Tangle - The protests in Israel.
Episode Date: March 28, 2023On Monday, weeks of protests in Israel hit a fever pitch as hundreds of thousands of residents took to the streets in Tel Aviv immediately after Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu fired his defense min...ister for opposing his proposed judicial reforms.You can read today's podcast here, today’s “Under the Radar” story here (paywall) and today’s “Have a nice day” story here. Today’s clickables: Quick Hits (0:53), Today’s Story (2:41), Left’s Take (6:53),Right’s Take (10:12), Isaac’s Take (14:07), Your Questions Answered (18:26), Under the Radar (20:34), Numbers (21:23), Have A Nice Day (22:22)You can subscribe to Tangle by clicking here or drop something in our tip jar by clicking here.Our podcast is written by Isaac Saul and edited by Zosha Warpeha. Music for the podcast was produced by Diet 75.Our newsletter is edited by Bailey Saul, Sean Brady, Ari Weitzman, and produced in conjunction with Tangle’s social media manager Magdalena Bokowa, who also created our logo.--- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/tanglenews/message Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
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Based on Charles Yu's award-winning book, Interior Chinatown follows the story of Willis
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From executive producer Isaac Saul, this is Tangle.
Good morning, good afternoon, and good evening, and welcome to the Tangle podcast, a place
we get views from across the political spectrum, some independent thinking without all that
hysterical nonsense you find everywhere else.
I'm your host, Isaac Saul, and on today's episode,
we're going to be talking about Israel, the protests there,
and the judicial reforms that are taking place or being pursued by the Benjamin Netanyahu government.
As always, though, before we jump in, we'll start off today with some quick hits.
First up, Senator Elizabeth Warren, the Democrat from Massachusetts,
announced her plans to seek a third term as senator in 2024. Number two, six people were killed, including three children, in a shooting at a private
Christian school in Nashville, Tennessee. The 28-year-old suspect was a former student at the
school. Number three, Representative Sheila Jackson Lee, the Democrat from Texas, said she will run
for mayor of Houston. Number four, Philadelphia residents, that's me, may be asked to avoid
drinking tap water after a spill of latex
emulsion into the Delaware River. Number five, a fire at a migrant center in Ciudad Juarez,
Mexico on the U.S. border killed at least 39 people.
Growing turmoil in Israel,
fiery protests erupting in the streets tonight.
This comes just hours after embattled Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu dismissed his defense minister.
That cabinet member said he would not support Netanyahu's
attempts to take power from the judiciary.
Netanyahu removing Yoav Galant,
a member of his own Likud party,
after Galant called for a pause in the government's controversial plan to weaken Israel's judiciary,
essentially stripping its power to have final say on Israel's laws. Violence on the streets of
Tel Aviv. Hours after Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu bowed to intense public pressure
by announcing his plans to overhaul the judiciary would be paused.
But as protesters for and against the reforms clash bitterly with each other,
it was clear the divide within Israeli society remains deep and more dangerous than ever.
On Monday, weeks of protests in Israel hit a fever pitch as hundreds of thousands of residents took to the streets in
Tel Aviv immediately after Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu fired his defense minister for opposing
his proposed judicial reforms. A quick bit of history here. Like the United States, Israel has
three branches of government, the executive, legislative, and judicial branch. Unlike the
United States, Israel is a parliamentary democracy,
in which Israeli citizens vote for party lists instead of individual members to compromise the
Knesset, the country's legislative body. The largely ceremonial Israeli president then
consults party leaders and picks a prime minister to form a coalition government.
Netanyahu is the longest- longest serving prime minister in Israeli history,
having logged more than 15 years total as leader. But in order to return to office for his sixth
term last year, Netanyahu had to rely on a new coalition, one that included more far-right
members and the orthodox religious wing of the Knesset. Given that he was already facing
corruption charges, his return to power was contentious and divisive from the
start, and this new coalition only amplified the issues. There is no constitution in Israel,
but instead a set of regulations known as basic laws. The Supreme Court can strike down legislation
if it believes it violates this basic law. Key members of Netanyahu's governing coalition made
reforming the country's Supreme Court part of the deal for backing Netanyahu.
Currently, the court is selected by a panel of three current Supreme Court justices,
two lawyers, and four legislators or members of the government.
The initial proposal from the coalition government would empower a simple majority in the Knesset
to reject the panel's appointments and would give members of the Knesset more seats
on the committee, effectively giving it a majority and picking judges. Proposed reforms would also
allow a simple majority in the Knesset to reject the court's decisions. Right-wing criticism of
the court is not new. Conservatives have argued since the 1990s that the court has dramatically
expanded the kinds of issues it could rule on and regularly stops the
Knesset from passing new laws supported by the conservative majority in Israel. Netanyahu, who
was barred from involvement in the court reform initiative because of his pending corruption
charges, argues it will better balance and diversify the judicial branch. Many moderates
and left-wing protesters in Israel have hit the streets in protest, though, saying that the reforms
would remove the only viable check and balance on the Israeli government. Over the weekend,
Netanyahu's defense minister, Yoav Galant, who had been an ally of the prime ministers,
came out against the judicial overhaul. Galant said the protests were impacting military
preparedness. Netanyahu responded by firing him, which set off a massive mobilization of as many
as 600,000 protesters. The nation's largest union asked its workers to strike, grinding the country
to a halt. Some airports closed, city streets were overrun with protesters, and military reservists
even stopped showing up for assignments. In Washington, D.C., Israel's embassy announced
it would be closed until further notice. Startling images of the protests went viral across social media. On Monday, Netanyahu responded by
delaying the judicial overhaul proposal until the parliament returns to session after Passover,
saying it was a chance to avoid civil war. The move leaves open the possibility of the overhaul,
but has calmed the protests temporarily. Today, we're
going to examine the proposed reforms and the protests with views from the Israeli and American First up, we'll start with what the left is saying. The left is harshly critical of the
reform, saying they threaten Israel's democracy. Some argue Netanyahu has proved himself unfit for
office. Others say the reforms are part of a radical, long-term strategy by this government
to attack the rule of law and infringe
on Palestinian rights. In Haaretz, the editorial board said Netanyahu is unfit for office.
Netanyahu fired Yoav Galant because he did the right thing, the board said. To protect the army
from falling apart, Galant said it was necessary to halt the destructive legislation that would
upend our system of government. He thereby acted in a responsible, statesman-like fashion, but he violated the mafia code of Netanyahu's diehard
fans. The price was immediate and cruel. It's particularly worrisome evidence that Netanyahu's
judgment has completely deserted him. The board also urged readers to keep up the pressure until
Netanyahu scraps the coup. What's threatening Israel is the trial
of Netanyahu and the defendant's attempts to bend the law to his needs and to control the appointment
of judges at all costs. Experience shows Netanyahu will resort to manipulation, lies, and scheming,
and opposition leaders need to tread carefully in their negotiations. They should work under
the assumption that Netanyahu's plan is to suppress the protest and that the call to talk could emerge as an attempt to kill the protest momentum.
In Vox, Jonathan Geyer said the judicial overhaul isn't the only crisis in Israel.
Netanyahu was elected with the most extreme,
nationalistic, and exclusionary government in Israeli history.
The several bills put forward would restrict the court's ability to overturn law as it sees as unconstitutional and allow a simple majority in the Knesset to reject its decisions.
It would also give government lawmakers and appointees effective power over the committee
of nine individuals that appoint judges and rescind key authorities from the Attorney General.
The result would be majoritarian rule where minority groups like Palestinians would face serious threats. Many former Israeli leaders warned of fascism. This is only one component
of the government's attack on the rule of law. It is also proposing radical changes to the way
the occupation of the West Bank is administered and other legal shifts inside Israel that will
severely affect Palestinians, including the transfer of military authority
over the occupied West Bank to the hands of civilian government. In the Los Angeles Times,
Yossi Klein-Halevi wrote about the fall of Netanyahu. He may not realize it yet,
but Netanyahu's coalition of ultra-nationalists, religious fundamentalists, and the merely corrupt
is losing its moral legitimacy, even among growing numbers of its voters, Halavi said.
The fatal mistake was firing Yoav Galant, who opposed legislation that would erode the
independence of Israel's Supreme Court and destroy the nation's fragile system of checks and balances.
Galant warned about security, noting the deepening rift within the army over the plan.
By firing Galant, Netanyahu placed loyalty to himself above loyalty
to the country. The man who'd convinced Israelis that only he was tough and shrewd enough to keep
Israel safe in the Middle East has betrayed Israeli security. Meanwhile, members of Netanyahu's
Likud party declared their support for suspending his judicial legislation and negotiating with the
opposition on reform instead. There is no
more patriotic protest movement anywhere than the one for Israeli democracy, which is led by
the country's toughest combat units and whose symbol is the Israeli flag.
All right, that is it for what the left is saying, which brings us to what the right is saying.
Many on the right support judicial reforms and argue that the reaction is overblown.
Many argue Netanyahu is fundamentally right about the court being radicalized and having too much latitude. Others argue the best course of action is restricting the kinds of cases the
court can rule on. In Israel Hayom, Jerome Marcus said Israeli citizens have a right to govern themselves.
The court has long been criticized because it imposes rules on the country that most of the country thinks are wrong.
It's odd to see this predicament defended in the streets as democracy.
The way for Israel to be respected by the world is to respect itself.
That also means respecting the judgment of its citizens and their right to govern themselves.
Insistence on broad powers for Israel's Supreme Court is based on the conviction that Israeli
voters don't have the right to govern themselves because if they did, they would make the wrong
decisions.
Perhaps citizens would decide to be too harsh to Arabs who hurt or threaten Jews, or make
the country too religious, or make the
country too religious, or be inadequately respectful of reform and conservative Judaism.
Maybe they would give too much money to the Haredim. Since these things are quote-unquote
bad, Israel's voters can't be allowed to choose them. If 15 justices on the Supreme Court can
stop these things, they must be empowered by citizens to do so. No other country in the world In Spectator, John Pietro said Israel is not on the verge of authoritarianism.
Rather, the Israeli Supreme Court is one of the most activist courts in the world and has assigned itself more authority and subverted the balance of power between Israel's different branches of government, all without accountability to the electorate.
Based on Charles Yu's award-winning book, Interior Chinatown follows the story of Willis Wu, a background character trapped in a police procedural who dreams about a world beyond Chinatown.
character trapped in a police procedural who dreams about a world beyond Chinatown.
When he inadvertently becomes a witness to a crime, Willis begins to unravel a criminal web,
his family's buried history, and what it feels like to be in the spotlight.
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Without a constitution,
there is no higher legal authority
against which to judge the validity of laws
and in theory gave the government
parliamentary supremacy.
But that has been usurped by the judiciary.
The constitutional revolution was spearheaded
by Supreme Court President Aaron Barak in the 1990s, who ushered in an extreme understanding
of the reasonableness doctrine, whereby the court could strike down administrative actions
that it deemed unreasonable. This includes if the action is fully complying with all legal
requirements and resting on uncontested statutory authorization,
and the court went further, effectively claiming jurisdiction over everything.
Nothing in either the public or private sphere was beyond the scope of the court.
The Wall Street Journal editorial board said Israel needs judicial reform, but how?
Israeli democracy isn't dying, the board said. Even if the reforms were to abolish judicial
review of legislation leaving the Knesset supreme, this would drag Israel all the way back to 1995.
It was a democracy then, and no aberration. A sovereign parliament is the norm in parliamentary
democracies that lack a written constitution for courts to enforce. There was no consensus for the
judicial revolution in which the high court made itself the final arbiter on all things beginning in the 1980s.
The court has reviewed cabinet appointments, budget allocations, combat decisions, and
even whether the prime minister is unfit for office.
It also empowers the attorney general, a civil servant, to pre-veto government policies with
legally binding opinions, the board said.
Most of the reforms
are sensible, including removing the court's power over selection of new justices. The clause
allowing a Knesset majority to override the court isn't a problem because it's giving elected
representatives the last word on most matters of law, but because it's a recipe for unending and
corrosive constitutional conflict. The government should restore the
standard restrictions on which cases the court will hear, then let the court rule within its
areas of competency. All right, that is it for what the left and the right are saying,
which brings us to my take.
So the hardest part about this story for American readers and listeners is letting go of our understanding of our courts and our government and how it works. Israel is not the United States,
and its democracy functions differently. So viewing this crisis solely through that lens
creates all sorts of problems. Of course, if a U.S. president were to remove the court's ability to strike down his legislation, that would be a massive crisis.
Yet, that isn't really what is happening here. There is no empowered president, no Congress,
no constitutional authority, and no real limit on this current court. The U.S. system can still
offer some useful context, but it's not at all analogous. So let me start by
tallying some points for Team Netanyahu. First, I think Netanyahu's corruption trial is mostly a
distraction here. It's a nice partisan talking point, and he's probably guilty, but I don't
think this is about self-protection. It was his Knesset allies who made judicial reform critical
to holding this coalition together, and it was those allies,
not Netanyahu, who have made the major push in recent weeks. This is a long-standing right-wing priority, far predating the corruption trial. More importantly for their side, I also think
it's true the Supreme Court in Israel needs reforming. It's not just that the court is
chosen by unelected members who are largely picking other like-minded folks and watering
down its ideological diversity, shifting the balance to the left. It's also that the court is chosen by unelected members who are largely picking other like-minded folks and watering down
its ideological diversity, shifting the balance to the left. It's also that the court is intervening
in matters of Israeli society that are far more expansive than should be acceptable, with
no binding constitution or set of detailed codified laws beyond the extraordinarily vague
basic laws to work from. The court heard 9,000 cases in 2022, compared to,
say, the 180 heard by the U.S. Supreme Court. Pretty much anyone can bring a case to the court,
and as the Wall Street Journal editorial board noted under what the right is saying,
the boundaries of its decisions are expansive. Want to remove a cabinet member? The court might
hear it. How about a combat decision or the fitness of the
prime minister? Changing the system for picking judges to something that more resembles the United
States, where elected members get a weighty say, is not a radical idea worthy of nationwide protest.
As Ruthie Blum wrote, protesters are more likely unified in their anger toward Netanyahu than
judicial reforms. Yet, other elements of the proposal
are that radical, including, most obviously, changes that would allow the Knesset to strike
down decisions by the court with a majority vote. In the United States, our protection against
majoritarian rule is that the Supreme Court can review any legislation, even that passed with a
supermajority, and determine if it violates the constitution. But even before it
gets to the court, most big legislation must have more than a razor-thin majority. It has to pass
the House, get 60 of 100 votes in the Senate, and then be signed by a president. The totality of
these reforms in Israel would allow 61 of 120 people in the Knesset to essentially run rush
shot over the entire country. It's ludicrous,
on a basic sniff test, and it's part of the reason Netanyahu is seeing such unprecedented
upheaval across the country. Opposition from the military is more complicated. Some worry that
without legitimate judicial review, Israel's military could face even more international
scrutiny than it already does. But the outspoken objections from former allies, former leaders,
and decorated members of the military has certainly alarmed me. They know better than I
would, and many once idolized Netanyahu, so it's clear something is very wrong. Frankly,
the truth of this movement is even more tenuous than the headlines. Israel just has a lot of
intractable problems. It can't keep a leader. Its basic laws are nebulous. Its current prime minister is aided by its most extreme coalition ever. He's probably corrupt. Its Supreme Court regularly overreaches, and the internal strife of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is worsening by the day.
whack-a-mole on one of these issues, and even if they were to do it right, that is, incrementally,
it would probably mean Netanyahu loses his coalition, the current government disintegrates, a new election comes, causing all the other issues to persist or even worsen.
I don't know how to resolve that, but I do know it's a mess.
All right, that is it for my take, which brings us to your questions answered.
This one is from Joe in Westmont, Illinois. Joe said, tell me if this is crazy. With all the
uproar surrounding the pending Trump indictment in New York, I think Biden should pardon him for
Stormygate. Joe lists three reasons for the pardon. One, he says, I'm no expert, but it sounds as
though it's not
likely for Trump to face any serious consequences from it anyway, and there's already the Fulton
County and classified document cases. Two, the main point has already been brought to the public's
attention again, which is Trump does bad things. And three, Biden could totally defang one of
Trump's biggest grievances, which is, see, the Democrats are just out to get me. I understand it'll never happen, but I think it could be a smart and hilarious move strategically.
So, yes, it is an out-there proposal, and it will obviously never happen because I think most
Democrats would hate Biden for it, and I wholeheartedly agree with all three of your points.
I'd also add a few more. Most Americans are not going to think a former
president should be indicted for campaign finance violations. More serious charges against Trump
still loom that should actually see their day in court, and Biden could use the pardon as a
talking point if he and Trump are the nominees in 2024. I think it could be an honest act of
reaching out with an olive branch, too. Again, Biden would never
do it, as I'm sure he genuinely loathes Trump and he also does not want to be viewed as interfering
with a state criminal case. But it's a totally radical idea that I think is just wild enough
it might work by shifting the conversation. I genuinely have no idea how Trump would react.
Interestingly, you're not the only one suggesting this. In fact, there
have been a few opinion pieces in the last few years, even from the hard left perspective,
calling for a Trump pardon. Newsweek just published one from Ohio's former Deputy Attorney General
yesterday. All right, that is it for your questions answered, which brings us to our under the radar story.
A new poll from the University of Chicago resulted in some answers that are catching
the eye of social scientists and politicos. Just 1% of Americans say the nation's economy
was excellent. 33% said they have little or no confidence in public schools. Meanwhile,
respondents who said patriotism was important fell from 70% in
1998 to 38%. Respondents who said religion was important fell from 62% to 39%. Respondents who
said community involvement was important dropped from 47% to 27%. Perhaps most alarmingly, the
respondents who said tolerance of others was very important fell from 80% just four years ago to 58% today.
The Wall Street Journal has the story.
It is paywalled, but there's a link to it in today's episode description.
All right, next up is our numbers section. The percentage of Israeli citizens who agree that its high court should be able to strike down laws contrary to the nation's basic laws is 66%.
The percentage of coalition voters, that's those who supported Netanyahu's government, who said they agreed the court should be able to strike down laws contrary to the nation's basic laws, was 44%. The percentage of Israeli citizens who agree that the current system requiring the
concurrence between members of the Knesset and justices for judicial appointments is appropriate
is 63%. The percentage of Israeli citizens who oppose the proposal that the Knesset can override
the court with a majority vote is 45%. The percentage of Israeli citizens who support
that proposal as it is is 25%. The percentage of Israeli citizens who support that proposal as it is is 25%.
The percentage of Israeli citizens who would support the proposal if it increased the majority required to override the court's decision is 23%.
All right, and last but not least, our have a nice day story.
Insulin prices are continuing to fall across the United States as political and private market pressures mount.
Sanofi became the last of the three major insulin makers to cut or cap its price of the drug at $35 per month.
Roughly 90% of all insulin in the United States is from San to treat their diabetes, but the drug's surging prices have made it difficult for many patients to afford treatment
over the last few decades. For years, the drug has been much costlier in the United States than
other countries, though it's finally coming down. USA Today has the story, and there's a link to it
in today's episode description. All right, everybody, that is it for today's podcast.
As always, if you want to support our work
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Have a good one
Peace Edited by Zosia Warpea. Our script is edited by Sean Brady, Ari Weitzman, and Bailey Saul.
Shout out to our interns, Audrey Moorhead and Watkins Kelly,
and our social media manager, Magdalena Vakova, who created our podcast logo.
Music for the podcast was produced by Diet75.
For more from Tangle, check out our website at www.tangle.com.
Based on Charles Yu's award-winning book, Interior Chinatown follows the story of Willis Wu,
a background character trapped in a police procedural who dreams about a world beyond Chinatown.
When he inadvertently becomes a witness to a crime, Willis begins to unravel a criminal web,
his family's buried history, and what it feels like to be in the spotlight.
Interior Chinatown is streaming November 19th, only on Disney+. quad and help protect yourself from the flu. It's the first cell-based flu vaccine authorized in
Canada for ages six months and older, and it may be available for free in your province.
Side effects and allergic reactions can occur and 100% protection is not guaranteed.
Learn more at flucellvax.ca.