We were in the Bay Area
and like, let's just say,
Oakland was hella excited.
Yeah.
Remember what it felt like
to sort of experience
joy?
Joy.
Yes.
Electoral joy.
Vague recollection.
What is electoral joy?
That's the butterfly meme again.
Is this electoral joy?
I don't know.
Speaking of not electoral joy,
this case, Watson.
So currently, 16 states permit absentee ballots to be counted if election officials receive them within a certain period of time after election day so long as the absentee ballots are postmarked and thus cast on or before election day.
Mississippi, where this case originated, allows five business days for absentee ballots postmarked by election day to arrive at the local election offices where they will then be counted.
So in this lawsuit, the Republican National Committee argues that the Mississippi law that Leah was just describing violates a federal statute that the RNC says requires all.
absentee ballots to be received by Election Day, not just postmarked on or before Election Day, as again has been the longstanding practice in many states.
But here is the thing. If you look at the relevant federal statutes, the one the RNC is grounding their argument in, there's nothing about the plain meaning of the word day or election or in the concept of Election Day that requires that an absentee ballot be counted by a local official by Election Day.
In fact, the much better reading of the statute seems to be that if the ballot is cast by Election Day, the federal law requiring that voting be complete on Election Day is satisfied.
And other federal statutes, including recently enacted, statutes reflect that view.
So in the Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act, which was enacted in 1986, Congress required that absentee ballots be made available to overseas and military voters in a way that would allow them to return their ballots by the deadline prescribed in the United States.
their states. And when Congress enacted that law, it knew that some states allowed absentee ballots
to be returned after Election Day as long as they were cast and postmarked by that date.
Likewise, when Congress in 2009 enacted the Military and Overseas Voter Empowerment Act move,
it added supplementary rules to facilitate absentee voting again among military and overseas voters,
and it did so with the state's longstanding ballot counting practices in mind. So again,
nothing in the statute required or even suggested that absentee ballots had to be counted by
election date. That wasn't the practice and the statutes reflected the flexibility.
And finally, there is the Electoral Count Reform Act of 2022, a bipartisan compromise negotiated in the
aftermath of the 2020 presidential election. So in that law, Congress added a new definition
of election day and that new definition recognized that in-person voting at polling places
could continue past midnight on Election Day if, but only if certain strict conditions were met.
Now, when Congress adopted this compromise provision on the extremely limited extension of Election Day voting,
it was thoroughly aware of the various state practices regarding the deadlines for the arrival of absentee ballots cast on or before that date.
After all, this happened in the 2020 presidential election that the 22 Act was responding to.
And so it kind of beggars belief to suggest that Congress, as part of this painstakingly negotiated bipartisan
compromise in response to the 2020 presidential election intended silently to disturb all of these existing
state practices concerning absentee voting. It seems rather much more likely that Congress intended
the ECR to leave intact the longstanding understanding that the meeting of election day in federal
law permits states to count absentee ballots cast on or before election day and postmarked by then
even if those ballots arrive after election day. And a group of senators filed an amicus brief that
basically says, hey, we know the R&C wants you to think that ACRA, the ECR, people referred to as
ECRA, changed everything, but we were there. We voted for the law. And we understood that we were
not changing anything to require absentee ballots to be counted on or before election day,
you know, without saying a word about disrupting longstanding practice.
So obviously, this case is going to pit the Republican appointees zeal for textualism
against their zeal for ensuring the electoral fortunes of the,
Republican Party. And all of this hand-wringing would be amusing if it weren't actually grim and
really consequential. We all know that in the context of the made-up major questions doctrine, as it
applies to Democratic presidents and their policies, this court loves to insist that Congress has to say
what it means plainly and clearly in the text of the statute. You can't intuit what Congress means.
You can't do a vibe check on Congress unless, of course, the vibe check involves disenfranchising millions of
absentee voters whose ballots haven't arrived on or before election days. So it's got to be a toss-up.
Hmm. You really cannot rule out the possibility of a vibe check in these election law cases.
Think back to, for example, Bernovich versus DNC, where the court reported to interpret Section 2 of
the Voting Rights Act in vote denial claims, that is, where state laws prevent people from voting,
not redistricting cases. And there, the court basically did a vibe check and engaged in what Justice
Kagan called a vote.
law-free zone that just left the text behind and basically said these amendments to the Voting Rights Act
that had been intended to overrule a Supreme Court case and thereby prevent more state laws
actually created a safe harbor for discriminatory practices that existed at the time. Now, of course,
if Bernovich was correct that Congress doesn't lightly displace state laws, you would think that
logic would also mean that this federal law wouldn't displace all of these state practices.
And yet unclear if one Sam Alito, the author of Bernovich, would hold true to that.
principle here. Now, absentee voting, not perfect, but in-person voting isn't always easy.
Lines can be long, and that is a species of voter suppression because it often discourages
electoral participation. And there are also voters who aren't physically present in their
communities to vote on election day. So there are many aspects of voting that already make
it hard to make your voice count, and this effort in Watson to limit the counting of absentee ballots
would only exacerbate those pressures, which might be the point.
So that's essentially what's at issue in Watson.
Maybe let's just note, since I don't think we have, that the Fifth Circuit panel opinion that bought this, I think, pretty insane theory that the RNC is pushing, was the rare Stuart Kyle Duncan, Jim Ho, Andy Oldham, special.
I mean, there's...
The three amigoses.
Luckily, that alignment happens only so often, but this was one of the cases in which we saw it.
I remember seeing the panel draw when this case was being like.
And you were just kind of like democracy.
It was nice knowing you.
Exactly.
Democracy.
You in danger, girl.
Because I'm obviously like despite the many years of having it kind of beaten out of me,
I'm still sort of naively optimistic.
I was like, even this trio of psychos cannot possibly accept this theory.
They sounded a little sane during argument.
And yet, that's maybe why.
Yeah, they reserved their cray for the opinion itself.
Indeed.
Anyway, the other thing to note just about the kind of configuration and players in this case is that this is the state of Mississippi saying this serious nuts.
That dog's Mississippi.
The one who wants women to die in parking lots, that Mississippi?
Yeah, that one.
This is too much even for them.
I mean, obviously, I wouldn't rule out the possibility that this is the problem is that like the disenfranchising that adapting if this kind of theory might do might, you know,
sweep in the kinds of voters that the Mississippi, you know, Attorney General, like, wants to vote and they'd be okay with disenfranchising.
Other voters.
Just, I just want to know.
The white ones?
Right.
Yeah.
Yeah.
Can't do that.
The right voters, Melissa.
I'm sorry.
The right.
Wait, right.
Did I say white or did I say right?
It's hard to tell sometimes.
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Let's turn to the next big case we're going to be watching this week.
And that is still captioned, Nome.
although I guess the caption will change
if Mullen is confirmed
we will get to our secretary
designate later in the hour
but anyway for now
the case is called Nome versus
al-Otrolado
and that's a case
that's going to have major implications
for asylum seekers
and it's being argued
at a time when avenues
for asylum have already
been severely curtailed
so the question in this case
is the meaning of the phrase
quote, arrives in the United States
in the Immigration and Nationality Act
which provides that
an alien quote
who is physically present
in the United States
or who arrives
in the United States, whether or not at a designated port of arrival may apply for asylum.
So under the law, non-citizens who arrive at a port of entry and indicate they want to seek
asylum are inspected and screened by border officials. They are then channeled into the asylum
system. But the specific question in this case is, can officers essentially block individuals
at ports of entry and refuse to entertain their asylum applications by deeming them not to have
arrived in or saying they are not someone who arrives in a port of entry because they are physically
located on the Mexico side of the U.S. Mexico border. So here's the backdrop of this case. In 2016,
in response to a surge in the number of Haitian immigrants seeking asylum in San Isidro, which is
outside of San Diego, the Department of Homeland Security initiated a policy known as metering.
So customs and border patrol officials would turn back asylum seekers before they entered the
United States. So again, sort of timing and limiting the number of people who could come over and then
turning back others who were outside of that system. Al Otrolado, an immigrant rights group and 13
asylum seekers, filed suit in a California district court challenging that metering policy. And while
the litigation was ongoing, the federal government adopted a regulation, which is known as the
asylum transit rule, that generally required people traveling through a third country to apply for asylum
in that third country before then seeking asylum in the United States.
United States. For many asylum seekers who had already been turned away under the metering policy,
the impact of the asylum transit rule was to effectively bar them from qualifying for asylum
if they were ever able to apply. So the district court declared that the metering policy was illegal,
and then as part of the remedy, the district court blocked the government from applying the
asylum transit rule to non-citizens who had been turned away under the metering policy.
So the court also ordered the government to unwind past denials of asylum to those individuals.
Now, at some point, the government rescinded the metering policy.
But because the government was appealing, the district court's remedy, and because the remedy turned on the legality of the metering policy,
the legality of the metering policy was a question on appeal.
And by a vote of two to one, the Ninth Circuit agreed that non-citizens who were turned away at the border had, quote, arrived in the United States and were therefore eligible to apply for asylum.
Writing for the panel majority, Judge Michelle Friedland explained that, quote, the phrase arrives in the United States,
encompasses those who encounter officials at the border, whichever side of the border they are standing on.
Moreover, she continued, an asylum seeker who arrives at the border must then be inspected and processed.
The government predictably sought and was granted on Bonk Review.
There, a deeply divided on Bonk Ninth Circuit declined to reconsider the case.
And in a dissent, joined by 11 other judges, Trump appointee, Judge Daniel Bress, wrote a dissent that,
that basically served as the blueprint for the Trump administration's petition for SCOTUS review.
In that cert petition, Solicitor General John Sauer argued the Ninth Circuit's ruling, quote,
defies the plain text of the governing statutes.
In ordinary English, a person arrives in a country only when he comes within its borders.
An alien thus does not arrive in the United States while he is still in Mexico.
But like, it's not plain English.
It's immigration law, which is like right with terms of art and technicalities.
I'm sorry, just those sentences were mildly triggering to me.
Again, like in the context of foreign relations, the idea that when you go to an embassy, it's in France, but it's really the United States.
Cole agrees.
And also, Cole is right, as always.
But also as the Otrolado brief makes clear, what the government is trying to do here is literally pluck the word in out of its context.
Yeah, I guess if literally the one word we're looking at is in, that does probably mean, like,
not just outside of, but actually physically present in.
But in the full context, even just of the language, let alone history, purpose, understanding,
all the other things that should inform are reading of a statutory phrase.
Of course you are arriving in when you are at a port of entry.
But they just love to yank words out of context in the kind of version of textualism that they do.
And so, yeah, I'm very nervous about this case.
Well, the challengers here counter that, quote,
because the government rescinded the metering policy years ago, the question that the Trump
administration has, as they put before the court, has, as they put it, almost no present implications
and likely no future implications. So they're trying to provide the court with an off-ramp here.
And maybe that's an avenue for avoiding doing some really dastardly shit. Doesn't matter, though.
Do you think this court is going to avoid the opportunity to do dastardly shit in the immigration
context?
They could have avoided it by not granting review.
Exactly. Here we are.
Exactly. I mean, I just think I worry that the birthright citizenship case
they are going to view as giving them a ton of cover,
including for this case,
which is flying under the radar,
you know,
that's far.
So the next case is for you,
B. Hive,
that's the bankruptcy hive.
So at issue in Keebly versus...
Dettor.
Dettor.
Dettor.
Exactly.
At issue in Keefley
versus Buddy Ayers Construction
is a question about
judicial estoppel of civil claims.
Damn, that sounds sexy.
Just terms of more Beyonce
say in everything you own like in a box in the bankruptcy court.
Let's just like please keep them coming.
We're going to start calling it Bay Court.
So generally in Bay Court when you file for bankruptcy,
you are supposed to disclose all assets and potential assets
that might be used to satisfy your creditors' claims.
But what happens if you don't disclose potential civil claims
from which you might recover?
Should you be barred or what's called a stop from bringing the claim at a later time?
All I'm thinking of is, can you pay my bills?
Keep your creditors bills.
Exactly.
My creditor's bills.
Yeah, you need to vary.
Beyonce saw all of this coming decades ago.
Now, on this issue of estoppel, most bankruptcy courts have said, yes, if you don't disclose
potential civil claims from which he might recover, you are barred from bringing the claim
at a later time.
But the courts apply different approaches to determining when to stop a future claim.
Some courts do a totality.
of the circumstances test that is intended to get at whether the debtor intended to mislead
the court, whereas other courts treat the failed disclosure as something like an immediate bar
to filing the future claim regardless of the debtor's intent. So in this case, Keithley,
the debtor, who is Thomas Keithley, filed for bankruptcy in 2019. And more than a year after
the bankruptcy plan was approved, he was involved in a serious accident that required surgery
and physical therapy and reduced his ability to earn a living. He told his bankruptcy
lawyer about the accident, but the lawyer didn't disclose it to the bankruptcy court. The
construction company whose truck was responsible for the accident relied on that failure to argue that
Keithley should be barred from suing them for the accident and the lower courts applying the Fifth Circuit's
relatively strict disclosure standard agreed. In the Supreme Court, the debtor is asking the court to
adopt a totality of the circumstances approach that's used in the majority of circuits to determine
which claims and when claims are stopped. Interestingly, the United States, think of a Beyonce
hook here, but I can't, but Melissa, feel free to jump in if something. Interestingly, Jay-Z decided to
on its track.
A.k.a. the United States
federal government or the trustees.
Hove. Gove, if you will.
G to the is o'v.
They call me Gov.
Trustees.
He's the part of the federal government that...
He's not a businessman. He's a business man.
That's actually maybe true.
Exactly.
Yes.
So that's the case.
The trustees actually administer the bankruptcy regime.
The federal government is also the nation's largest creditor, so they have real interest in the outcome of this case.
The government is arguing that the Fifth Circuit's rule is unduly narrow.
It doesn't account for innocent mistakes that a debtor might make in disclosure requirements.
And it wants the court to remand the case to the bankruptcy court to apply the totality of the circumstances standard.
Melissa, land this.
What else is there to say?
It's a hard knock.
life for us.
Yes.
I mean, this might be the one time, you know, maybe I'm rooting for the federal government.
Like, I think it's like intervened here on behalf of this hapless debtor.
And against a rule generated by the Fifth Circuit.
Yeah.
Sounds right.
Seems right.
These are tough choices.
But I think in this case, we're probably going with the federal government.
All right.
Listeners, we've got a little throwback for you.
You'll recall that two years ago, the court decided Bissan,
versus LaPage Bakery's Park Street. In that case, the court concluded that an exemption to the
Federal Arbitration Act for, quote, any class of workers engaged in foreign or interstate
commerce did not apply only to workers in the transportation industry. It applied more broadly.
Well, that case was brought to you by LaPage Bakery's, which is the distributor for flour
foods, the company that makes wonderbread, among other things. Well, it seems that flower foods
has additional questions about the scope of the FAA.
And this time, it is presented a new case,
Flower Foods versus Brock,
which asks whether workers who deliver locally
without ever crossing state lines
are quote unquote engaged in interstate commerce
for purposes of that FAA exemption.
Below, the Tenth Circuit agreed that those workers are engaged
in interstate commerce.
And basically the court there focused on the fact
that the products that are being delivered move between states, even if the delivery personnel
work within the state. The distributor is now challenging that ruling. As with the Bissinette case
heard two years earlier, this new challenge is significant in that it will determine whether workers
can bring claims in federal court or whether they'll be forced to have their grievances resolved
through arbitration under the Federal Arbitration Act. We also got one opinion from the court in
Olivier v. City of Brandon. The case was brought by a Christian event.
Angelical Street preacher who challenged a Mississippi ordinance restricting where protests may occur.
Olivier had previously been convicted of violating the law, and according to the city, that meant
his lawsuit was barred by a previous Supreme Court decision, Heck v. Humphrey, decided in 1994,
which held that these civil rights suits couldn't be used to collaterally attack convictions or
sentences. The city argued that Olivier's suit seeking to enjoin the ordinance in the future
was effectively a lawsuit that would call into question the validity of his earlier conviction under the ordinance.
The Supreme Court disagreed unanimously ruling in favor of the street preacher.
Writing for the court, Justice Kagan said that Heck did not bar suits seeking purely prospective relief,
except maybe in a narrow set of cases that weren't presented here.
Now, Olivier did not overrule the great man's opinion in Heck.
That great man, of course, Justice Scalia.
But instead, Justice Kagan said that language in heck, and specifically the language,
on which the city in the lower courts relied might have swept too broadly and was not meant to reach
suits like the petitioners that sought future-oriented relief only.
Olivier connects to Fred Smith's work on abstention doctrine. I just want to highlight this for
listeners and those who are interested in federal courts. Fred, of course, is a professor at
Stanford Law School, has written two really interesting pieces. The first is abstention in the
time of Ferguson, which is published by the Harvard Law Review. He also has a new piece out called
younger and older abstention, which is out in the Michigan Law Review. Both of these pieces point out
how civil rights plaintiffs often face a timing vice. So the timing vice works like this. If you sue
before criminal proceedings commence, then you have a standing problem because the harm is too
speculative. But if you sue while state criminal proceedings are ongoing, courts can invoke
younger abstention and say, hands off, you have to let the state courts complete their adjudication.
However, if you sue after a criminal conviction, then heck for,
as Humphrey kicks in and creates yet another barrier to bringing your case. Here, the court's
unanimous opinion in Olivier ostensibly refuses to extend heck that far and thus serves as an important
pushback. We'll also note, however, that this is one of those cases where, like, the interests
really did converge here. We had strange bedfellows and the Republican appointees who care a lot,
I think, about Christian evangelical street preachers and the Democratic appointees who care a lot
about getting civil rights plaintiffs into court.
So I love when that happens, but not sure if the plaintiff were different if we get a different
kind of result.
So we shall see.
I'm going to hopefully write a piece in the Supreme Court review about this case.
And I actually think, yeah, that the Fifth Circuit's rule was just pretty indefensible.
And anyways, you will see how it gets read.
Always makes sense to benchlap the Fifth Circuit.
Yes.
So, and now to the legal news, we are going to kick off this roundup of the legal news with a look at the lower courts.
And Leah is so excited about this. I just want to tell you she is. You have no idea. Literally vibrating right now. No idea. I made many notes about how we were not adequately hyping up this first piece of legal news. Yes, you did. There's many caps, full sentences in all of us.
Yes. Yes. Drops into the show notes. But you'll hear her in all caps shortly. Oh, yeah. It's also going to appear in my
favorite things, like it will go on. All right. Well, as with everything good, let's begin in New Jersey.
As Lynn Manuel Miranda told us once, everything is legal in New Jersey, or is it? As we know,
a federal judge determined that Alina Haba's appointment as the U.S. attorney for the District of
New Jersey was unlawful. And two weeks ago, a federal judge determined that the three-person
leadership team that the DOJ installed to replace HABA was also unlawful.
So the question remains, who exactly is running things in the New Jersey U.S. Attorney's Office?
That's what Judge Zaid Karashi in the District of New Jersey wanted to know last week.
The question surfaced in a hearing involving a defendant who is pleading guilty in a child pornography case.
Indeed, for months, federal courts around the country have warned that the administration's failure to properly appoint U.S. attorneys has posed public safety risk because the prosecutors, if they are illegally appointed, then cannot bring these charges on the cases have.
to be thrown out, even in cases where the charges are pretty bad, like child pornography.
We'll come back to that.
The law and order administration.
Yes.
We're going to make it safe for everyone.
Let's remember.
Yeah.
I mean, it's literally the case that the combination, the heady brew of malevolence and incompetence,
specifically in their designations of kind of the heads of U.S. attorney's offices,
like literally threatened to allow all kinds of people charged with very serious crimes to walk free.
So anyway, let's move on. Leah's been patient. So the particular plea agreement at issue here, you know, the one that drew the judge's attention, offered the defendant a sentence that was significantly more lenient than the sentencing guidelines advised. We will come back to the specifics on that in a second. So Judge Karashi proceeded to question the line prosecutor who was in court accompanied by a Mr. Mark Coyne, a veteran of the office and a supervisor, but someone who had not filed a formal appearance in the case.
When Coyne attempted to answer on behalf of the more junior line prosecutor, the judge was not having it.
He told Coyne that while Coyne could offer the line prosecutor moral support and could even pass notes, he could not directly address the court.
That summary is not doing it justice.
So the first few pages of this transcript had me levitating because at the very beginning of the hearing, the judge says,
Mr. Coyne, did you file a notice of appearance to which Coyne says I did not?
And then the judge says, are you here for moral support?
Because you're not going to speak, like right off the bat.
I loved it.
Okay, Duelapa.
The judge then proceeded to question the very junior line prosecutor about the details
of the plea agreement, which apparently had been negotiated without having all of the
relevant evidence on hand.
And then he also proceeded to interrogate the very junior line prosecutor about the leadership
structure in the office.
And the TLDR of that line of questioning basically.
was, who is running this show show? When the judge specifically asked the line prosecutor if
Alina Haba was continuing to run the office, the younger lawyer replied, I saw Goody Haba dancing
with the president in the pale moonlight. Just kidding, Crucible Stans. That did not happen,
although I wish it had. Instead, the young lawyer said nothing because Mr. Coyne interjected
to disclaim Habba's involvement in the office. And at that point, the judge, the judge,
judge was absolutely over it and threatened to throw coin out of the courtroom. Security was called,
but Coin left of his own volition, taking the shards of his dignity with him. Again, summary,
not beginning to convey it. That was a good summary. It was fine, but you need to read it for
yourself. So I'm going to offer a brief dramatic reading. Okay, that was not the Pete Heseth of
summaries, okay? I reject that. Sit down, Mr. Coyne. If you speak again, I'm going to have you removed.
told you not to speak. You didn't file a notice of
appearance. You don't get to blindside the court and do whatever
it is you guys want to do. So if you continue
to speak, you can leave. And then he continues to
speak, which you don't do when the
judge tells you to STFU.
And then the judge says, I'm directing the court
security officers to remove Mr.
Coyne. And only then does the guy
leave. I mean, I really got the impression
that for the judge, maybe this wasn't just about
coin talking. You know, it definitely
wasn't. And I think we are going to get into
some other stuff going on
in this case. Yeah. So
So let's do that. So Judge Karachi, then after Mr. Koyne departed, continued questioning the line prosecutor about both the insane details of the plea, which it appears the federal government offered before actually looking at the horrifying evidence in the case and also pressing the line prosecutor about whether Haba was influencing the office's operations. At this point, the judge said that before he would proceed with sentencing the defendant, which he was giving the government the opportunity to ask to delay. And for reasons, I actually just still don't at all understand the government.
kept saying, nope, let's go forward, nope, let's go forward. I think it's because this is a really
junior line prosecutor. Like, I don't think he's super experienced. I don't know. In any event,
the courts that I know you're not asking, but I am going to pause. And before proceeding
with sentencing, this defendant, I'm going to call the office's three ostensible leaders,
Philip Lamberello, Jordan Fox, and Ari Fontechio to testify under oath about the office's
operations. Again, wanting to make sure there is a legal leadership structure in place before imposing
sentence. But, again, cannot recommend reading the full transcript enough. We've alluded to
due to how the judge was concerned that the prosecution had negotiated the plea agreement here
in the absence of all of the evidence.
So we didn't actually say what the missing evidence was.
So the U.S. Attorney's Office for the District of New Jersey agreed to a plea deal with a specified
sentencing range for the defendant before actually completing a search of the defendant's
phone.
And when they actually searched the defendant who was charged under a child pornography statute,
what did they find? More pornography, child pornography, child sexual abuse material. I am sure
Josh Hawley is outraged by the administration. I mean, it's just astonishing conduct. And the judge
makes clear this is just like young children, like absolutely horrifying. He doesn't get into
details, but just is so appalled that the U.S. Attorney's Office seems to be taking as lenient
a posture as it is to this kind of context. Some more context is in order.
here. It's my understanding that Judge Karashi, prior to taking the bench, had been a prosecutor
in this office. So he knows this office really well. He knows the procedures. And I think he's
asking about the leadership structure because something has gone terribly wrong if this kind of
plea agreement is being negotiated in the absence of a consideration of the really horrifying evidence
here. And this triumvirate is signing off on it. And it's just like a shit show. And he's
basically says that. And at the conclusion of this incredibly fraught hearing, Judge Karashi
advised the embattled young prosecutor to go back to the office and warn his colleagues that,
quote, you have lost the confidence in trust of this court. You have lost the confidence in the
trust of the New Jersey legal community, and you are losing the trust and confidence of the public.
Boom. I just want to underscore Leah's earlier urging, like, just maybe sit down and read this
transcript in its entirety. We have given you, I think, a pretty good account, but it's also
worth just reading for yourself. The Times has it on its website. We'll put in the show notes.
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Let's shift gears to lower court rulings, actual rulings, right?
Not just this kind of dressing down at status hearing, but rulings against the administration.
So, listeners, cast your memory back to that time when the Trump administration tried to dismantle the voice of America,
the venerable longstanding public radio outlet that the government.
government established during World War II to counter propaganda in Nazi-occupied regions around
the world. So that's the origin. During the Cold War, the agency expands to provide news to
countries that lacked a free press. In many ways, the Voice of America served as a model of what
journalism could look like in a pluralistic democracy, incorporating dissenting views,
and critiques of the government, and also, right, to be fair, trying to sow pro-American goodwill
around the world. But this was at a time when America was actually pretty decent, at least in
comparative terms. Obviously, things look pretty different today.
Anyway, it does feel as though these days we...
America could use a VOA reminding us of what, you know, the media in a pluralistic democracy could look like.
We're getting ahead of ourselves.
So the administration sought to dismantle the voice of America because it thought that dissenting views were too woke or maybe, you know, anti-Nazis are too woke.
But jokes on them.
About a month ago, Judge Lamberth in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia ruled that Carrey Lake, the Trump appointee who was running voice
of America had unlawfully assumed authority over the agency and that her actions since joining as
senior advisor to the agency were invalid. What is it with these guys and illegal appointments?
Unclear. But last Tuesday, Lamberth weighed in again ruling that Lake had violated the law
on additional grounds. The court concluded that Lake had failed to take into account Congress's
intent in setting aside money for the agency and the network or to consider the implications of
effectively shutting it down. I'm here for it. Sounds great. Again, I'm sure Carrey Lake
was like, what is Congress again?
Because they basically rolled over for this one.
I'm glad Judge Lamberth was here to assert Congress's prerogatives.
Also in the District of Columbia,
Chief Judge James Bosberg of the U.S. District Court
is back on his hustle, basically telling Judge Karachi to hold my beer, playboy.
This time, Judge Bozberg issued a ruling
quashing the government's efforts to subpoena members
of the Federal Reserve's Board of Governors.
As Bozberg explained in his ruling,
there was, quote, a mountain of evidence, suggesting that, quote, the government served these
subpoenas on the board to pressure its chair, that is Jerome Powell, into voting for lower
interest rates or resigning. And that's kind of basically what everyone's been thinking. I'm glad
he just said it. Among the mountain of evidence that Judge Bosberg cited were the president's
truth social posts, including this banger. Quote, Jerome, too late Powell has done it again. He
is too late and actually too angry, too stupid, and too political to have the job of Fed Chair.
Put another way, too late is a total loser, and our country is paying the price.
Thank you for your attention to that.
I feel like his nickname game has really declined.
It's too late.
Yeah.
Oh, my gosh.
There's no illiter region.
Shifty.
No, yeah, Shifty shift was pretty good, I think.
I mean, a little on the nose.
Little Marco Rubio.
That's.
Yeah.
Too late, Powell.
Anyway, okay, but back to Bozberg.
His ruling notes that the president and his deputies have made at least 100 statements attacking Powell and trying to pressure him into lowering interest rates.
So while there is, on the one hand, ample evidence to support the view that this investigation is a personal attack aimed at getting Powell to dance to the president's tune.
On the other hand, federal prosecutors produced, according to Bozberg, essentially zero evidence to suspect that Chair Powell had committed a crime.
So, indeed, the administration's claims were, quote, according to Bozberg, so thin and unsubstantiated that the court can only conclude that they are protectual.
Correct.
Remember the point?
Yes.
Bozberg wrote that the investigation in DePaul was consistent with what he termed a pattern of conduct by the DOJ against the president's perceived adversaries.
Refreshing to just see it all laid out.
In other news, which we're sure is totally unrelated, Chief Judge Bozberg announced a new policy in the district concerning indictments.
specifically a grand jury's decision not to indict.
So Chief Judge Bosberg ordered the administration to notify the courts when a grand jury rejects the administration's attempts to secure a grand jury indictment.
This, of course, follows a grand jury issuing a no bill in response to the administration's efforts to charge six members of Congress for making social media videos, advising military officers that they are not obliged to carry out illegal orders.
This policy that Bozberg announced also requires the government to disclose when a prosecutor decides to drop a case.
The administration had some thoughts and feelings about Judge Bozberg's ruling.
So in one response, a box of Francia, I mean, U.S. Attorney for the District of Columbia,
Janine Piro called Bozberg's ruling on Powell, quote, wrong and without legal authority,
and claimed it was, quote, untethered to the law.
She also had this to say from a presser.
Oh, cut it out. Do you know how many convictions we thought? Cut it out. You're in one lane.
We have cleaned up this city.
You're historic, really?
I'll tell you what's historic.
What's historic is that I prosecute everything other than 10% of the cases where the United States attorney before me didn't prosecute 67% of the cases.
That's what's historic.
I'm willing to take a not guilty.
I'm willing to take a no true bill because I'll take all the crimes and put them in.
Thank you.
I don't even know what she's saying.
It's just nuts.
Anyway, the president also had a response.
He posted on truth social a lengthy statement, which we are going to exert for you.
You may thank us in the comments.
One truth began as follows, quote,
The courts treat Republicans and me so unfairly, always seeming to protect those who should not be protected.
At this point, the ladies of strict scrutiny stare in the immunity opinion.
What, sir?
Anyway, the post then continues complaining about the terrible Federal Reserve Chairman Jerome
too late Powell and the horrible job he does.
And the quote, wacky, nasty, crooked and totally out of control, Judge Bozberg, who,
according to the president, quote, suffers from the highest level of Trump derangement syndrome.
I didn't realize it had levels.
It's like stage one, stage two, or what?
I mean, of course it has level.
Like red, yellow.
Exactly.
Okay.
The truths end somehow with a rant about, quote, prosecutor deranged Jack Smith and the unfortunate and unwarranted tariff decision.
Like, how did Jack Smith get? He's like, can I catch him strays.
I know. And in a post about how the courts treat Republicans unfairly, right? It's just too much. But that's not all. The president obviously had more to say about tariffs. And so in an extra long truth.
That was not an extra long truth. That was like this.
This one was even longer.
Yeah.
This one began.
I did not even read the whole thing.
That's how long it was.
I lost steam.
Okay.
Well, I did you all a solid and I did.
And this one began, quote, the decision that mattered most to me was tariffs.
Once again, we are staring in the immunity opinion.
The president insisted that, quote, the court pointed out that I had the absolute right to charge tariffs in another form.
Fact check, not true.
The president did say he wanted to, quote, thank Justice.
Alito Thomas and Kavanaugh for their wisdom and courage
because other Republicans, quote,
openly disrespect the presidents who nominate them
to the highest position of the land, end quote.
Then maintain that the tariffs decision ransacked the country.
And then in a brief shining moment of clarity,
the president added, quote,
the Supreme Court has become little more
than a weaponized and unjust political organization.
And quote, the sad thing is they will only get worse.
They are hurting our country and will continue to do
So thank you for your attention to this matter.
Indeed, sir, we are on it.
We've said this for a while.
I know, exactly.
Welcome, welcome.
Welcome to the pod, revelation.
On the cusp of revelation.
Welcome to the pod, Mr. President.
Yeah.
Oh, my God.
And so when the president of the United States basically gets up and shit talks your whole institution in a truth post, what do you do if you're one John G.
Roberts. Well, kind of shrug. Right, exactly. Shrug emoji.
No.
Anyway, the Chief Justice could barely muster up a response. At a forum last week, he had this
to say, quote, judges around the country work very hard to get it right. And if they don't,
their opinions are subject to criticism. But personally, directed hostility is dangerous.
And it's got to stop. What a true hero of our times, the brave institutionalist, who couldn't even
mentioned Donald Trump's name or Chief Judge Bogsburgs to defend him?
Hear me out.
Is he talking about the president or is he talking about us?
Talking about us.
Well, this is the thing.
It's like the generalized language basically preserves his ability to both sides
this and suggest that critics of the court are doing the exact same thing as Donald Trump
instigating violence against these judges who are ruling against him.
You know, it did make me, no?
Well, I'll just, like, I agree with everything.
I'm just like sort of thinking about the terms.
I don't know that we are personally directing our hostility.
We're mad at the decisions.
I think we're pretty substantive when we talk about it.
There are some personal barbs.
They're really more adjacent and more about intellect.
Right.
Like Brett Kavanaugh's intellect.
I knew you were going to say his name.
Say his name.
Exactly.
I'm willing to say names.
The Chief Justice is not.
But, you know, sir, it's not even June.
And I promise you it's only going to go up from here.
So keep listening.
Keep listening.
Yeah. Okay, so Robert's response was pretty milk toast.
But there actually were last week some kind of real responses from federal judges, and we wanted to kind of lift those up as sort of a counterpoint to Robert's response.
So last Thursday, a group of federal judges publicly denounced the rise in threats against them and their colleagues, including hateful messages aimed at a judge who ruled against part of President Trump's immigration agenda.
So this event actually featured five judges appointed by both Democratic and Republican presidents.
This is a virtual event.
I think this is sort of part of the new organization that Judge Esther Salas has been really kind of instrumental in getting off the ground.
So these judges recounted receiving disturbing emails, wishing them dead, mysterious pizza deliveries.
We've talked about that before, those arrive at private homes.
And the judges essentially said that these are the reasons we cannot remain silent.
there was a lot of additional detail. I just wanted to highlight some comments made by Judge Ana Reyes in D.C. So she said that she had received messages that said, quote, I hope you lose your life by lunchtime, you worthless whore. This is in an email directed to Judge Reyes. She was a Biden appointee. She's openly gay. She has been targeted in some of the vitriolic kind of messages for being gay. She's also Uruguayan born, and that too has come up in some of the vitriol directed at her.
She said that some of the, quote, most painful threats came from individuals who said, quote, you're being un-American, you're being undemocratic, you're an immigrant, you should go back to your country. So I just appreciated the sort of candor and detail that these judges brought, and then also the degree of alarm that they broadcast. The sort of threats to judges are real and terrifying, and it's really important to talk about them.
In other news of things that are terrible and need to stop, we have enough.
installment of our recurring segment, water is wet and the Fifth Circuit is terrible.
On Thursday, the Fifth Circuit issued another ruling in the ongoing saga that is known as
Ford v. McKesson. Listeners, we actually began covering this case way back in the day when we were
but a baby podcast. And here's the gist of it. In 2016, Dorea McKesson, who is a well-known
activist and a host of Pod Save the People, joined hundreds of others in Baton Rouge, Louisiana
to protest the police killing of Alton Sterling. During the protest, John Ford, then an officer
with the Baton Rouge Police Department, was hit with an object that was thrown by a third party,
not McKesson. Ford, however, sued McKesson, not the third party who threw the object,
and he sued him on the theory that McKesson, quote unquote, should have known that the protest
would become violent as other similar riots had become violent. That's his language. Now, to be clear,
Ford did not claim that McKesson authorized the throwing of the object, and indeed to this
no one knows who threw the object that hit Ford, but he nonetheless continued to press this suit against Doree McKesson.
It's just so insane.
So the case has had a long and tortured history, as Melissa mentioned, going through the district court where McKesson initially prevailed to the Fifth Circuit, where he did not, to the Supreme Court and the Louisiana Supreme Court.
Anyway, last Thursday, the Fifth Circuit decided to write yet another chapter in this story, ruling that the lower court erred in finding that McKesson cannot be.
held liable for the unlawful conduct of other protesters. So if this seems bananas, it feels that
way to us, but this decision does open the door for a trial to proceed to determine McKesson's
potential liability for actions, again, committed by individuals that he had nothing to do with.
All he did was organize a protest. And as summarized that way, it should be immediately clear
why this decision is a huge threat to the First Amendment, the idea that participating in or organizing
a protest somehow makes you liable for any illegal conduct that happens at the protest
makes protesting illegal. And it's inconsistent with the Supreme Court's earlier decision
in NAAACP versus Clayburn Harbor, which we won't get into. But, you know, one judge of the
Fifth Circuit seemed just absolutely breathless at the prospect of a jury trial. And this case
moving forward against Dore McKesson, writing for the two judge majority, Judge Edith Jones,
seem to have moved on from one Professor Steve Vlatic as public enemy number one to Dorey McKesson,
as she wrote, quote, eight years of pretrial litigation are enough.
It is time for Officer Ford to have a jury assess his claim that Doree McKesson's negligence
in leading a violent protest caused him to suffer injuries at the hands of rioters.
Can we just like, just a point here.
Like note she can't even call him Mr. McKesson, even though she's calling Ford, Officer Ford.
The fact that she's calling protesters rioters,
I mean, it's just like it's all right there.
Yes.
You know, she continued, quote, given McKesson's television interview refusing to condemn the use of violence,
it is unsurprising that he did nothing to discourage protesters from assaulting police officers,
looting a store and engaging in other lawless acts, end quote.
Again, not your duty to train absolutely everyone who appears at a protest with you.
Well, you know, maybe McKesson could have done something.
Maybe he could have issued a statement along these lines.
We can't play into the hands of these people.
We have to have peace.
So go home.
We love you.
You're very special.
You've seen what happens.
You see the way others are treated that are so bad and so evil.
I know how you feel.
But go home and go home at peace.
That kind of thing always seems to appease violent protesters.
And if it doesn't work, if you're the president,
you can always pardon them. So there's that.
But who's going to tell Judge Jones that she's out of the running for the lady spot on the Supreme Court?
This audition was all in vain, girl. All in vain.
Correct. Okay. Don't worry, though. There is other bad news to report. First, we wanted to mention that a Georgia woman named Alexia Moore has been charged with murder for taking abortion pills.
We have seen, of course, the criminalization of the acquisition and provision of abortion pills.
but the actual charging of murder, you know, breaks entirely new and horrifying ground.
If the state prosecutors do decide to move forward with this charge, this, again, would be one of the first instances of actual charges against an individual for terminating a pregnancy in Georgia in the seven years it's been since Georgia passed a law, banning most abortions, and obviously in the wake of the court's Dobs decision removing constitutional protections.
Just to note, any of these homicide statutes, whether it's murder or manslaughter, all are predicated on the idea that a person has been killed.
So this is another push on this fetal personhood thing, and we need to call it out for what it is.
Absolutely.
And another development in very similar vein.
A Kentucky student was also indicted last week, in this case for first degree manslaughter, allegedly because police said they found.
and, quote, infant, I think, in her closet.
The reporting is sort of still developing here,
but at least, according to Jessica Valenti's abortion every day,
newsletter, it seems like there is every possibility
that that kind of reference to an infant in the charging materials
could refer to a fetus.
And so this, too, like the new Georgia charge,
kind of breaks really disturbing and dystopic new ground.
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In moments like these, it's easy to feel overwhelmed and even easier to feel powerless.
But we are neither.
I'm Stacey Abrams, and on my podcast, Assembly Require,
I take on each executive action, legislative battle, and breaking news moment by asking three questions.
What's really happening?
What can we do about it?
And how do we keep going together?
This is a space for clarity, strategy, and hope rooted in action, not denial.
New episodes of Assembly Required drop Tuesdays.
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Let's shift gears a little bit.
more familiar bad news, things we've talked about before. So we're going to follow up listeners
on matters that we have covered in earlier episodes. As you know, we recently covered the new
MAGA, make America grift again, a deep dive into the Trump administration's stunning
corruption business. Well, you know what they say, folks. As strict scrutiny goes, so goes the
nation, or at least the New York Times. If only. If only.
right? It's just the New York Times, but the New York Times ran a profile of Secretary of Homeland Security
nominee Mark Wayne, no spaces, Mullins' stock dealings. And I'll just say what Mullen lacks in spaces,
he makes up for in stock trades. This guy, according to the Times, is one of the biggest stock traders
in Congress. So the piece opens with an anecdote describing how Mullen, a few days after Christmas
2025, decided to buy a shit ton of shares in Chevron, the only major American company producing
oil in Venezuela. Weird. And then weirdly, so, so strange, five days later, the president of the
United States invaded Venezuela and demanded that the country give U.S. oil companies better
terms. And then Chevron's stock price has jumped. What a grift or gift, I mean, for Mr. Moll.
This is a perfect example of the deal dough, as we described last episode.
I'm glad that's sticking around.
Oh, yeah.
Sticking.
Personal hostility has no place on this podcast.
General hostility, on the other hand.
Exactly.
So listeners, another sort of important development in the Mark Wayne Mullen story.
So you may remember that in our West Coast live shows, we noted that Mullen would be headed to a hearing.
Call him by his name, please.
Oh, Mark Wayne, no spaces, Mullen?
Yes.
No more.
No spaces.
And time and a place is.
Yes.
Okay, that's him.
That's the guy.
No spaces, but a time and a place is.
Yeah.
We're going to work.
Keep working.
Keep working.
You're almost there.
There's something to it.
Anyway, stay tuned.
Anyway, so we mentioned that he would be heading to a hearing in front of the Senate
Homeland Security Committee, shared by one Senator Rand Paul, who is the
I Mullen called a quote snake and said deserved the ass kicking that he had received from a neighbor.
Well, listeners, said hearing took place last week and it did not disappoint.
Let's first remind you of Mullen's general vibe here.
Sir, this is a time, this is a place.
If you want to run your mouth, we can be two consenting adults.
We can finish it here.
And in this quarter, we have neighborly ran Paul Spaces, Pau.
Yeah, I've been waiting all day to do that.
all day.
Roll the tape, Melody.
Pain was such that I could only sit up in bed
by tying a rope to the foot of the bed
and pulling myself up.
But even then, the pain was that of a thousand knives.
Over the year of recovery,
I began to cough up blood.
I ended up removal of part of my lung.
Complications led to an infection
in the space between my lung and chest wall.
I spent a week in the hospital
having the infection lavaged every six hours
through a chest tube.
You told the media that I was
a freaking snake and that you completely understood why I had been assaulted. I was shocked
that it would justify and celebrate this violent assault. That caused me so much pain and my family
so much pain. I just wonder if someone who applauds violence against their political opponents
is the right person to lead an agency that has struggled to accept limits to the proper use
of force. You went on to brag that you'd already told me to my face that you completely understood
and approved of the assault.
Well, that's a lie.
You got a chance today.
You can either continue to lie
or you can correct the record.
You have never had the courage
to look me in the eye
and tell me that the assault was justified.
So today you'll have your chance.
So the hearing also gave us this week's
Manosphere clip, which is the response
from Mr. Mark Wayne,
no space, a time, and a place, Mullet.
In the days after the fight,
you did many interviews
in which you justified the violence
as historically justified by precedents, such as caning and dueling.
Is it today your opinion that the caning of Charles Sumner was not only justified, but argues,
still for resolving our political differences with violence?
What I was simply pointing out is some of the rules that still applied to this body.
For instance, dueling with two consenting adults is still there.
I was pointing out what is still—
It's been illegal for 170 years.
there's no precedent for legal dueling.
I have to say I had no idea, Senator Paul,
had been injured so badly in the assault.
Well, you know what else was also surprising to me?
At one point during the hearing,
Rand Paul took Mark Wayne, No Spaces, Mullen to task
because Mullen apparently did not vote to rescind funding
for certain social welfare programs.
And I almost kind of felt like maybe I should be on Mark Wayne Mullen's side.
Right, I know, I know.
That was a tough moment.
It was a tough moment.
Yeah.
Because I was with Paul, obviously, for that, for the portion of which she was just taking Mullen to task.
And I, too, Leah, I had not realized, like, this was, it was a very serious assault.
Yes.
Long recovery, like, huge, huge deal.
I mean, he had part of his lung removed.
Yeah.
Yeah.
Yeah. Multiple broken ribs, et cetera.
Anyway, so he was understandably incensed at Mullen's sort of making light of slash actually seeming to support the attack on him.
But then.
But he was also really.
burned a lot of the goodwill when he was like, oh, yeah.
I'm really a libertarian.
No social programs for you.
Yeah.
Listeners, if you, like us, worry that our politics have become too divisive.
Don't worry.
Mark Wayne, No Spaces, Mullen is here to help.
We can all take a lesson from this man, because if you were watching the hearing, you might
have noticed a familiar face sitting behind the nominee.
No.
I'm not referring to Mrs.
No Spaces, Mullen, although she was there. I'm referring to none other than Mr. Sean O'Brien,
the head of the Teamsters and the individual who once challenged Senator No Spaces to
name a time and a place, Cowboy. It seems, listeners, the boys are no longer fighting.
Let's take a listen. Sean is someone that has become a close friend. We talk all the time.
I've been on his podcast. We've talked through this. That's how you handle your differences.
Not like this, Chairman.
The kids call this podcast diplomacy, and I think it's pretty fucking beautiful.
I love it.
I love it.
Yeah.
It brings people together.
They've been on each other's podcasts.
This seems like a deal-dough.
And speaking of deal-dows, or at least attempted deal-dows, we have some news about community
peen slash sex jet sex pest, Corey Lewandowski.
Blanket bandit.
Many, many nicknames.
NBC News reported about alleged negotiations between the geo group of private prison conglomerate and one Corey Lewandowski, who was allegedly in charge of DHS for some uncertain period of time, or at least effectively, running it in charge of some parts of it.
Technically, he was a, quote, special government employee.
Wink, wink, wink.
I for one.
So it was very special, the most special.
I would really like to get a federal judge to do some questioning about who the F is running or was running.
that shabang.
Shabang being offered at word.
I use that word.
Yeah, you did.
You did.
Some federal judge picks this up.
That would be great.
NBC maintains that Lewandowski told the Geo Group founder that he wanted to be paid in exchange for protecting and expanding Geogroup's contracts with DHS, which has obviously been very private prison forward.
According to NBC, when Geo offered to put Lewandowski on retainer, Lewandowski said no.
he won a compensation based on contracts secured with DHS.
Only quid pro quo.
Only quid pro quo.
Yep.
And then, reportedly, Gio Group's federal contracts shrank.
And Gio thinks it is because they did not agree to submit to Lewandowski's proposed deal-do.
I mean, this is a deeply reported story.
It is deeply disturbing.
It describes rank quid pro quo, pay-to-play corruption, where even the private prison
company was down to go quite as quidbroke, what was Lewandowski seem to be asking for.
You've lost the private prison.
I know.
No, this is a bit too much even for us.
I mean, too much for Mississippi, too much for private prisons, right?
The story of the Trump administration.
Absolutely.
That is perfect distillation.
Anyway, it requires not just addressing down by a federal judge, but congressional hearings,
you know, maybe all of the above.
But like, this is a really important story that it's, you know, we cannot just let go despite
the kind of whirlwind that is this news cycle.
All right.
That was very much not one of our favorite things.
But let's end by mentioning some.
I can go first.
I'm going to mention a couple things I read in the last week.
Oh, I did finish the Hail Mary Project,
which is, I think the movie's coming out this weekend.
It's really fun.
Is it?
I've downloaded it on my Kindle.
Honestly, I'm going to read it, yeah.
It's really a fun.
It's, I mean, you know, there are genre kind of moves
that I don't love, but I think it's
like pretty great storytelling and that's like
kind of fun science. Anyway,
people will feel differently about it. I really
enjoyed it. Okay, and more seriously,
I finally read Zach Bechamps
How to Stop a dictator, a long piece
that he wrote for Vox
maybe a couple of weeks ago.
And it just, it's a very, very good deep
dive on some of the literature on
not just how to diagnose, but how to
stop Democratic backsliding. And it's like
there's much less on the how to stop and how to
see or kind of diagnose sort of
side of the ledger, but a very, very good piece I highly recommend. And I also want to recommend
an episode from a week or so ago of The Daily, the case of Christy Metcalf. Metcalf is like an
amazing character and just the complete destruction of the enforcement of civil rights in our federal
government is devastatingly told by both Christy and Sarah Koenig, who is of course the host
of Serial, now part of the New York Times, and it is just an enraging and raging.
30 minutes of podcasting.
Highly recommend it.
So my favorite things, I already previewed one of them, which is the transcript in the New Jersey case.
So we will provide a link in the show notes.
This is very easy and accessible for you to read, and you should read it.
Second is Hillary Duff Luck or something album.
So you all probably remember or not whatever.
I recommended Mature, which is the lead single off of that album.
When the rest of it was released, I wasn't sure.
And now it all hits.
Like, I love weather for tennis.
I love adult-sized medium.
I like roommates.
I like roommates.
And it didn't initially click for me.
I like it.
But now it really does.
I like the tripping songs.
There's just one on there that I'm, like, not totally into.
But anyways, totally got into that album.
And third.
And finally, my favorite things are the t-shirts that I designed for one, Melissa Murray's
forthcoming book, The United States Constitution, a comprehensive.
and annotated guide for the modern reader. So we are running a giveaway now through Sunday,
the 29th. That's March 29th. If you pre-order a copy of Melissa's book, the U.S. Constitution,
a comprehensive and annotated guide for the modern reader, you can enter to win the merch that I made.
So we will provide a link to that giveaway in the show notes. It will also be posted on our
socials on Blue Sky and Instagram. So again, pre-order the book, enter to win some sick merch
It's designed me and approved by Melissa, which means it is high order stuff.
Like fire, like many fire emojis.
I just occurred to me, Melissa, that the for the modern reader has almost like a Bridgerton kind of feel to it.
I totally agree.
I hadn't quite appreciated.
Like it has gentle reader.
Exactly.
Yeah.
It's sort of, which is like very on brand.
I love that part of the title.
Call me lady whistle down, bitches.
If you want us to, we will.
Leah doing this merch giveaway for me, which again is entirely of her creation.
I would never have been able to do this independently is one of my favorite things this week.
So thank you, Leah. Kate.
I'm going to have to come up with some other way.
My comparative advantage is not in T-shirt design, as I think we all know.
I'll figure out other ways to show my love.
Girl, I'll be here.
It's okay.
I have already pre-ordered multiple copies.
Thank you.
That's my small part, but there's more.
Also a favorite thing, like order for your friends for everyone.
So my favorite things this week.
One, I'm so grateful to the Strictie who listened to last week's show and sent to me a link
to the Spotify Love Story playlist with all of the songs from Love Story.
Thank you so much.
That is one of my favorite things this week.
This week, I also started watching Paradise featuring Sterling K. Brown.
And I will just say, this is taking me back because nobody knows this.
But back in the day when I was a law student, Sterling K. Brown used to hang out with us because
he was friends with a guy I went to law school with.
They knew each other from college.
Sometimes we'd have parties and he'd be there.
And I just remember he was trying to make it as an actor in New York.
And a bunch of us were kind of like, dude, like maybe you should just go to law school.
Like, get a job.
And jokes on us.
Jokes on us.
Exactly.
In addition to Paradise, which again is dystopic and kind of amazing, I'm also enjoying Aziza Ahmed's
Risk and Resistance, How Feminist Transformed Law and the Science of AIDS, which just came out
from Cambridge University Press.
And she has been working on this book for a long time.
It's so fantastic and deeply, deeply researched, just absolutely A-plus.
That's great.
All right.
We have some housekeeping to get to before we leave.
We do.
And first item involves merch.
we are, as you know, gearing up for the midterms, literally with merchandise from the crooked store that does the yelling for you. You can yell, but you can have your yelling amplified, or if you don't want to yell, just have it done entirely by the merch. So you can grab a due process freak t-shirt and get ready to fight for the basic rights that Trump is bent on destroying. And, you know, might be due process. It might be something else that gets you out of bed and into a phone bank shift. But whatever it is, the crooked store has merchandise to help you spread the message. So,
ruse the entire catalog at crooked.com slash store. You can shop there.
Second piece of housekeeping is also about gearing up for the midterms because we are less
than nine months away from the midterms and we have a lot of work that you can do right now.
November will decide control of Congress and if Trump maintains his Republican trifecta.
And our friends at Boat Save America are here to help. They'll give you tips on how, when,
and where to donate to make sure your money goes the furthest, how to confidently talk to the people
in your life about midterms and key issues and opportunities to take action with your community
in real life. Go to Votesaveamerica.com and sign up to be part of the work this year. Then send
the sign up link to five friends. This was paid for by Vote Save America. Learn more at
vote saveamerica.com. This ad has not been authorized by any candidate or candidate's committee.
Strict scrutiny is a Cricket Media production, hosted an executive produced by Leah Lippman,
me, Melissa Murray, and Kate Shaw.
Our senior producer and editor is Melody Raoul.
Michael Goldsmith is our producer.
Jordan Thomas is our intern.
Our music is by Eddie Cooper, and we get production support from Katie Long and Adrian Hill.
Matt DeGroate is our head of production, and we are really grateful for our video team,
Ben Heathcote and Tohanna Case.
Our production staff is proudly unionized with the Writers Guild of America East.
And if you haven't already, be sure to subscribe to strict scrutiny in your favorite podcast app
and on YouTube at Strict scrutiny Podcasts.
so you never miss an episode. And if you want to help other people find the show,
please rate and review us. It really helps.
In moments like these, it's easy to feel overwhelmed and even easier to feel powerless.
But we are neither. I'm Stacey Abrams, and on my podcast, Assembly Required,
I take on each executive action, legislative battle, and breaking news moment by asking three
questions. What's really happening? What can we do about it? And how do we keep going?
together. This is a space for clarity, strategy, and hope rooted in action, not denial.
New episodes of assembly required, drop Tuesdays. Tune in wherever you get your podcast and on YouTube.
Booster juice is going crazy for hazelnuts. No, not crazy. Nuts.
Booster juice is going bananas for hazelnuts. I mean, there are bananas and smoothies, but that's not the point.
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Booster juice is going nuts for hazelnut.
Introducing the nutty monkey smoothie,
holy hazelnut asai bowl and nutty booster ball,
all made with rich, creamy hazelnut spread.
Try them today.
Only at booster juice.
Canadian-born.
Blending since 1999.
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