Tangle - The cartel violence in Mexico.
Episode Date: February 24, 2026On Sunday, Mexican security forces killed cartel leader Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes — known as “El Mencho” — and multiple others in a military operation assisted by U.S. intelligence ...in Tapalpa, Jalisco, in Western Mexico. Oseguera was wounded in a violent clash with Mexican special forces and died while being flown to Mexico City. In response to the killing, shootouts, explosions, and over 250 vehicle blockades and arson attacks spread across Jalisco, as well as the nearby states of Michoacán, Guanajuato, Colima, and Tamaulipas. Follow the State of the Union live with Tangle. Tonight, President Donald Trump will deliver the first official State of the Union address of his second term. Tangle will be covering the event live on our social media channels, sharing clips and instant analysis, so be sure to follow us on: InstagramFacebookXBlueSkyNot a social media person? Sign up for our Subtext messaging service to receive a recap at the end of the night. You can sign up here or text TANGLE to (850) 338-9163.Ad-free podcasts are here!To listen to this podcast ad-free, and to enjoy our subscriber only premium content, go to ReadTangle.com to sign up!You can read today's podcast here, our “Under the Radar” story here and today’s “Have a nice day” story here.You can subscribe to Tangle by clicking here or drop something in our tip jar by clicking here. Take the survey: What do you think Mexico’s stance against the cartel should be? Let us know.Our Executive Editor and Founder is Isaac Saul. Our Executive Producer is Jon Lall.This podcast was written by: Will Kaback and audio edited and mixed by Dewey Thomas. Music for the podcast was produced by Diet 75.Our newsletter is edited by Managing Editor Ari Weitzman, Senior Editor Will Kaback, Lindsey Knuth, Bailey Saul, and Audrey Moorehead. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
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From executive producer Isaac Saul, this is Tangle.
Good morning, good afternoon, and good evening, and welcome to the Tangle podcast, the place where you get views from across the political spectrum, some independent thinking and a little bit of our take.
I'm your host for today, managing editor Ari Weitzman, and our topic today is the violence in Holiscoe State in Mexico, following the killing by Mexican authorities of a cartel leader.
We're going to get into that in just a second, featuring a take from our senior editor, Will Quebec, who is traveling.
But first, just wanted to give you the update that tonight is Donald Trump's first state of the union of his second term.
And we're going to be covering it live.
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But that brings us today's main topic, which is the cartel violence in Holisco.
I'm going to pass it over to John for that, and I'll be right back to give you Will's take,
and then the reader question and the rest of the pot.
Thanks, Ari, and welcome, everybody.
Here are your quick hits for today.
First up, the European Parliament paused the ratification process for its trade deal with the United States,
citing uncertainty about the future of President Donald Trump's tariffs.
Separately, FedEx sued the U.S. government, seeking a first.
full refund for duties it paid on tariffs that the Supreme Court struck down on Friday.
Number two, U.S. Southern Command said that the military carried out a strike on an alleged
drugboat in the Caribbean Sea, killing three men.
Number three, a former immigration and customs enforcement lawyer told a congressional
forum that the agency's process for training new officers is deficient, defective, and broken,
claiming it had cut significant portions of its training program to expedite officers' graduation.
Number four, multiple outlets reported that leaders in the Defense Department, in particular
Joint Chiefs Chairman General Dan Cain, have warned President Trump of significant risks of a military
campaign against Iran.
Trump refuted that U.S. military leaders oppose a potential war.
And number five, British police arrested Peter Mandelson, the former UK ambassador to the U.S.,
on suspicion of misconduct in public office in connection with his relationship with convicted
sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.
Mandelson was fired from his position in September after his second.
new details about his ties to Epstein were released.
Chaos erupting at a Mexico airport after the death of El Mentiono, one of the country's most
powerful cartel leaders.
The most important thing at this moment is to guarantee peace and safety of all the population.
The Mexican army says the 59-year-old was captured on Sunday in the state of Halisco and died
while on an airlift to Mexico City.
Cartel members responded with arson attacks, prompting the State Department to issue a shelter-in-place warning for Americans in Puerto Vallarta and the surrounding area.
On Sunday, Mexican security forces killed cartel leader Nemesio Oseguera-Servantes, known as El-Mancho, and multiple others in a military operation assisted by U.S. intelligence in Tepalpa, Halisco, in Western Mexico.
Oseguero was wounded in a violent clash with Mexican special forces and died while.
being flown to Mexico City. In response to the killing, shootouts, explosions, and over 250 vehicle
blockades and arson attacks spread across Helisco, as well as the nearby states of Michoacan,
Guanawhato, Colima, and Tamolipas. Halisco Governor Pablo Lemus Navarro declared a code-red
state of emergency in the state. Additionally, the U.S. Embassy in Mexico issued a shelter-in-place
warning to U.S. citizens in the region, and multiple airlines canceled flights into and out of nearby
airports. Mexican authorities confirmed that 25 members of the country's National Guard were killed
in six separate attacks in Halisco. In another part of the state, a high-ranking cartel member
was offering $1,000 for every soldier killed, according to Mexican Defense Secretary Ricardo
Treviya. The government said the situation had stabilized by Monday morning, by which point
more than 70 people had died in the violence. Oseguera, 59, was the leader of the Halisco
New Generation Cartel, co-founding the cartel in 2009 and building it from a local criminal group
into what the Drug Enforcement Agency and Federal Bureau of Investigation consider Mexico's
largest trafficking organization and one of its most violent. CJNG has a presence across nearly
all 50 U.S. states and is responsible for significant quantities of cocaine, fentanyl, and methamphetamine
entering the country. The cartel is also known for its brazen violence against the Mexican government.
In 2020, CJNG attempted to assassinate security officials with grenades and high-powered rifles in Mexico City.
The U.S. had offered a $15 million reward for El Minchos capture.
In January 2025, President Donald Trump issued an executive order designating drug cartels as terrorist organizations.
In August, the New York Times reported that Trump secretly signed a directive to the Pentagon to begin targeting Latin American drug cartels.
Last month, the U.S. established a counter-cartel task force that works,
with the Mexican military and reportedly shared intelligence for the El Mento operation.
Mexican President Claudia Scheinbaum has rejected U.S. offers for increased military assistance
in combating the cartels, saying that Mexico is open to intelligence sharing, but will
handle its own domestic operations. Today, we'll cover with the left, right, and Mexican writers
are saying about the military operation, El Mentiono's death, and the cartel response. And then,
senior editor Will Keback will give his take. We'll be right back, Astor. We'll be right back,
after this quick break.
All right. First of, let's start with what the left is saying.
The left is mixed on the operation, with some arguing the U.S. is continuing to push for a failed
policy. Others praise Shinebaum for her decisive action.
In Jacobin, Benjamin Fogle wrote, another kingpin falls. Nothing changes.
For nearly 50 years, the United States has pursued a strategy of taking out the leaders of
major drug trafficking organizations as the centerpiece of its drug wars.
El Mentiono joins the litany of past.
slain, iconic, designated drug villains deemed as the most violent and dangerous traffickers
of their day in the never-ending war on drugs, Fogel said.
Nobody can seriously claim that any of these deaths or arrests has made Mexico a less violent
country or seriously reduced the overall power of organized crime, let alone hindered
the flow of drugs to the United States and the rest of the world.
Since Richard Nixon first declared a war on drugs in 1971, in large part to justify
a crackdown on the new left, there are now now.
more drugs on the market than ever before, and they have never been easier to get a hold of.
If anything, the press has been dropping from South Africa to Europe.
As a thought experiment, it's worth asking at this point if actually winning the war on drugs
is the goal, if the agencies waging it are dependent on the threat posed by narco-trafficking
for continued budgets in the tens of billions, Vogel route.
Regardless of what happens following Mentiono's death, the fall of another kingpin will do little
to stem the power of organized crime and the interests that benefit from disorder, including those
currently in the White House. In Bloomberg, Juan Pablo Spenetto said, Scheinbaum kills a drug lord and crosses
her Rubicon. Every time a major cartel loses its boss, the spasm of revenge against a government
is followed by bloody internal struggles as major players and their factions move to fill the vacuum,
Spenetto wrote. Yet as it raises the prospect of sustained violence and cartel infighting in parts of
Mexico, as seen in Sinaloa after the removal of Ishmael Mayo Zimbada in 2024,
Scheimbaum's bold move deserves support and recognition.
The Mexican military operation, backed by U.S. intelligence,
cements a major turning point in the country's security strategy since Scheinbaum took
office nearly 17 months ago.
The so-called Kingpin strategy aimed at decapitating drug lords rarely prevents the rise
vanu Kappo, even if it triggers violent unrest.
Like nature, multi-billion-dollar criminal cartels abhor.
a vacuum. But the Mexican state needed to show that it has the resolve to regain control of parts of
the country that criminal networks have terrorized for far too long, Spenetto said. The operation is also
a win for Shinebound in other respects. It shows that bilateral security cooperation with the U.S.
can pay off and that she is serious about fighting organized crime. That will win her credit
with the Trump administration that has been rough in its treatment of the U.S.'s main trading
partner. All right, that is it for what the left is saying, which brings us to what the right is
saying. The right supports the operation and calls on Mexico to continue its campaign against
cartel leaders. Some say the U.S. and Mexico should deepen their partnership in this effort.
The Wall Street Journal editorial board asked, will President Scheimbaum keep going?
Scheimbaum's predecessor and mentor, Andreas Manuel Lopez Obrador, from 2018 to 2024,
followed a hugs-knock gunshots appeasement policy toward the cartels that was a disaster.
Organized crime now controls wide swaths of Mexico.
producing and trafficking drugs, kidnapping for ransom, and running shakedown rackets, the board wrote.
Miss Scheimbaum took an early step toward confronting the cartels by appointing former Mexico City
Supercop, Omar Garcia Harfuch, as her Secretary of Security and Citizen Protection.
On Sunday, she showed new seriousness by going after the leader of the powerful Halisco New Generation
cartel.
Most Mexicans, apart from many in Miss Scheinbaum's Morena Party, welcome U.S. assistance.
their country has become lawless in many places and they want relief, the board said.
Mr. Trump can also help by telling Americans to stop feeding the cartels by using drugs,
and he can roll up networks in the U.S.
Mexico can expect more violence if it continues to press its cartel campaign,
but that is one price of letting the drug lords gain so much power.
In the Washington Examiner, Connor Fiver explored Trump's opportunity in Mexico.
This operation is a massive victory for Mexico and the United States
and demonstrates that President Donald Trump's pressure on Mexico to increase security
cooperation is working. Now is the time to double down on these gains and make lasting progress
against narco-terrorist groups that terrorize both countries, Fifer wrote. But taking down
kingpins alone is not enough. Mexico has killed or captured a string of cartel leaders in the past 20 years,
yet criminal groups continue to strengthen their hold over large swaths of Mexico. To make lasting gains
against transnational organized crime, Mexico must work with the U.S. to degrade
cartel leadership and networks, remove corrupt politicians who do their bidding, and improve Mexico's
legal system, Fyfer said. With the ongoing civil war between factions of the Sinaloa cartel,
there is a rare window of opportunity where Mexico's most powerful cartels are weakened at the same
time. This provides a chance for Mexican forces, supported by U.S. intelligence and other forms of
assistance, to dismantle the networks that will attempt to perpetuate El Meno's reign of terror
or seek advantage from other criminal groups.
All right, that's a zipper with the left and writer saying, which brings us to what Mexican writers are saying.
Mexican writers are relieved at El Mancho's death, but some argue subsequent actions must target C.JNG's finances.
Others say Mexico should work with the U.S. to continue forcefully confronting the cartels.
In Expansion Politica, Alberto Guerrero-Bayena said,
Killing a kingpin does not kill his structure.
El Mancho's death closes one chapter, but opens another that Mexico cannot read with naivity or
premature euphoria. The history of Mexican organized crime teaches a brutal and recurring lesson.
Killing a kingpin does not kill his organization, Bayena wrote. When a leader of this magnitude dies,
the power vacuum doesn't remain empty for long. The internal factions of the CJNG already have
their own operatives with names, territories, and loyalties. The internal succession can take two
equally dangerous forms, an orderly transition under a new consolidated leadership or a fratricidal war
that bleeds the territories under its former influence dry.
The Mexican government, in collaboration with the Financial Intelligence Unit,
the federal public prosecutor's office,
and international agencies such as FinCEN in the United States and Europol,
must immediately activate a protocol for tracing the assets of the CJNG, by Anasid.
Identifying, freezing, and seizing the assets,
front companies, properties, accounts, agricultural investments,
and transportation franchises that sustained the cartel's daily operations
is more effective than pursuing individual leaders.
Without a flow of money, the organization collapses.
In Excelsior, Pascal Beltran del Rio wrote about the end of hugs.
The events in Tel Palpa demonstrate that criminals must be confronted with the same firepower
and determination they have amassed.
Peace is not negotiated with those who use car bombs,
anti-personnel mines, and armed drones against the population,
but rather imposed through the legitimate force of the state, Del Rio said.
However, the leader's death is not the end of the problem.
Now the El Mentiono is gone, the government has an urgent obligation to continue fighting the organization
with the same intensity to prevent it from regrouping under a new leader or fragmenting into
even more violent cells.
It is positive that there is a close coordination with U.S. agencies.
Drug trafficking is, by definition, a transnational crime that knows no borders and requires
a joint operational strategy with our neighbor to the north, implemented without false
notions of sovereignty. Shared intelligence and by national pressure are indispensable tools for
dismantling the finances and routes of a monster that speaks both languages, Del Rio wrote. Mexico took a
firm step on Sunday. Let us hope that this is the beginning of an era in which the law is applied
firmly and in which the state finally recovers its monopoly on the use of force. All right, let's head over
to Ari for Will's take. Okay, that's it for what the left, right, and Mexican writers are saying,
which brings us to My Take.
Today's My Take was written by Tangal's senior editor Will Keback,
who is experiencing travel delays as he's making his way back home.
Will writes,
cartels have long occupied a mythological status in U.S. pop culture,
sitting alongside the Italian mafia and Japanese yakuza
as real-life crime syndicates that animate the American imagination.
But they always seem a safe distance away,
existing to most people only through television shows, films, and music.
Days like Sunday serve as a reminder that cartel violence is more than just a plotline or catchy lyric.
Some of this violent wave has lapped upon the shores of American life,
the military helicopters circling above vacationers in Puerto Vallarta,
or the terrified families sheltering in place from gunfire in Guadalajara International Airport.
But much of the destruction has hit innocent Mexicans,
the smoke of burning vehicles spilling from highways,
shattered windows of brightly colored businesses,
and shard remnants of convenience stores.
For me, and I expect many others in the U.S., these scenes bring the reality of Mexico's fight against cartels into focus.
El Mancho's killing is a significant escalation in Mexico's anti-cartel operations,
the logical next step in President Claudia Scheinbaum's efforts to both assert governmental control
and satisfy the Trump administration's demands.
After Shinebom's first year in office, Mexican authorities destroyed roughly 1,600 drug labs
and arrested approximately 35,000 people for what they call high-impact crimes.
Comparatively, former President Andres Manuel Lopez-Albredor, who took a Huggs-not-gunfire approach to cartels,
averaged 380 destroyed labs and 8,900 high-impact arrests annually throughout his term.
Shinebomb has also begun cleaning house at all levels of government,
targeting corrupt elected officials accused of working with cartels at the municipal level.
It suggests crusay that requires a great deal of political and personal bravery, and it's good news she's getting support from the United States president.
These actions have sent a strong signal that the Shinebaum administration is aggressively confronting the cartel's influence.
But the Almencho operation takes this initiative a step further.
Before her election, Shinebom campaigned on continuing AMLO's strategy of fighting cartels by trying to address the root social causes of cartel crime.
She also came into office poised to continue avoiding the kingpin strategy of arresting cartel leaders,
which Mexican officials believed would only cause more violence.
The change in philosophy and the change of tactics palpably show President Trump's influence in Mexico.
Combating cartels has been a day one priority for the second Trump administration,
which has stepped up its pressure in recent weeks.
It was easy to miss amid the seismic foreign policy news of the past two months,
but Trump spent the back half of January issuing explicit warnings about U.S. military involvement
if Mexico rebuffed his request for joint operations against cartels in their fentanyl production labs.
Also easing to miss was Mexico's apparent acquiescence.
On January 15th, Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Mexican Foreign Secretary Juan Ramon de LaFuante
issued a joint statement highlighting the need for, quote,
tangible actions to strengthen security cooperation and meaningful outcomes to counter cartels.
This pressure almost certainly played a role in Shinebom's decision to pursue El Mancho.
Rather than risk a sovereignty crisis, or worse, a hot war if the U.S. acted unilaterally,
she showed that the Mexican military was capable of taking down even the most notorious drug lord in the country.
On one hand, this result vindicates Trump's strategy.
His pressure led to action that eliminated a destructive person, all without direct U.S. involvement.
This is the exact kind of flashy and efficient operation against the high-value target
that the Trump administration has prioritized in other areas of foreign policy so far.
On the other hand, the immediate success could backfire in the long run
and prove exactly why Mexico has been avoiding the kingpin strategy until now.
The violence that broke out in response to Osaguerre's death is likely the tip of the iceberg.
When the United States arrested Sinaloa cartel leader Ismail Al-Mayo Zimbabata in 2020,
24, it hailed the operation as a victory in its fight against fentanyl trafficking.
But modern cartels, like terrorist groups, aren't dependent on a single leader to function.
Rather, as Amayo's case illustrates, removing the leader often creates a power vacuum that gives way to heightened violence.
Criminal activities may be temporarily affected, but with hundreds of other leaders within the cartel and tens of thousands of contractors, the operation marches on.
One year after Amio's arrest, the signal.
Senilewa cartel still ranks among the most powerful drug traffickers in the world,
and violence in Sinaloa is as bad as it's ever been.
The post-Elmencho CGMJ will probably follow a similar path.
While the government seems to have gotten the immediate disorder under control,
long-term ramifications will reveal themselves in the weeks and months ahead.
Of course, that violent backlash doesn't prove that Trump or Shinebomb should just accept
the inevitability of the cartel's power,
or embrace Lopez's strategy of pacification.
On the contrary, a focus on Mexican cartels is a direct response to the source of the fentanyl
that fueled the drug overdose epidemic in the United States.
Anyone who has criticized Trump's actions against Venezuela as a poor response to our domestic
drug issues, as we have repeatedly, should be glad to see his eye on the ball now.
But I worry that he will take the wrong lesson from the El-Mancho operation, namely that the U.S. can
keep pressuring Mexico into flashy headline winds that incur losses only Mexico fuels.
And he may not actually curtail drug trafficking with this approach.
I worry that the pressure on Scheinbaum will continue.
With countless cartel leaders and operations remaining, why stop it Almencho?
And why do I worry?
Because Mexico is not Venezuela and it's not Iran, Hamas, or Russia.
They're a partner and an ally.
President Scheinbaum maintains a powerful standing in Mexico's government,
has proven effective at countering the cartels and welcomes U.S. assistance to the fight,
so long as we respect their sovereignty.
Pursuing a path of coercion, rooted in credible threats of unwanted military intervention,
not only risks that mutually beneficial relationship,
it risks forcing Scheinbaum to substitute effective strategy for political self-preservation.
If Shinebaum wants to keep the U.S. military at bay,
she knows that she must continue going after cartel leaders,
regardless of whether doing so will have a meaningful impact in drug trafficking
and regardless of the downstream violence doing so would cause.
But if an alternate approach is better than the Kingpin strategy
the Trump administration is pushing for,
what would this other path look like?
Vanda Philbaw Brown at the Brookings Institution
has some of the best ideas have come across,
embedding U.S. law enforcement agents with Mexican units,
reviving joint intelligence centers,
continuing to identify and expel a cartel-al-alignment.
politicians and helping develop new Mexican federal police units.
Writers like Alberto Guerrera-Beyana under what Mexican writers are saying also outlined
how international collaboration can effectively limit CGNJ's access to financial resources.
Crucially, I think Mexico would be amenable to most, if not all, of these proposals.
In this fraught moment, as an Al-Mancho-sized power vacuum threatens to consume large swaths of the country,
such a partnership presents a potent opportunity to take advantage of a destabilized cartel.
If nothing else, Mexico should remain committed to direct confrontation of the cartels.
They are the poisonous underbelly of a country otherwise defined by its rich culture,
natural beauty, and vibrant people.
For too long, these criminal organizations have held it back.
Trump deserves credit for pushing them toward dealing with the problem
with the resources it requires instead of more half-measures.
but if that push doesn't bring positive results,
then he will deserve the blame too.
We'll be right back after this quick break.
That's it for Will's Take Today,
which brings us to your questions answered.
Today's question comes from Tracy in Brighton, Michigan.
Tracy asks,
I have seen conflicting reports about what the Save Act would mean for voters,
especially married women who have changed their last names.
Some sources say a real ID will act as proof of citizenship.
Others say a passport will be required.
What is the truth?
year. Also, will existing voter registrations be purged requiring everyone to submit new documentation?
I'm very confused and concerned about how disenfranchising this bill actually is.
In April last year, the House of Representatives passed the Safeguard American Voter Eligibility Act or Save Act,
a bill requiring proof of citizenship for voters to register for federal elections.
Although that bill passed the House, mostly Republican support, it died in the Senate.
Any bill requires 60 votes in the Senate to pass the filibuster threshold, and Democrats uniformly oppose the act.
This year, a new version of the bill called the Save America Act again passed the House, but now faces the same challenges in the Senate.
We cover the Save Act in an in-depth Friday edition, which we made available to all readers last year.
Much of what we wrote about the Save Act applies to the Save America Act, but let's answer your questions directly.
If passed, the Save America Act would require any first-time voter or registered voter who is changing their status to re-register in person with documents that the bill specifies as sufficient to prove citizenship.
That means one of the following, a passport, a military identification card, or a photo ID paired with another form of government ID such as a birth certificate.
Similar to the documents required when filing an I-9 at a place of employment.
Among other reforms, the bill would impose new proof of citizenship requirements on anyone who is
registering to vote for the first time. It would also require any voter who is moving, changing their
name, or otherwise updating their voting status to physically go to their local government with
documentation to prove their citizenship. Today, this can all be done through the mail.
The largest impacted group would be people with changed names, and the largest subgroup of those people
is married women who have taken a new name.
When re-registering, any voter whose name as it appears in their proof of citizenship ID
does not match their name in the voter role or whose name on their birth certificate
does not match the name on another government ID will have to present additional documentation,
such as a marriage license in order to prove their citizenship.
However, no action is required of registered voters who have already changed their names
and are not making a change to their voting information.
That means the roughly 69 million married women who have changed their surnames, as well as the likely hundreds of thousands of transgender citizens and others with changed biographical data will not have to do anything if they are already registered to vote.
All right, that's it for the reader question. I'm going to send it back over to John for the rest of the pod, and I'll see you at the end.
Thanks, Ari. Here's your under-the-radar story for today, folks. On Tuesday, February 17th, the Department of Housing and Urban Development,
element processed a new rule that would bar immigrants in the United States illegally from living
in federally subsidized properties. The rule seeks to address mixed status households,
in which some occupants are U.S. citizens or legal residents, but others are not. If enacted,
the rule would require every resident of a public housing residence to provide proof of
citizenship or legal status regardless of age. We have zero tolerance for pushing aside
hardworking U.S. citizens while enabling others to exploit decades-old loopholes,
HUD Secretary Scott Turner said.
Some housing advocates have come out against the rule,
saying it would lead to over 100,000 people,
including thousands of children, being evicted.
The Hill has this story, and there's a link in today's episode description.
And last but not least, our Have a Nice Day story.
On Thursday morning, fire and rescue teams responded to a 911 call in Lawrence County, Tennessee.
Emergency responders were able to successfully put out the fire,
which burned the residence of a disabled 72-year-old woman.
The woman suffered burns but was able to escape the blaze
thanks to the decisive actions of her granddaughter.
Our 12-year-old daughter became a hero that day.
When the fire broke out, she bravely pulled her grandmother out of the house
and saved her life.
Because of her quick thinking and courage,
we still have our mom, grandmother, with us today,
the family posted in a GoFundMe update.
We are beyond grateful and so proud of her strength.
The Lawrence County Advocate has this story
and there's a link in today's episode description.
That is it for today's episode.
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338-9163. Either way, we will be covering the State of Union address tomorrow. Until then,
take care. Peace.
Our executive editor and founder is me, Isaac Saul, and our executive producer is John Wall.
Today's episode was edited and engineered by Dewey Thomas. Our editorial staff is led by managing
editor Ari Weitzman with senior editor Will Kback and associate editors Audrey Moorhead,
Lindsay Canuth, and Bailey Saul. Music for the podcast was
produced by Diet 75.
To learn more about Tangle and to sign up for a membership,
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