Tangle - SCOTUS overturns Chevron.
Episode Date: July 1, 2024The end of Chevron deference. On Friday, the Supreme Court overruled the court’s 1984 decision in Chevron v. Natural Resources Defense Council, which deferred to the judgmen...t of federal agencies in interpreting statutory text to create regulations based on ambiguous laws. The 6-3 ruling fell along ideological lines, with the court’s six Republican-appointed justices in the majority. The decision is expected to shift the balance of power between the executive and judicial branches while compelling Congress to more specifically address policy issues when creating new laws.You can read the special Friday edition here (paywalled for non-members) and listen to the podcast here.You can read our previous coverage of these cases — including the history of Chevron and a recap of oral arguments — here and here. You can read today's podcast here, our “Under the Radar” story here and today’s “Have a nice day” story here.You can catch our latest YouTube video on Juneteenth here.Check out Episode 4 of our podcast series, The Undecideds.Please give us a 5-star rating and leave a comment! Today’s clickables: A couple of corrections (0:37), Quick hits (1:30), Today’s story (3:44), Left’s take (7:48), Right’s take (11:56), Isaac’s take (16:17), Listener question (21:50), Under the Radar (23:31), Numbers (24:17), Have a nice day (25:34)You can subscribe to Tangle by clicking here or drop something in our tip jar by clicking here. Take the survey: What do you think of the Supreme Court’s overturning the Chevron doctrine? Let us know!Our podcast is written by Isaac Saul and edited and engineered by Jon Lall. Music for the podcast was produced by Diet 75. Our newsletter is edited by Managing Editor Ari Weitzman, Will Kaback, Bailey Saul, Sean Brady, and produced in conjunction with Tangle’s social media manager Magdalena Bokowa, who also created our logo. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Transcript
Discussion (0)
Working in the trades is intense. It can be stressful and painful.
Some guys use drugs and alcohol to cope.
But when we ask for help, or we see someone struggling with addiction...
Our silence speaks volumes.
See how you can help, or get help, at Canada.ca slash ease the burden.
A message from the Government of Canada.
Based on Charles Yu's award-winning book,
Interior Chinatown follows the story of Willis Wu,
a background character trapped in a police procedural
who dreams about a world beyond Chinatown.
When he inadvertently becomes a witness to a crime,
Willis begins to unravel a criminal web,
his family's buried history,
and what it feels like to be in the spotlight.
Interior Chinatown is streaming November 19th,
only on Disney+.
From Searchlight Pictures comes A Real Pain,
one of the most moving and funny films of the year.
Written and directed by Oscar-nominated Jesse Eisenberg
and starring Eisenberg and Emmy Award winner Kieran Culkin,
A Real Pain is a comedy about mismatched cousins who reunite for a tour through Poland Thank you. this year, garnering rave reviews and acclaim from both critics and audiences alike. See A Real Pain only in theaters November 15th.
From executive producer Isaac Saul, this is Tangle.
Good morning, good afternoon, and good evening, and welcome to the Tangle Podcast,
a place where you get news from across the political spectrum,
some independent thinking, and a little bit of Isaac's take.
I'm your host, John Law, and today we're going to be talking about the decision that came back from the Supreme Court regarding Chevron deference.
Before we get started, on Friday, we published a special edition piece breaking down the first presidential debate between Joe Biden and Donald Trump.
Our editorial team shared their thoughts on each candidate's high and low points, the night's most revealing moments, and who came out on top.
moments and who came out on top. Isaac, along with managing editor Ari Weitzman and editor Will Kabeck, also got together on the Tangled podcast for a more candid discussion about what the debate
could mean for the presidential race and whether it's likely to produce any major shakeups ahead
of the party's nominating conventions this summer. You can check out the Friday edition
and the podcast in links in today's episode description. Note that the Friday edition is
paywalled for non-members, but now's as good a time as any to sign up for a membership.
All right, with that out of the way, let's jump over to today's quick hits.
First up, the Supreme Court ruled that former U.S. presidents cannot be prosecuted for official acts, granting former President Trump some immunity for actions relating to January 6th.
The case returns to the lower courts to decide whether special counsel Jack Smith's election interference case against Trump can continue.
Number two, additionally, the court kept a hold on efforts in Texas and Florida to limit how social media platforms regulate content posted by users, returning the case to the lower courts. Number three,
President Biden and his family met at Camp David over the weekend amid speculation over the future
of his campaign following Thursday's presidential debate. Biden's family reportedly criticized the
president's top advisors for their preparation, but Biden has thus far resisted calls to fire any
of his staff. Number four, Hurricane Beryl, the first hurricane of 2024, strengthened into a
category four storm on Sunday as it moves toward the Caribbean. On Thursday, the National Oceanic
and Atmospheric Administration warned that the United States could face one of the worst hurricane
seasons in two decades. And number five,
France's conservative National Rally Party won the country's first round parliamentary election
on Sunday, setting the stage for a runoff this week that could determine legislative control.
Meanwhile, the Supreme Court has now swept aside longstanding legal precedent in its ruling today overturning that Chevron doctrine, majorly curtailing the power of federal agencies to
interpret the laws they regulate. The decision is expected to have far-reaching implications
on everything from the environment to health care.
I think in the short term, it's a very, very big deal. I think that we're going to see an enormous number of challenges to government regulations in the environmental area, in food safety, in health care, health care administration.
There will be many, many challenges.
healthcare administration. There will be many, many challenges. And the lower courts and the Justice Department that defends those regulations are going to be very, very busy in the near term.
On Friday, the Supreme Court overruled the court's 1984 decision in Chevron v. Natural
Resources Defense Council, which deferred to the judgment of federal agencies in interpreting
statutory text to create regulations based on ambiguous laws. The 6-3 ruling fell along ideological lines,
with the court's six Republican-appointed justices in the majority. The decision is
expected to shift the balance of power between the executive and judicial branches,
while compelling Congress to more specifically address policy issues when creating new laws.
The ruling addressed two cases, Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo and Relentless Inc.
v. Department of Commerce, brought by fishermen in New Jersey and Rhode Island, challenging
a 2020 National Marine Fisheries Service rule requiring herring fishermen to pay for government-mandated
observers who track their fish intake.
The fishermen were eventually reimbursed for costs,
and the observation program ended in 2023 due to a lack of federal funds. The challengers asked the
court to weigh in on both the validity of the NMFS rule and the Chevron precedents undergirding it.
During oral arguments, court watchers predicted the court would rule in favor of the plaintiffs
on both questions. You can read our previous coverage with links in today's episode description. Writing for the majority, Chief Justice John Roberts
determined that Chevron was inconsistent with the 1946 Administrative Procedure Act, which outlines
how federal agencies can propose and establish regulations and offers guidelines for the court
to review those regulations. Roberts said the APA directs courts to decide legal questions
by applying their own judgment and makes clear that agency interpretations of statutes,
like agency interpretations of the Constitution, are not entitled to deference. Thus, courts
retain the final say on whether the agency's regulations are compatible with the new law.
Chevron is overruled, Roberts wrote. Roberts also rejected the argument that
agencies are better suited than courts to parse ambiguities in federal law, even on technical or
scientific questions. He further dismissed the notion that stare decisis, the legal principle
that courts should defer to precedent when deciding a case with similar legal issues to past cases,
should compel the court to uphold Chevron. Roberts said
the Chevron doctrine was unworkable because it provided no guidance on how to assess the
ambiguity of a law. While the court's decision doesn't overturn past cases that relied on
Chevron, the court is expected to rule on Monday on a case covering the statute of limitations on
challenges to federal agency actions. A ruling for the plaintiffs could undercut past
decisions supported by Chevron.
Justice Elena Kagan dissented and was joined by Justices Sonia Sotomayor and Ketanji Brown
Jackson.
Jackson recused herself from the Loper-Bright decision, as she had heard oral arguments
in the case while she was still a U.S. Court of Appeals judge.
Kagan characterized Chevron as the warp and woof of a modern government, supporting
regulatory efforts of all kinds, and suggested that the court's decision would create a jolt
to the legal system. She also disagreed with the majority's assertion that the ruling would
rebalance the branches of government. Instead, Kagan said, it gives the court's exclusive power
over every open issue, no matter how expertise-driven or policy-laden, involving
the meaning of regulatory law.
Although Chevron was initially supported by Justice Antonin Scalia and other conservative
legal experts, it was later maligned by conservative activists who saw the doctrine as a tool to
justify sweeping agency rules on the environment, consumer and workplace safety, financial oversight,
and other policy areas.
In recent years, the Supreme Court
has chipped away at federal administrative power, striking down the Biden administration's
moratorium on evictions in 2021 and its plan to cancel $400 billion of student debt in 2023.
Today, we're going to explore arguments about the court's decision from the left and the right,
and then Isaac's take. We'll be right back after this quick commercial break.
Working in the trades is intense. It can be stressful and painful. Some guys use drugs and alcohol to cope.
But when we ask for help or we see someone struggling with addiction,
our silence speaks volumes. See how you can help or get help at Canada.ca
slash ease the burden. A message from the Government of Canada.ca slash ease the burden. A message from the government of Canada.
From Searchlight Pictures comes A Real Pain,
one of the most moving and funny films of the year.
Written and directed by Oscar-nominated Jesse Eisenberg
and starring Eisenberg and Emmy Award winner Kieran Culkin,
A Real Pain is a comedy about mismatched cousins
who reunite for a tour through Poland to honor their beloved grandmother. The adventure takes a turn when the pair's old tensions resurface
against the backdrop of their family history.
A Real Pain was one of the buzziest titles at Sundance Film Festival this year, garnering
rave reviews and acclaim from both critics and audiences alike. See A Real Pain only
in theaters November 15.
Bill Payne, only in theaters November 15th.
First up, let's start with what the left is saying.
The left opposes the ruling, calling it the latest common-sense precedent to be struck down by the conservative court.
Some say the decision will have wide-ranging consequences for important government functions.
Others suggest the court is brazenly disrupting the balance of power in government.
In the Washington Post, Ruth Marcus wrote,
the justices toss yet another precedent,
delighting conservatives.
Administrative law does impact the emotional punch of abortion access or LGBTQ plus rights,
but the day-to-day impact of this seemingly arcane issue
is profound.
The fundamental question in Friday's ruling boiled
down to, who decides, courts or agencies? The conservative majority's answer, courts, affects
everything from clean air to drug safety to student loans, the broad landscape of government regulation.
And that power matters more than ever now that Trump, who had appointed 28 percent of federal
judges by the time he left office, has the prospect of naming more in a second term.
Every law setting out regulatory authority is going to contain gaps and ambiguities.
Agencies are best suited to interpret the statutes under which they operate
and deal with the myriad of intricate and technical questions that inevitably arise.
For their part, courts aren't supposed to be policymakers
or best positioned to make these expert judgments, Marcus said.
Without the restraining effort of Chevron deference, it's not hard to imagine conservative litigants and corporations racing to friendly jurisdictions to bring challenges to agency action.
In a Republican administration, the same could happen just the other way around.
In the Daily Beast, Shan Wu said,
Reversing Chevron will undo many rights and protections for all of us."
The reversal of the Chevron case by the Young Turks, Angry Old Men, and Chief Justice John
Roberts, who make up the Supreme Court's conservative majority, checked off an important
box in the Federalist Society's checklist for reshaping America, Wu wrote.
It might seem like common sense to believe that an agency like the
U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service would be more about, say, the proper classification of the
western gray squirrel, the example given by dissenting liberal justice Elena Kagan,
than a rando judge. But common sense never stands in the way of revolution. Perhaps it is some kind
of multi-generational conservative trauma passed down since the New Deal that motivates their obsession with dismantling the protections of the administrative state.
But like any trauma, the effects can be illogical and have far-reaching destructive consequences,
Wu said. The reversal of Chevron assures the Roberts Court of its place in history
as a court that seeks to consolidate the reins of power over Americans in nine unelected public
officials. But its place in history will also consolidate the reins of power over Americans in nine unelected public officials.
But its place in history will also include the accomplishment of driving public confidence
in the high court to record lows that may ultimately fuel reform in the court itself.
In The American Prospect, Hassan Ali Kanu asked, who's going to check the Supreme Court?
The unmistakable theme of this Supreme Court term has been raw power and just how much
of it the high court has in our particular system of democracy compared with the other branches,
Canoe wrote. The Loper-Bright ruling furthers a decades-old goal of the conservative movement to
gut the so-called administrative state to kneecap federal regulation on businesses in plain terms.
It's a neat example of the court's power. Not only are the justices empowered to
define the shape and scope of the executive branch, they are in fact able to accrue that
power to themselves simply by declaring it so. In recent years, the court has had no compunction
about flexing and stretching the bounds of its immense practical powers in increasingly brazen
ways. By now, the point is so glaringly clear that perhaps the most spot-on
descriptions come from the conservative justices' liberal colleagues, Canu said.
The way the court exercises its power certainly suggests that the six justices in the conservative
majority might just be the supreme rulers of the United States, at least as a practical matter.
Congress and the president, you know, the other co-equal branches, might want to do
something about that. All right, that's it for what the left is saying, which brings us to what
the right is saying. The right supports the ruling arguing that it returns the power to interpret
laws back to its proper place, the courts.
Some say the decision is the most important of the court's current term.
Others say Congress must now assert its power to legislate to further tamp down the administrative state.
National Review's editors wrote,
The administrative state is put back in its constitutional place.
Ending Chevron deference has been a long-term project
of constitutionalists. The doctrine, minted only in the mid-1980s, never sat comfortably with the
traditional power of the judiciary to, in the words of Chief Justice John Marshall,
say what the law is. Nor was it consistent with the Administrative Procedure Act passed in 1946,
which provided that a court-reviewing agency action must decide all
relevant questions of law and interpret the relevant statutory provisions, the editor said.
Neither of these decisions prevented the agencies from exercising powers explicitly granted by
Congress or from pursuing cases that could stand up in court, so the alarms about crippling
administrative power are overstated. Nor were these decisions, as the court's liberals would have it, a judicial power grab.
Loper Bright restores the proper primacy of Congress, the editors added.
All of this is not only good, but necessary and healthy for a democratic and constitutional system.
If it provokes in Congress the habit of writing laws, and in agencies the habit of obeying them, all the better. In City Journal, Ilya Shapiro argued,
Overturning Chevron is the story of this Supreme Court term.
Originally meant to streamline the Reagan administration's deregulatory agenda
in the face of judicial obstruction, the doctrine wound up enabling and ratcheting up the bureaucratic
bloat. Good for the court to recognize that its 40-year-old experiment in rebalancing the
relationship between administration and judicial review has failed. Indeed, the court itself hasn't
used the doctrine in nearly a decade, Shapiro said. Chevron led to agency overreach,
haphazard practical results, and the diminution of Congress. Though intended to empower Congress
by limiting the role of courts, Chevron instead enabled agencies to aggrandize their own powers
to the greatest extent plausible under their operative statuses, and often beyond. Courts,
in turn, have gotten lazy in interpreting statutes. It's become a
vicious cycle of legislative buck-passing and judicial deference to executive overreach,
Shapiro wrote. As I wrote in an amicus curiae brief, Chevron deference rests on the presumption
that Congress won't over-delegate and that agencies will be loyal agents, but experience
has shown that Congress loves shirking accountability and agencies love pursuing their own interests.
In Fox News, Senator Eric Schmidt, the Republican from Missouri, said that the Supreme Court just defeated big government.
It's up to Congress to make it stick.
The greatest fear of America's founders was government power left unchecked and unaccountable to the American people.
In the last 40 years, however, the burgeoning of the administrative state has turned this founding nightmare into a reality. Federal bureaucrats,
under the guise of purported expertise, have been able to wield immense control over the lives of
American citizens. These bureaucrats have destroyed small businesses and steamrolled
private industries, all while accumulating more power for themselves, Schmidt wrote.
Fortunately, the Supreme Court corrected this decades-long federal overreach,
delivering a huge victory to all Americans being suffocated by crushing government regulation.
Given the relative power of parties involved, Loper Bright was a true David versus Goliath case.
The fishermen were facing off against a massive and nearly all-powerful bureaucracy.
In doing so, they represented
the plight of scores of Americans struggling under the crushing weight of government regulation,
Schmidt said. However, the battle is not yet won. With the Supreme Court rightfully returning
authority back to the legislative branch, Congress must not punt this back to the regulatory agencies.
It's the duty of our elected leaders in the House and Senate to take on the burden of
legislating, just as it was before.
All right, that is it for what the left and right are saying, which brings us to Isaac's
take.
Just a reminder that this is Isaac's opinion, and I'm just reading it in the first person. So we've written about Chevron a couple of times before, and I said in both of
those editions that I was really torn about the issue, and I feel the same today. Our federal
government feels vast, with legislators outsourcing much of their work in codifying positions to
agencies. At the same time, I get why deferring to agency experts on technical
questions is often preferable, especially since some ambiguities in the law are inevitable.
That said, I think it's useful to apply the same framework we always do when evaluating court cases,
separating the legal argument from the decision's practical effects. So before I get into those
effects that are leaving me so conflicted, let's get into the legal argument.
Here, I'm less conflicted. I think the court's opinion in these cases is pretty convincing.
In his opinion for the majority, Chief Justice Roberts explained why the Chevron Doctrine is inconsistent with the Administrative Procedure Act, a law that sets out procedures for federal
agencies and instructions for courts to review those procedures. The APA, Roberts argued,
makes clear that agencies' interpretations of statutes, like agency interpretations of the
Constitution, are not entitled to deference. Furthermore, Roberts made a strong case that
granting deference to federal agencies only when statutes are ambiguous is an unworkable standard.
In other words, courts are responsible for deciding when regulations
are exercised within the rule of law. Chevron deference was just that, a deference given to
federal regulators in deciding technical cases under ambiguous law. And there's nothing in the
Constitution or written law that assures or guides it. Justice Kagan advanced what I think is the
best argument for keeping Chevron in her dissenting opinion, that overturning the legal doctrine goes against stare decisis. But when the court is
deciding whether or not a way of making legal decisions is constitutional and valid, saying
that other courts use that method of making legal decisions is a circular argument. As Gorsuch
argued, pretty convincingly in his concurring opinion, the difference applied under the
Chevron doctrine goes against court precedent in deciding agency powers going back to the 1800s.
If stare decisis calls for judicial humility in the face of the written law,
it also cautions us to test our present conclusions carefully against the work of
our predecessors, Gorsuch wrote. And moving forward, without deference given to federal
agencies, I hope the court will extend that humility to matters where they don't have expertise.
But I'm worried that many courts across the country won't, which brings me to the practical outcomes.
Just a few days before this ruling came down, the Supreme Court decided a similar question in Ohio v. EPA.
In the initial version of the ruling the court released, the majority made five references to nitrous oxide,
also known as laughing gas, rather than nitrogen oxide, the compounds that were actually at the
center of the case. The court corrected the error after publishing its ruling, but it was precisely
that kind of screw-up that supporters of Chevron say illustrates the value of leaning on agency
experts. Conversely, the cases brought before the court to challenge Chevron were emblematic of agency overreach.
Few people could read about a federal agency
forcing a monitor onto a fisherman's boat,
then making that fisherman pay the monitor's fees,
especially when the fee could reach up to $700 a day,
high enough to undercut their entire business
and feel like it was a fair setup.
And while I remain torn about Chevron being overturned,
I do think I have clarity about the system I wish we had,
courts giving deference to agencies that in turn are not captured by politics.
In truth, I think that the court giving that difference on ambiguous technical questions
is unambiguously positive, but it just doesn't work in our current system the way it should
because agencies too often exert their power based on politics rather than expertise.
Of course, the other side of the coin is worrisome too. Previously, agencies at least had a slight
upper hand in defending their recommendations in front of partisan judges with the weight of
Chevron behind them. Without Chevron, that upper hand is gone, meaning voters will have less sway
on federal policy since agencies are beholden to elected members of Congress and the president
while judges are appointed. With all that said, I have a hard time joining the chorus of concerned
voices on the left. I certainly think this ruling could release a firehose of court challenges to
long-standing regulation, and I also think it's possible some judges will make serious errors that could have been avoided with Chevron in place. Yet, at the same time,
this Supreme Court has been putting Chevron aside since 2016, and the concept was entirely foreign
until its invention in 1984. It's not as if federal agencies will stop interpreting legislation
to advance regulations and experts are going to suddenly stop having a voice, they'll still argue their points and brief the courts when necessary, and judges will have
to weigh content matter expertise against their own legal judgment. To put it more directly,
while I'd certainly prefer our judges in courtrooms to defer to topic-specific experts
on technical and ambiguous policy questions, I don't think the court system is going to spin into chaos, nor will our laws be impossible to enforce without Chevron in place.
It could even motivate more specific, better thought out legislation from Congress.
We'll be right back after this quick break.
We'll be right back after this quick break. Our silence speaks volumes. See how you can help or get help at Canada.ca slash ease the burden.
A message from the Government of Canada.
From Searchlight Pictures comes A Real Pain,
one of the most moving and funny films of the year.
Written and directed by Oscar-nominated Jesse Eisenberg and
starring Eisenberg and Emmy Award winner Kieran Culkin, A Real Pain is a comedy about mismatched
cousins who reunite for a tour through Poland to honor their beloved grandmother. The adventure
takes a turn when the pair's old tensions resurface against the backdrop of their family history.
A Real Pain was one of the buzziest titles at Sundance Film Festival this year,
garnering rave reviews and acclaim from both critics and audiences alike.
See A Real Pain only in theaters November 15th.
Based on Charles Yu's award-winning book, Interior Chinatown follows the story of Willis Wu,
a background character trapped in a police procedural who dreams about a world beyond
Chinatown. When he inadvertently becomes a witness to a crime, Willis begins to unravel
a criminal web, his family's buried history, and what it feels like to be in the spotlight.
Interior Chinatown is streaming November 19th, only on Disney+.
Alright, that's it for Isaac's take, which brings us to Your Questions Answered.
This one's from Robert in Los Gatos, California.
Robert asks, do you know why people answer your surveys with an unsure no opinion?
Why do they even bother?
Okay, so we're always happy to talk about our survey methodology.
Every day in our extras section, we include the results from the previous day's reader survey.
in our extras section, we include the results from the previous day's reader survey. Last Tuesday,
from our edition on the Ten Commandments, our survey netted just over 1,800 replies,
our second most answered survey ever. As many of you know, each survey we give includes an option for unsure slash no opinion, but even 1,800 respondents only represent 1% of our subscribers,
so most of you don't know about that part
of what we do here at Tangle.
We aren't exactly polling experts
and our reader surveys are far from scientific.
But what we've learned is it's best practice
to include a response option for readers
who aren't firm in their opinion
for one reason or another.
The theory is that including an unsure no opinion option
informs us of when a topic is a little confusing
or complicated,
so readers can genuinely report that they just haven't formed a strong opinion.
Further, we believe that a lot of our survey responses come from the same,
relatively small group of people, and if those people know that they can fill out our surveys,
even when they aren't firm in their stances, then we'll be able to reach more of that group.
And the more respondents we get, the more confidently we can say that we're getting
an accurate sample of our readership, or at least the most engaged portion. But maybe we're way off
base here. If you take our reader surveys, write in to let us know what you think of that option,
even if you're unsure or have no opinion.
All right, next up is our under-the-radar story.
Israel is preparing for the end of the war in Gaza by preparing to test a series of bubbles,
humanitarian enclaves, and select northern Gaza neighborhoods designed to be insulated
from Hamas.
Under the plan, the Israeli military would distribute aid to vetted local Palestinians
who would disperse the aid and gradually expand their responsibilities
to take over civilian governance in the area. Israel hopes to eventually expand these bubbles
throughout Gaza to gradually replace Hamas's rule in the Strip. The initiative, however,
faces growing skepticism within Israel and the surrounding Arab states. The Financial Times has this story, and there's a link in today's episode description.
All right, next up is our numbers section.
The number of judges appointed to the federal bench by President Joe Biden to date is 201.
The percentage of active judges in the federal court system appointed by Biden is 23%.
The number of judges appointed to the federal bench by former President Donald Trump during his term is 234. The percentage of active judges in the federal court system
appointed by Trump is 28%. The amount per day that herring fishermen were required to pay to bring
mandated observers on their ships in compliance with a 2020 agency rule that prompted the challenge of Loper Bright Enterprises versus Raymundo is $710. The number of federal agencies out of 16 surveyed that received
ratings of excellent or good by more than half of U.S. adults in a 2023 Gallup survey is four,
the U.S. Postal Service at 62%, the Secret Service at 55%, the Department of Defense at 53%, and Nassau at
52%. The number of federal agencies that over 50% of Republicans rate as doing an excellent job
is 1, the U.S. Postal Service. And the number of federal agencies that over 50% of Democrats rate
as doing an excellent job is 12. All right, and last but not least, our have a nice day story.
Residents of Santa Ana, California have difficulty consistently finding nutritious food,
but a new organization is changing that. The Seva Collective is a food pantry that began to address
food needs at the beginning of the pandemic and has now become a community staple that many residents rely on for ease of use. Individuals drive up to the food bank where
volunteers load their cars with fresh produce. Save a Collective emphasizes giving out fresh
produce and unprocessed foods to encourage healthy habits and slow systemic health problems,
according to CBS News. The Uplift has this story, and there's a link in today's episode description.
All right, everybody, that is it for today's episode. As always, if you'd like to support our work, please head over to readtangle.com and sign up for a membership. We'll be right
back here tomorrow. For Isaac and the rest of the crew, this is John Law signing off.
Have a great day, y'all. Peace.
Our podcast is written by me, Isaac Saul, and edited and engineered by John Law.
The script is edited by our managing editor, Ari Weitzman, Will Kedak, Bailey Saul, and Sean Brady.
The logo for our podcast was designed by Magdalena Bokova, who is also our social media manager.
The logo for our podcast was designed by Magdalena Bokova, who is also our social media manager.
Music for the podcast was produced by Diet75.
If you're looking for more from Tangle, please go to readtangle.com and check out our website.