Tangle - 10 thoughts on what is happening in Israel.
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From executive producer Isaac Saul, this is Tangle.
Hey everybody, and welcome to the Tangle Podcast. I'm your host, Isaac Saul. Today,
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As the war in Israel is waging in Gaza, I've been inundated every day with news reports about, commentary on, and images of the fighting. Much of that has evoked strong feelings in me,
and it's often hard to decide where to focus my
finite resources of brain power. As the weeks have gone by between Tangle's coverage of these events,
I've found myself jotting down notes, saving articles, and increasingly staring blankly at
the wall lost in thought about what we are all witnessing. I don't know what to do with many of
these thoughts except share them with the people who read or listen to my work and hope that they provide some value.
So today, that's what I'm going to do. I'm going to flesh out 10 thoughts I've had about what's
been happening, and I'm going to put them into this podcast. Some might be offensive to you.
Some might be aligned with your own perspectives. some might seem contradictory, but I insist that
they aren't for me, and I assure you, I'm earnestly holding all ten of these thoughts together at
once. All I ask is that you listen to them with an open mind, and you share your responses with
some modicum of respect. Thought number one. I've noticed from logging on to my various social media
channels that a lot of people I've never
seen say a single word about Israel or Palestine now have Israeli or Palestinian flags in their
online bios and are happy to share authoritative, definitive black and white stances about the
conflict. I have to admit that I find this frustrating and sometimes even infuriating.
I'm glad people are interested in this conflict, genuinely. Maybe
somewhere out there is a person new to this issue that has an answer. And I'm also glad many don't
feel afraid to share their views about it. In an era where our culture of free speech is being
chilled, that is encouraging. But here is what I ask of you. Please, come to this issue as with any new issue, with humility. Be patient. You are new here.
Some people have been thinking deeply about this issue for years, many for decades. In recent weeks,
I've seen dozens of my friends share explicit misinformation or propaganda from both sides,
with personal commentary taking a definitive stance about what is going on, when I know from
years of interacting with them that they've spent close to zero time worrying or thinking about this personal commentary taking a definitive stance about what is going on when I know from years
of interacting with them that they've spent close to zero time worrying or thinking about this
conflict until a few weeks ago. There are numerous examples I could use to illustrate this point, but
perhaps the most illuminating comes from the Wall Street Journal. In a recent article, a political
science professor examined the findings of a polling firm he hired to ask college students chanting from the
river to the sea about the expression. It turned out that 47% of the students who embraced the
slogan could not name the river and the sea the expression referred to. It's the Jordan River and
the Mediterranean Sea, for those of you interested. The pollsters got answers like the Nile and the
Euphrates or the Dead Sea, which is a lake, and the Atlantic.
Just 10% could name the first Israeli prime minister, and when asked what decade the Oslo Accords was signed, more than a quarter thought that no such peace deal had ever been struck.
Not knowing things is fine, but speaking authoritatively or joining protests or being
arrogant about your views when you are also ignorant is not. This specific example looks
bad for some people joining the quote-unquote pro-Palestine protests, but there are plenty
of people on the pro-Israel side looking just as silly. So please, just remember, this is one of
the most controversial and intractable issues in global history. Literally. It's possible,
I'd say almost 100% certain, that you did not incontrovertibly
figure out the good guys and the bad guys in the last few days. Get off social media, read a few
books, then come back and share your thoughts with an elevated level of knowledge. Thought number two.
Relatedly, you don't have to say anything. Listening is good enough. Silence is not violence.
You are not complicit in the genocide of
Palestinians if you don't criticize Israel, nor do you need to condemn Hamas on behalf of your
Jewish friends. You can listen and learn for as long as you'd like, perhaps indefinitely,
I promise. Anyone who suggests otherwise is a charlatan or a bully. They are not interested
in hearing your voice, but they are interested in
hearing you conform to how they view what is happening right now. You don't have to adopt
anyone's views but your own, and you do not have to speak up until you feel informed enough or
confident enough in your own conclusions. In fact, it'd be a mistake to speak up before then.
Thought number three. There are a lot of important storylines in
this war, but I think the single most important one right now as we sit here today is the
destruction and death in Gaza. It's hard to properly describe the images that are coming
out of the strip, but they are truly apocalyptic. In areas Israel is bombing, there are children
buried in rubble, apartment buildings destroyed, arms and legs strewn across the street, pools of blood on the sidewalk. I'm not going to link to those images in our episode
description. I've done enough of that, but they're easy to find if you need some kind of proof.
In areas civilians are fleeing to, there's limited access to food, water, and electricity.
There's limited shelter. And of course, some of the areas where civilians have been told to
evacuate to are now the
targets of bombing campaigns and ground invasions.
There are a lot of different ways to quantify the current horror, but a few that I find
most disturbing include the following.
Between 2008 and 2022, or over the course of 14 years, roughly 3,100 children were killed
in the Iraq War.
In 19 days in Gaza, between October 7th and October 26th, an estimated 2,100 children were killed in the Iraq War. In 19 days in Gaza, between October 7th and October 26th,
an estimated 2,500 children were killed. Some of the people responsible for reporting the death
toll have themselves been killed, and the Gazan information system is largely controlled by Hamas.
This makes it difficult to parse fact from fiction on individual events. And yet, researchers are
comparing public health
records with the hospital reports of the dead and finding that they largely line up. The United
Nations and the Human Rights Office believe the total death count is, if anything, an undercount.
Gaza actually has a pretty robust medical records collection system, so this isn't just a guessing
game. Reuters explains how we know what we know, and there is a link to that explanation in today's episode description. Regardless of what you or I think, though,
Israel and Gaza officials seem to agree on this point. More than 15,000 people have been killed
in Gaza. An Israeli official on Monday accepted that figure and said he estimates around a third
of those killed in Gaza, about 5,000 people, are enemy combatants, though he offered no details
on how he reached that number. Taking that at face value, it would mean that 10,000 civilians
have been killed in the last two months. That is about the same number as all the civilians that
have been killed in Ukraine since Russia launched its attack in February of 2022. Ukraine, mind you,
is a country of more than 40 million people. A little more than 2
million people live in Gaza. So what is Israel's plan? I'm genuinely asking because I'm not sure.
They said they wanted to attack northern Gaza and destroy Hamas. They attacked Gaza City and then
pushed hundreds of thousands of people south. Now the IDF has moved south and insisted those civilians go where? West? East? Across the Egyptian
border? Gaza is one of the most densely populated areas in the world. The entire strip is about 140
square miles of land. Philadelphia, where I live, where I'm recording this right now,
is 134 square miles. Chicago is about 228. I've recently been imagining North Philadelphia, about a 20
minute bike ride for me, being bombed, and me being told to flee south, doing what I'm told,
and then being told to flee west as South Philly starts to get bombarded. All the while, I am a
civilian, navigating streets patrolled by Hamas, a terrorist group that has unfettered power in my
city and is trying to stop me from fleeing to safety. This is life for Palestinians in Gaza right now. And yes, it is important to contextualize
everything about this conflict with the history, current political dynamics, and broader geopolitics
of the region. And yes, Israel's ground invasion is a response to Hamas's attack on October 7th,
but it is now December 8th, more than two months later. What
is happening in Gaza should be the central story, and it is an unspeakably awful thing to watch.
I don't really have the words. Thought number four. A lot of readers and followers of mine
have insisted that I acknowledge the quote genocide of Palestinians. I have no interest
in semantic debates about the absolute horror of what
is happening in Gaza. If you want to describe thousands of schoolchildren being buried in bombs
as mass killings or genocide or war crimes, I personally do not care. You can call it whatever
you want, so long as you look at it with clear eyes. But if you're going to insist that I use
language that you dictate, then let's be really clear and specific about what those terms are.
What is happening in Gaza is not what I would call a genocide. From the outset, I cannot emphasize
how unhelpful this debate is, but the insistence that I weigh in and the cavalier use of the term
I see from so many people has forced my hand. Divisions about what qualifies as genocide are
evident among scholars who study this kind of thing for a living, and I am certainly not an authoritative voice. You can go read other articles, like one I linked to from Time magazine,
where actual experts debate the use of genocide to describe Israel's actions. According to the
Oxford Dictionary, a genocide is, quote, the deliberate killing of a large number of people
from a particular nation or ethnic group with the aim of destroying that nation or group, end quote.
The most critical element of legally defining genocide, and not using it as a rhetorical
flourish or a political statement, is an intent to deliberately wipe out an ethnic group or nation
state. To be sure, there are abhorrent Israeli politicians who call for another Nakba with a
total disregard for Palestinian life, which we'll discuss in one moment. But the people
calling the shots in this war are members of a special war cabinet, which includes members in
opposition to the government majority, and they are not rallying around a grand ethnic cleansing
of Palestinians. The Israeli army's stated mission is to destroy Hamas, a militant group,
not the Palestinian people. Hamas killed over 1,200 people in its October
7th attack, and Israel has killed far more people in response. To me, that is not justice.
Some of these bombing campaigns have included a wanton disregard for life, and you can argue
convincingly that some of Israel's strikes constitute war crimes, but this campaign does
not constitute a genocide. Furthermore, armies committing genocide
tend not to agree to humanitarian pauses. They don't warn civilians of impending attacks and
tell them to evacuate. They don't treat enemy combatants who are wounded in battle, even if
those combatants just got done slaughtering their own civilians. Yes, Israel has an incredible
military advantage, and it is tolerating a very high rate of civilian
deaths. But the military campaign it is waging in Gaza is not a genocidal campaign, which is not
some compliment to Israel. What I think we're going to witness is a large number of civilian
and combatant deaths in Gaza, unbelievable amounts of damage to civilian infrastructure,
some kind of temporary Israeli occupation, claims of a
successful campaign, and then probably a withdrawal, with the ruins left to Gazans and whatever is left
of Hamas to figure out. That doesn't really sound a whole lot better than genocide to me, but if
you're insisting we be specific and intentional about language, then you should be able to
acknowledge the difference. That said, we can comfortably surmise that over 15,000 Palestinians have been
killed, many of whom are women and children, and not labeling that killing a genocide does not
excuse it as morally neutral. It is unconscionable, and I condemn it outright. I warn you now that if
you write in to argue with me one way or another on this point, there is a very good chance that
I won't take the time to reply. As I open with, I think the semantic debate is a waste of time, as do, ironically, the scholars who are being asked
to define genocide. Thought number five. Why are people refusing to believe that Hamas committed
sexual violence, including rapes, against the women and children it attacked on October 7th?
I find it entirely dumbfounding and absolutely enraging. I saw the progressive
commentator Breonna Joy Gray tweet this the other day, which sent me down a rabbit hole of denial
I had been blissfully unaware of. Believe all women was always an absurd overreach, she said.
Women should be heard, claims should be investigated, but evidence is required. The same is true of the
allegations out of Israel. But also, this isn't a believe women's scenario because no female victims
have offered testimony. Evidence is required? No female victims have offered testimony? I really,
really, really hope that is a statement made out of immense ignorance.
Few instances of mass sexual violence have ever been as well-documented as what happened on October 7th.
There is an abundance of evidence, and of all the horrors coming out of this spate of
violence, among the most horrible are undoubtedly the rapes, sexual assaults, and kidnappings
of women and young girls in Israel on October 7th.
I was thankful to see a recent
article in Slate calling out all the ways in which the world's feminists have abandoned Israeli
victims. It was cathartic to read, in large part because their stories have been so disgustingly
dismissed by political factions across the globe, but also because the piece, co-authored by six
women who are all prosecutors, lawyers, and feminists, laid out in horrific
detail all the evidence we do, in fact, have. That includes, but is not limited to, videos
made by the perpetrators themselves, the infamous video of Nama Levy being dragged into a truck
while bleeding from her pants, multiple survivors, male and female, who have given the testimony Joy
says doesn't exist, including a grandmother who watched her granddaughter get raped and paramedics who arrived on the scene of a kibbutz and discovered young
girls who had been raped before being executed in their bedrooms. These are just a few examples of
many, and says nothing of the lack of testimony from the many female and young victims who were
killed or are currently being held hostage. As the Slate authors put it, this is not overstating things.
From our work as prosecutors, lawyers, and feminists, we understand what it takes to build
a solid criminal case for sexual assault. Here, there is voluminous evidence, more than what is
typically available." I posted this article on Twitter and was immediately met with indignation,
accusations that I was justifying genocide,
blathering claims that there was no evidence despite me just providing it,
and insinuations that I was ignoring the horror inflicted on Gazans
by virtue of condemning Hamas for rape.
To say this response is disturbing is perhaps the understatement of today's podcast.
Let me speak plainly.
If you are denying the simple fact that Hamas committed heinous acts
of sexual violence, or if your reaction to that claim is to posit that we can't discuss this fact
while also condemning Israel's actions, or to suggest that this is the result of Israeli
occupation, I urge you to re-evaluate your moral compass in analyzing these kinds of crimes,
and to find better resources for your information.
these kinds of crimes and to find better resources for your information.
We'll be right back after this quick break.
Thought number six. There are a lot of Israelis, Jews, and pro-Israel people also saying some deeply horrible and frightening things.
Some of these things are inspired by political extremism, some are inspired by religious
extremism, and some seem inspired by blind emotional rage. Glenn Greenwald recently
shared a video on Twitter to rightly make the point that condemnable, even genocidal,
language isn't coming only from pro-Palestine protesters on college campuses
who are getting outsized attention in the media. More on that in a minute. Indeed, explicit calls
to kill all Palestinians or turn Gaza into a parking lot or to wipe them off the f***ing map
or to erase Gaza are heard at pro-Israel protests and even from some U.S. senators. An Israeli
lawmaker named Galit Distel Atbarian from the ruling Likud
party said last month that Israel should be investing all their energy, quote, in one thing,
erasing all of Gaza from the face of the earth. Her comments came after a 45-minute screening
of footage taken by Hamas fighters during October 7th, an admittedly highly charged moment. But
again, she is describing a strip of land populated by
two million people, half of whom are children. Revengeful and vicious IDF is required here,
she added. Anything less than that the protesters repeatedly, get back. CBC News brings the story to you as it happens.
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can occur, and 100% protection is not guaranteed. Learn more at FluCellVax.ca.
When I first wrote about this war, one of the lines that caused the most anger was when I said
that Israel's coming desire for violence was not going to be unlike Hamas's. It's just as much
about blood for blood as any legitimate security measure, I said. Many people interpreted that as
some kind of moral equivocation between Hamas and Israel's army. It was not. This quote from Adbarian exemplifies the kind of attitude I was
referring to. And she wasn't alone. Amichai Eliyahu called the northern strip more beautiful
than ever as bombing and flattening occurred. Gilah Gamliel, another member of the Likud party,
put her name on a document from a ministry she runs that has called for transferring the entire
population of Gaza to Sinai in northern Egypt. That would be,
definitionally, an ethnic cleansing. Israel desires the moral high ground in this conflict.
As an American Jew with a strong connection to Israel and as someone who believes they are
fighting against a terrorist organization in Hamas, I desire it for them too. If they want
to maintain that high ground, it is absolutely 100% necessary to distance the Zionist
or pro-Israel movement from people like this. These attitudes, these words, are rightly destroying
the reputation of Israel's government, leadership, and people. As Iris Leal put it in Haaretz,
Adbarian, Gamliel, and Eliyahu do not have any influence over operational decisions, but to the
global media they represent
official Israel. Anyone who wants to interpret Israel's actions in Gaza as a genocide that will
end in ethnic cleansing can do so using quotes by these three freeloaders, end quote. I'll add that
anyone standing behind them should feel a great deal of shame. Thought number seven, there will
never be peace in this region with Hamas and jihadism thriving.
Hamas has assured this with its latest attack, but this era of mainstream Western media
seems totally afraid to discuss the religious underpinnings of Hamas's extremism.
Arab states across the world have begun to abandon jihad because they have seen what
it's brought them, but Hamas, some Gazans, and Iranian leadership are not there
yet. Few people have spoken about this issue with as much clarity as Sam Harris, who did an entire
podcast on the reality of Hamas's views. You can go read it or listen to it yourself with a link
in today's episode description, as I think it is genuinely worth your time. A lot of people hate
Harris and they accuse him of being an Islamophobe, but I think that is
genuinely a ridiculous way to attack his views here. Harris is argumentatively atheist and
scathingly critiques all organized religion, which means he frequently criticizes Islam.
Politically, I could criticize Harris for some of his downplaying of the U.S. and Israeli complicity
in where this conflict is today, but I think he is largely
right about everything related to global jihad, Islamic extremism, and Hamas. He makes dozens of
important points, and I want to echo a few of them here. People criticize Christianity and its
influence on American politics all the time without fear of being labeled anti-Christian.
Nobody should be called Islamophobic for criticizing Islam and its
influence on the political situation in the Middle East. Israel's behavior can explain some of the
support a group like Hamas receives in the region, but it is not what explains the suicidal and
genocidal inclinations of a group like Hamas. The Islamic doctrines of martyrdom and jihad do.
When a white supremacist goes into a supermarket
and murders a group of black people and then releases a manifesto saying he killed them
because he hates black people, nobody questions his motives. Why would we? And why do we question
Hamas's motives when they say they want to kill Jews, then go kill a bunch of Jews, and then brag
about killing Jews? We don't just question their motives, we actually invent new
ones to explain their actions. There have been 50,000 acts of Islamic terrorism in the last 40
years, 90% of which have occurred in Muslim-majority countries. Muslims themselves are disproportionately
the victims of these attacks. They occur because the people who commit them fundamentally believe
that their life on this earth is meaningless and they will be guaranteed an afterlife of bliss if they martyr themselves. This is a uniquely Islamic idea. Muhammad is a
definitively different biblical character than Jesus or Buddha, the icons of two other hugely
popular religions. It is relevant that Muhammad took sex slaves and tortured people and cut off
their heads and that his actions are supposed to serve as an example for Muslims. Members of Hamas believe that death is a portal to a much better life.
Not only that, they believe the Muslims they kill will be sent to that better life too.
Extra points for killing Jews. If you don't understand this reality, you do not understand
a fundamental underpinning of the group Israel is facing. This, all, is not to profess some anti-Muslim bigotry
and has nothing to do with race or the ethnic origins of Arabs. Furthermore, and very importantly,
it is not to say that all practitioners of Islam share the same interpretation or beliefs. It is
to examine the particular subset of Islamic ideas that ties this violence directly to Muslim extremism and global jihad.
There happens to be a lot of Muslim extremism and jihadism among Hamas. This is not a coincidence.
I'll say again, Harris is argumentatively atheist and criticizes all organized religion.
You can find him criticizing all scripture. You can find him criticizing Christianity.
The above is him criticizing Islam and jihadist extremism specifically. Solving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and
looking to a future where Israelis and Palestinians live side by side is going to require a great deal
of concessions, hardship, generational healing, and adaptation from Israelis and Palestinians alike.
Despite some of Hamas's recent changes and their apparent
willingness to do things like negotiate hostage releases, one of the critical elements of that
future will be an uprooting and dispelling of Hamas and Islamic extremism. Without that,
any peace process is eternally doomed. That much I can guarantee.
Thought number eight. The situation on college campuses has gotten incredibly tense and
bewildering. In case you missed it, professors from Harvard, Penn, and MIT testified before
Congress this week. A lot was said and covered, but the thing that got the most attention was
when Representative Elise Stefanik, the Republican from New York, gave each president the chance to
answer what seems like a pretty simple question. Does calling for the genocide of Jews
violate your rules on bullying and harassment? One might think the universities would have an
unequivocal answer to this. Yes. But instead, all the responses had some kind of equivocation,
or hedging. Harvard's president suggested it can be, depending on the context, like if it were
targeted at an individual. Penn's president suggested it would be
if the speech turns into conduct, which Stefanik responded to by asking the obvious question,
conduct meaning committing the act of genocide? The president of MIT said if targeted at individuals
not making public statements, then yes, it would be harassment. The fallout from the exchanges was
immediate, with the videos getting millions of views, emergency meetings called, clarifying hostage-like videos posted by the
presidents, and all sorts of commentary about what happened. Sometimes free speech can be
complicated. I am an actual free speech advocate, and I have already argued strongly that college
students have a right to demonstrate, a right to protest, and a right to offend, all without
government intervention or losing their job offers, for that matter.
Consistent with this view, I've also said repeatedly that I prefer allowing even neo-Nazis
to march in the streets—it's nice to know who they are—than to allow the government to start
calling the shots on what kind of public demonstrations are allowed or not. I've also
consistently said that we focus disproportionately on what college
students who are still developing their worldviews are saying, and of those students, we have an
insane myopia towards those who study at a certain set of a dozen or so colleges. For their part,
colleges have an obligation to defend academic freedom and should avoid punishing faculty
members or students for expressing even the most abhorrent political opinion. And that can be
complicated for university leaders since it requires extending tolerance toward individuals
who draw the ire of their student body or donor class. Many students and faculty are, right now,
being punished for all sorts of political positions that are not worthy of punishment.
But this specific issue is not very complicated. Genociding Jews isn't a political opinion. It's a
call for violence. One, actually, that violates the academic freedom and free speech of Jews on
campus. For example, what Jew would reasonably feel safe going to class or speaking publicly
on a campus where calls to commit genocide on the Jews is allowed. Universities have policies,
rules, and codes of conduct. Universities are
relied on by students to create challenging learning environments, but also safe ones.
Colleges like Harvard and MIT and Penn have very clear rules to protect female students and gay
students and transgender and non-binary students, as well as Black and Hispanic students and students
of all other races that universities codify specific protection for.
Violating those rules can get professors or fellow students reprimanded. These are the kinds of rules
that are not tied to a legal definition of free speech, but to university policies about making
students feel welcome and accepted. Imagine for a moment being a Jewish student at Harvard, MIT,
or Penn and watching that testimony, the context of calling for the
genocide of Jews matters? Would the context of calling for the genocide of Muslims matter?
Or transgender people or Black students? The reality is that these presidents are hesitant
to say yes because they don't want to define what constitutes a call for genocide. Is it
cheers of intifada or from the river to the sea, or does it need to be something more explicit?
And to be sure, these are difficult questions to sort out. As I mentioned above, it can even be
hard to say what genocide is, let alone genocidal language. But importantly, those questions were
not what they were asked. For what they were actually asked, the answer, very obviously,
is that calling for the genocide of Jews on a college campus should be explicitly violating several policies on harassment and bullying.
And if you have trouble answering that question clearly,
you really should not be running the most prestigious schools in the country.
Thought number nine.
A few weeks ago, a Palestinian writer, academic, and poet went viral on Twitter
for a pretty distasteful joke.
His name is Rifat Al-Arir. At the time,
when rumors were percolating that Hamas had put an Israeli baby in an oven during their October
7th attack, Al-Arir tweeted this, quote, with or without baking powder, question mark. The tweet
immediately went viral on American right-wing and Jewish Twitter as some kind of proof that every
Palestinian is indifferent to Israeli lives. Barry Weiss, the former New York Times writer who now runs the Free Press, put it up on her
own Twitter account with a simple comment, quote,
Here is Rifat Al-Arir joking about whether or not an Israeli baby burned alive in an oven
was cooked with or without baking powder. When I saw his tweet, I winced, as it genuinely offended
some part of me that did not want to see anyone making light
of the reports we had gotten from Israel. It's certainly worth noting that the veracity of this
particular story is still being disputed. Regardless, what Al-Arir was intending to do
was punch a hole in some of the propaganda and fog of war rumors that have spread during this
spate of fighting. He fundamentally didn't believe this thing had happened, and so he was joking
about it, I'm sure intending to snap people out of the haze and get them to focus on what he
thought was more important in late October, the bombing campaign in Gaza, where he lives.
It was not his first foray into controversy. He had called the initial October 7th attack
legitimate and moral, and exactly like the Warsaw Ghetto uprising, a revolt by German-occupied Jews in Poland during
the Holocaust in 1943. The comparison understandably upset a lot of people, though it made me want to
reach out and interview him about his perspective. Unfortunately, I can't interview Al-Aryar about
anything, because he's dead. He was reportedly killed in an Israeli airstrike on Thursday and
is now being mourned not just across the Palestinian world but also in the United States, as many American reporters had long-standing
relationships with him. He once toured the U.S. to promote his book about life in Gaza.
Less viral but perhaps much more illustrative of the man than his tasteless joke on Twitter
or his comments about October 7th was another video of Al-Arir that I had also watched a few
weeks ago. It was of him sitting for an interview with Katie Halper, a Jewish-American journalist,
who spoke to Al-Arir as Israel's bombardment was underway. With the demeanor of a professor,
Al-Arir quietly and slowly explained what he was living through. In the midst of the bombing
campaign, he told Halper that he was sheltering 15 children in his home. But the haunting part
of the video wasn't what he was saying. It was the juxtaposition of two background sounds.
One was a mixture of children playing, screaming, and crying, a sound familiar to anyone who has
grown up in a large family. The other was the sound of bombs crashing in the area where he
was sheltering, a very unfamiliar sound to most of us. This is one of the fundamental disparities in this
conflict that people like me, Barry Weiss, and others have to confront. While we get offended
about a dark and offensive joke or a comparison to the Warsaw Ghetto uprising Alarier makes on
Twitter, Alarier gets killed in an Israeli airstrike. It's important to sit with that,
and when I read the news, I tried to. It made me think critically about the lens through which I
am interpreting the stories coming out of Gaza. It made me think critically about the lens through which I am interpreting the stories
coming out of Gaza.
Shortly after reading about his death and gathering myself, I went onto Twitter and
searched for his name to see what people were saying about him.
At first, I was confronted with some very stupid and ridiculous tweets from American
leftists claiming that Barry Weiss had put a kill order on Al-Arir and got what she wanted.
Please get a grip.
But soon after, I found what I was looking for.
Tributes to him from people who knew him.
Stories of him teaching English to his students
or traveling to the U.S. on book tours
or helping his students in Gaza,
those who had never met a Jew,
understand that Jews didn't want their deaths,
that he had traveled to the United States
and made friends with Jews,
stayed in their homes, broken bread with them.
Stories that made me see much more than the perspectives of his I find deeply troubling
or inaccurate. However much his and my worldviews departed from each other, largely out of our own
experiences, he also seemed like a man who was doing all the good he could in a place where
having that kind of perseverance seems damn near impossible. He was a father, a teacher, an academic, a poet. Before he
died, he pledged in an interview that the last thing he would do in this life was throw his pen
at an Israeli soldier if he had to, but until then he'd keep fighting with his words. Now he's gone,
and we're left with only the stories he was trying to get us to hear. Thought number 10. It is
exhausting and debilitating to think and write about this
in an analytical fashion all the time. I do not want to debate the politics of Hamas's motivations
or discuss the legal definitions of genocide or the evidence for rape or look at maps of Gaza and
try to imagine what the hell Israel's military goals are. And I say that fully recognizing the
absurdity of complaining as I sit in my cozy office space here in Philadelphia,
while Palestinians in Gaza live this horror out in real time, or while Israelis are still mourning,
or while so many here and abroad have lost family members in the violence.
Still, we are two months into this and I feel like I haven't been able to take off my journalist or tangle hat yet.
I haven't cried, but I know it's coming, and I feel it burning inside of me.
I haven't raged yet, but I know it's coming, and I feel it burning inside of me. I haven't raged yet,
but I imagine that's coming too. I keep breathing and trying to be level-headed and looking for
useful ideas and trying my best to communicate them. This conflict feels deeply personal for
so many people connected to the land between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea,
and for me, it is no different. I do not truly feel as if I can or have had the space yet to feel this,
but I look forward to that day as much as I dread it. At the same time, I recognize that for all of
us, feeling this is important. To truly engage on this issue necessitates feeling it in some capacity
as much as you can while also taking care of yourself. If you can look at a barefoot Palestinian
child standing in a refugee
camp, scared for their life and missing their parents, and think, this is what happens when
you vote for Hamas, then you've been blinded by bias. If you can look at the parents of an Israeli
hostage kidnapped and killed in Gaza pleading for peace and think, this is what happens when you
colonize a land that isn't yours, then you've been blinded by bias. Do not lose your empathy for the
sake of a political virtue signal or in an effort to claim theed by bias. Do not lose your empathy for the sake of a political
virtue signal or in an effort to claim the moral high ground. Do not stop feeling what is happening.
Do not reduce it all to a meaningless swipe on Instagram or click on the internet.
It is real and it is happening and we have to find a way out.
All right, that is it for today's podcast. Thank you guys for listening and also for sticking with
Tangle in these difficult times. As I mentioned at the top, this is an example of the kind of
Friday edition we often put behind a paywall in our newsletter and on our website. If you're
interested in more content like this, please let us know. And if you want to support this podcast,
in the meantime, you can also drop something in
our tip jar. There's a link to do that in our episode description, or you can just become a
subscriber to Tangle at readtangle.com. But like I said, we're thinking about rolling out some
podcast membership soon. We just want to be sure enough people are interested in that. You can
reach me with any feedback anytime, Isaac, I-S-A-A-C at readtangle.com. Thank you guys and have a great
weekend. Peace. Our podcast is written by me, Isaac Saul, and edited and engineered by John Law.
The script is edited by our managing editor, Ari Weitzman, Will Kabak, Bailey Saul, and Sean Brady.
The logo for our podcast was designed by Magdalena Bokova,
who is also our social media manager.
Music for the podcast was produced by Diet75.
And if you're looking for more from Tangle,
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