Tangle - The SCOTUS social media case.
Episode Date: March 20, 2024The Supreme Court's social media case. On Monday, the Supreme Court seemed likely to side with the Biden administration in Murthy v. Missouri, a dispute between the administration and two Republic...an-led states (as well as five social media users) over how the federal government can combat misinformation on topics like Covid-19 or election fraud.You can read today's podcast here, our “Under the Radar” story here and today’s “Have a nice day” story here.You can watch our latest YouTube video, The Zionist Case for a Ceasefire, here.On Sunday, we released Episode 1 of our first ever limited podcast series: The Undecideds. We're following five voters — all Tangle readers — who are undecided about who they are going to vote for in the 2024 election. In Episode 1, we introduce you to those voters.Today’s clickables: Quick hits (0:59), Today’s story (2:56), Left’s take (6:59), Right’s take (10:27), Isaac’s take (14:03), Listener question (20:33), Under the Radar (22:58), Numbers (23:43), Have a nice day (24:45)You can subscribe to Tangle by clicking here or drop something in our tip jar by clicking here. Last week, we released more tickets to our New York City event on April 17th, and they got gobbled up quickly. Our general admission tickets are now sold out; but we still have some VIP seats left for purchase. Get them here. Tangle is looking for a part-time intern to work as an assistant to our YouTube and podcast producer. This is a part-time, paid position that would be ideal for a college student or recent college graduate looking to get real-world deadline experience in the industry. Applicants should have: Proficiency in Adobe Premiere — After Effects a plus. Minimum of one year of video editing (Adobe Premiere) Minimum of one year of audio editing and mixing (Any DAW) Good organizational and communication skills Understanding of composition and aesthetic choices Self-sufficiency in solving technical problems Proficiency in color grading and vertical video formatting (preferred, not required)To apply, email your resume and a few paragraphs about why you are applying to jon@readtangle.com and isaac@readtangle.com with the subject line "Editor opening"The job listing is posted here. Preference will be given to candidates in the greater Philadelphia area. What do you think of the communication between White House officials and social media companies? Let us know!Our podcast is written by Isaac Saul and edited and engineered by Jon Lall. Music for the podcast was produced by Diet 75. Our newsletter is edited by Managing Editor Ari Weitzman, Will Kaback, Bailey Saul, Sean Brady, and produced in conjunction with Tangle’s social media manager Magdalena Bokowa, who also created our logo.--- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/tanglenews/message Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
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Stay in the know. CBC News.
Based on Charles Yu's award-winning book, Interior Chinatown follows the story of Willis Wu,
a background character trapped in a police procedural who dreams about a world beyond
Chinatown. When he inadvertently becomes a witness to a crime, Willis begins to unravel a criminal web, his family's buried history, and what it feels like to be in the spotlight.
Interior Chinatown is streaming November 19th, only on Disney+.
The flu remains a serious disease.
Last season, over 102,000 influenza cases have been reported across Canada, which is nearly double the historic average of 52,000 cases.
What can you do this flu season?
Talk to
your pharmacist or doctor about getting a flu shot. Consider FluCellVax Quad and help protect
yourself from the flu. It's the first cell-based flu vaccine authorized in Canada for ages six
months and older, and it may be available for free in your province. Side effects and allergic
reactions can occur, and 100% protection is not guaranteed. Learn more at flucellvax.ca.
From executive producer Isaac Saul, this is Tangle.
Good morning, good afternoon, and good evening, and welcome to the Tangle Podcast,
the place we get views from across the political spectrum, some independent thinking,
and a little bit of my take. I'm your host, Isaac Saul, and on today's episode, we're going to be talking about a Supreme Court case that was argued earlier this week. Pretty interesting. A lot of implications for
social media and the government's role in limiting quote-unquote disinformation.
We're going to be talking about what happened in the arguments and where things kind of stand now.
As always, before we jump in, we'll kick things off with some quick hits.
with some quick hits. First up, hours after the Supreme Court cleared the way for enforcement of a strict new immigration law that allows Texas state police to arrest people on suspicion of
illegally crossing the border, the law was blocked by a federal appeals court from taking effect.
Number two, congressional leaders in the White House
have reached an agreement on funding for the Department of Homeland Security, a major step
toward finalizing a broader funding package. Number three, businessman Bernie Moreno, who was
endorsed by former President Donald Trump, won his Senate primary in Ohio and will face Democratic
Senator Sherrod Brown in November. Primary races were also held in Arizona,
Florida, Illinois, and Kansas. Number four, former President Donald Trump sued ABC for defamation
after ABC host George Stephanopoulos said several times on air that Trump was, quote,
found liable for rape, end quote. And number five, Brazilian federal police have indicted
former President Jair Bolsonaro on allegations of falsifying his COVID-19 vaccination data.
Should the government be able to pressure social media platforms to remove misinformation online?
government be able to pressure social media platforms to remove misinformation online?
That question is now before the Supreme Court after years of a Republican-led legal campaign that says Biden administration efforts to reduce misinformation online are equal to censorship.
The Supreme Court is weighing in on efforts to remove misinformation on social media and
what may cross the line into censorship. Justices heard arguments today stemming from lawsuits alleging unfair government pressure.
During the early months of the Biden administration,
White House officials urged sites like Facebook and Twitter
to take down posts spreading falsehoods about vaccines
or alternative treatments and some election-related posts.
On Monday, the Supreme Court seemed likely to side with the Biden administration
in Murthy v. Missouri, a dispute between the administration and two Republican-led states,
as well as five social media users, over how the federal government can combat controversial
social media posts it deems misinformation on topics like COVID-19 and election fraud.
A quick rewind here. In 2021,
the Biden administration was attempting to curb what it deemed misinformation about COVID-19
vaccines. In 2022, a group of Republican attorneys general representing private individuals in the
states of Louisiana and Missouri sued the Biden administration, saying its actions had amounted
to unconstitutional censorship. The group claimed the administration engaged in a pressure campaign
aimed at social media companies,
in which it regularly flagged posts that it thought would contribute to vaccine hesitancy.
U.S. District Judge Terry Doughty ruled in favor of the states,
ordering the Biden administration and top officials
not to communicate with social media companies about certain content.
The U.S. Court
of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit then affirmed parts of that ruling but narrowed the agencies
that could contact social media companies to the White House, the Surgeon General's Office,
the FBI, and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, or CDC. We covered that decision in
September. So now what? Well, the White House appealed that ruling to the Supreme Court,
which suspended Doughty's ruling and agreed to hear the case.
On Monday, a majority of justices seemed to side with the Biden administration.
While the Biden administration spent some time arguing that the case should be thrown out because the states didn't have standing,
much of oral arguments focused on the merits of the dispute
and whether the Biden administration's contacts with social media companies actually violated the First Amendment rights of the challengers.
Deputy U.S. Solicitor General Brian Fletcher, representing the Biden administration,
argued that its actions amounted to a classic example of the bully pulpit,
and officials were simply speaking their mind and calling on the public to act.
He said the Court of Appeals mistook persuasion for coercion.
Louisiana Solicitor General J. Benjamin Aguinaga countered Fletcher, saying the government was
badgering platforms constantly and with the implication of their leverage, like the possibility
they could bring antitrust laws against major social media companies that didn't cooperate.
This badgering, which sometimes included verbal abuse and profanity, came with warnings that the highest levels of the White House are concerned about what the platforms were doing and were considering our options on what to do.
Some of the platforms responded by changing their policies and practices.
Justices Elena Kagan and Brett Kavanaugh both referenced their own experience working in the federal government and expressed skepticism about Aguinaga's position.
working in the federal government and expressed skepticism about Aguinaga's position.
Kavanaugh, who served in the George W. Bush administration, said government public officials regularly call up media and berate them, adding that a broad ruling against the Biden administration
would mean that traditional everyday communications would suddenly be deemed problematic.
Kagan quipped that she had some experience with encouraging press to suppress their own speech
and that this literally happens thousands of times a day in the federal government. Justice Kentonji Brown Jackson
asked Aguinaga in a hypothetical TikTok challenge where teenagers were jumping out of progressively
higher windows, leading to injuries and death, could the government call platforms and say the
information they were allowing is creating a public health emergency? Aguinaga said the government
could not and argued that when the government emergency, Aguinaga said the government could not
and argued that when the government tries to use its ability as the government and its stature as
the government to pressure them to take it down, it becomes a free speech issue. While court observers
noted a majority of the justices seemed to side with the Biden administration, Justices Samuel
Alito, Neil Gorsuch, and Clarence Thomas appeared open to letting the restrictions on government contacts with social media companies go into effect. Today, we're going to examine
some arguments from the left and the right about these arguments, and then my take.
We'll be right back after this quick commercial break.
First up, we'll start with what the left is saying. The left is hopeful the court will
overturn the Fifth Circuit decision. Some are heartened that some of the court's conservative
justices seem most skeptical of the plaintiff's argument. Others say the case should never have
made it to the Supreme Court in the first place.
The Los Angeles Times editorial board said the Supreme Court should affirm that the government complaints are not free speech violations. The U.S. Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals reasoning,
if accepted by the Supreme Court, would prevent the government from suggesting that some material
be taken down or limited in its dissemination because of concerns about public health or
national security,
the board said. The Supreme Court should resoundingly reject that approach and make
it clear that the government violates free speech only when it uses its power to coerce compliance.
As Kavanaugh suggested at oral arguments, such limitations on the government would forbid
administrations from something they have done regularly even before the rise of the internet,
expressing displeasure about particular stories to news outlets, the board said.
A ruling against Louisiana and Missouri would make it clear that the government officials may
propose to social media companies that they remove or restrict certain information so long
as there is no coercion. In Vox, Ian Milliser suggested the Supreme Court's center-right
appears increasingly frustrated with the judiciary's far-right.
These plaintiffs were able to identify several examples where government officials were curt, bossy, or otherwise rude to representatives from the social media companies when those companies refused to pull down content that the government asked them to remove.
to remove. Notably, however, neither these plaintiffs nor the Fifth Circuit identified a single example where a government official threatened some kind of consequence if a platform
did not comply with the government's requests. Justices Elena Kagan and Kavanaugh seemed
especially frustrated with the Fifth Circuit's attempt to shut down communication between the
government and the platforms, and for the same reason. Both recoiled at the suggestion that the White House
can't try to persuade the media to change what it publishes, Millhiser wrote. For the time being,
at least, most of the justices appear to recognize that the government needs to function,
and that means that the Fifth Circuit's attempt to cut off communications between the Biden
administration and the platforms is likely to fail. In Just Security, Justin Hendricks and
Ryan Goodman asked,
how did Murphy v. Missouri get this far? There are important questions about the relationship
between social media companies and the U.S. government, particularly when it comes to any
government involvement in content moderation, Hendricks and Goodman said. While the legal
questions presented are legitimate, a substantial amount of the underlying evidence now before the court in this case is problematic or factually incorrect. Snippets of various communications between the
government, social media executives, and other parties appear to be stitched together, nay,
manufactured, more to support a culture war conspiracy theory than to create a credible
factual record. The plaintiffs may have succeeded in significant part no matter how the
Supreme Court ultimately rules, though a ruling in favor of the plaintiffs would boost a broader
political and sociocultural strategy, Hendricks and Goodman said. In a contentious election year,
there are signs this broader effort has succeeded in chilling coordination between platforms,
government, civil society groups, and independent researchers on efforts to combat myths and disinformation.
Alright, that is it for what the left is saying, which brings us to what the right is saying.
The right thinks the government clearly coerced social media companies to do its bidding. Some say a ruling for the plaintiffs would protect the First Amendment. Others push
back on the idea that social media companies should be censoring inaccurate content at all.
The Wall Street Journal editorial board wrote about the government's thinly-veiled social media
censorship. The line between government coercion and attempts to persuade can blur, and the Supreme Court's oral arguments on Monday in Murthy v. Missouri added little clarity.
This is too bad, because the government's facile argument deserves a rebuttal, the board said.
Government officials don't threaten legal or regulatory retribution against newspapers,
which they have little power to carry out.
The same isn't true for social media platforms.
White House officials issued thinly
veiled threats of legal consequences if platforms didn't do more to police so-called misinformation.
It's hard to believe social media executives would have been as obeisant without the government's
sword hanging over them. In private, White House officials also didn't merely implore platforms to
increase censorship. They demanded they do so and held regular meetings with executives when they pressed for updates, the board said. Injunctions by lower courts also
may have been too broad, but none of this should stop justices from making clear that government
can't use threats of punishment to coerce platforms to suppress speech. In the Daily Caller,
Jenin Younes, one of the lawyers for the plaintiffs, argued SCOTUS must protect the First Amendment.
Billed as an effort to protect Americans from misinformation about a public health emergency,
the record in this case reflects that the White House's censorship operations spread
its tendrils across public discourse on a wide variety of pandemic-related topics,
including personal accounts of vaccine side effects and provably true statements,
Yoon said. The Supreme Court has made clear that government cannot co-opt private companies to
accomplish what it cannot directly. As the court has recognized, what is deemed false one day might
the next day be recognized to be true. So the notion that the government can effectively serve
as gatekeeper of the truth is fundamentally flawed. But it is even more shocking when
government officials acknowledge they are seeking to silence information that is or might be true,
Yunus wrote. This is the kind of heavy-handedness we should expect whenever the government
disregards our civil liberties. Breaking news happens anywhere, anytime. Police have warned the protesters repeatedly, get back.
CBC News brings the story to you as it happens.
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Based on Charles Yu's award-winning book,
Interior Chinatown follows the story of Willis Wu,
a background character trapped in a police procedural
who dreams about a world beyond Chinatown.
When he inadvertently becomes a witness to a crime,
Willis begins to unravel a criminal web, his family's buried history, and what it feels like to be in the spotlight.
Interior Chinatown is streaming November 19th, only on Disney+.
In hot air, Jazz Shaw said the case highlights the way that social media has evolved to become the modern version of the public square.
The courts are being forced to
wrestle with the appropriate definition of influence in such situations. The administration
is quick to point out that the government has never been found to have imposed any sort of
penalties or punishment on companies that declined to remove content that was deemed
controversial, Shaw said. Of the many problems with this case, perhaps the largest is the fact
that the social media companies are not technically capable of engaging in censorship. Even if the plaintiffs prevail,
the government has plenty of other ways of indirectly communicating its desires
regarding such content to social media platforms. In reality, the platform shouldn't be squelching
any content except that which engages in or promotes crimes. This would be true of posts
promoting physical violence, the abuse of children, the distribution of child pornography, offers to sell illegal drugs,
and other acts of similar nature. Everything else you are likely to see online is simply a series
of opinions of varying quality. It shouldn't be a crime to post your opinion, even if you are wildly wrong. All right, that is it for what the left and the right are saying,
which brings us to my take. So when we first covered this in September, I sided almost
entirely with the right. My position did not change much after hearing oral arguments.
In order to talk about what I think is most important here, I'm going to mostly ignore
the standing question and focus on the merits of this case. It is worth noting that the justices
seem split on whether Louisiana, Missouri, and these social media users had standing to sue,
and the case could start and stop there. But the merits are far more interesting and weighty to debate. Fundamentally, the threat of government coercion and censorship feels more dangerous to
me than the possibility of private platforms being left alone to make moderation decisions.
I know Facebook and Twitter, now X, aren't exactly sympathetic figures here, but I'm imagining a
world where Tangle becomes a global media empire with dozens of writers across
dozens of countries soliciting interesting and provocative opinions to challenge people's ideas.
And then I start getting emails from people at the White House telling me they'd prefer if I
stopped what they define as misinformation while the president opines on heavily regulating online
newspapers that have accrued massive public influence.
That would be deeply concerning. It should go without saying that some of what the government's contacts were doing was obviously helpful, like flagging accounts where people are impersonating
the president's family or sending over posts that amounted to terroristic threats. And of course,
government officials did not write an email to Facebook executives saying, remove this post
criticizing us or we're going to regulate your company into oblivion. They know doing that would be an obvious
breach of their speech rights. But is that really much different from what they actually did?
If you are a Facebook executive reading emails from someone at the White House implying that
the president is very concerned about what your platform is doing, considering regulatory action
and then making a
request, how would you take it? In one instance, an official said removing bad information is one
of the easy low-bar things you guys can do to make people like me think you're taking action.
That doesn't mean all government communication is threatening or coercive. Of all the writing
I came across on this, I thought Ilya Soman's take was the clearest and the most to the point.
writing I came across on this, I thought Ilya Somin's take was the clearest and the most to the point. As he says, the free speech clause doesn't restrict any and all government efforts to
constrain speech. Rather, it bars government actions abridging the freedom of speech. If the
state or anyone else persuades a private entity to cut back on speech voluntarily, the freedom of
speech has not been abridged, even if the total amount of speech may be reduced.
In other words, there is a difference between the state convincing Facebook to remove a dangerous
post and a state coercing Facebook into thinking the government may punish it if it doesn't.
Government officials are perfectly within their rights to email a social media executive or a
news outlet and say, hey, you are letting this post go viral, but here are
10 reasons we think it is spreading harmful information. They can persuade them that they
should take action on certain posts, but they cannot coerce them. This obviously complicates
things. A clever government official could easily make a threat without really making a threat.
Yet the Fifth Circuit found that the Biden administration did actually threaten to punish social media firms that did not comply, and I think they were right to find that.
Here is how the Fifth Circuit described the evidence. The officials made inflammatory
accusations, such as saying that the platforms were poisoning the public and killing people.
The platforms were told they needed to take greater responsibility in action.
Then they followed their statements with threats of fundamental reforms like regulatory changes and increased enforcement actions that would ensure
the platforms were held accountable. That government employees talk to private sector
employees all the time, as Kavanaugh and Kagan have said, is fine, but that doesn't mean that
there isn't a line they can cross. Love him or hate him, Matt Taibbi generally has this story
right. There is a wide-scale partnership agreement between intelligence and enforcement agencies and media distributors, which is distinct from a PR person in the White House badgering a reporter for using a few quotes they don't like. to defining what qualified as misinformation and then trying to get social media companies to remove it, all while administration officials spoke publicly and privately of the need to take
regulatory action against those companies. All of this, of course, comes with the hindsight that
much of the debated posts were debates probably worth having. Hindsight is 20-20, but I certainly
do not think that the posts questioning the origins of COVID or the efficacy and safety of vaccines rose to a public safety concern the government needed to crush by coercing
social media companies into doing their bidding.
It's also worth remembering where we were around this time.
In January of 2022, one Rasmussen poll found that close to 50% of Democrats were willing
to fine or imprison people who criticized vaccines publicly.
of Democrats were willing to fine or imprison people who criticized vaccines publicly. Over one in five Democrats supported temporarily removing unvaccinated parents' custody of their
children. That's just one poll from a well-known right-leaning pollster, but those numbers are
still terrifying. Attitudes like those were prevalent at the time in the media and among
government officials and are part of why I'm so skeptical of efforts to combat misinformation. It is precisely in that environment where First Amendment speech
protections are most important. Frankly, I was surprised there wasn't more pushback from
Justices Alito, Thomas, and Gorsuch, whom I expected to have more forceful impact on oral
arguments. I was also surprised there wasn't more pushback from writers on the left. In the end,
it seems likely that the Supreme Court sides with the Biden administration and either narrows or throws out the Fifth Circuit ruling altogether.
And that's fine, as I don't think a sweeping injunction that prohibits government officials
from contacting these companies is necessary or right that would tilt the scales to violating
the government's speech rights.
However, my sincere hope if the Biden administration prevails
is that the court finds a way to delineate between coercion and persuasion
and somehow limits the broad latitude the federal government has
to influence online content moderation.
The court's ruling should narrow the ways the government can pressure these companies
and make it clear that any kind of coercive action
is a punishable violation of speech rights. We'll be right back after this quick break.
All right, that is it for my take, which brings us to your questions answered.
This one's from Ken in Lisbon, Wisconsin.
Ken asked a question about our new podcast, The Undecideds, and he said two of the five undecideds came from swing states.
Why not all five?
It would have been interesting to see how the undecideds broke in the states where they
play the key role.
So this is a great question.
Actually, a good opportunity to talk a little bit about our selection process for the new podcast series, The Undecideds, that we launched
on Sunday. I'll take the opportunity to sort of segue this into a promo.
In our premiere episode, which you can check out on this podcast channel,
we introduced you to the five people we're following. We learned about their backgrounds
and got a sense of their political outlooks. We selected those five people, Brian from Arizona, Diana from Florida, Claire from Ohio,
Zahid from California, and Phil from Pennsylvania. Two of those states are considered swing states
in the upcoming election, Arizona and Pennsylvania, but the other three aren't.
We did consider just selecting people from swing states, but we ultimately decided against it for
two big reasons. One, those states are going to be overrepresented in coverage already. And two,
states like Florida, Ohio, and California still have very important down ballot races every year,
and Ohio and Florida have been known to swing presidential races too. Geographical diversity
was just one part of our calculus. We wanted demographic diversity too.
That means we have some diversity of representation by race, age, and gender.
More importantly, we wanted diversity in thought. We have people who are religious and non-religious,
people who never thought they'd consider Trump, people who are leaning away from Biden,
people who are out of the political mainstream, people who closely follow the news,
and people who are casting their first ever presidential ballot. Lastly, the most important criteria of all was to select people
who have the courage to be honest about their backgrounds, misgivings, and thought processes.
We narrowed down the massive response we got from readers to about three dozen people we reached out
to personally. We narrowed that group down to about 15 we thought could really be compelling
interviewees,
and then we made our final decision to try to get those demographic, ideological,
and geographic diversity of representation. We're really happy with how that turned out,
so if you still have not yet, you can go check out that first episode of The Undecideds right
here on this podcast channel. All right, next up is our under the radar section. Schools across the United States
and Europe are beginning to lock up students' phones during class or ban their presence at
schools outright. Schools in at least 41 states have bought magnetic pouches that allow them to
seal the phones off from students without turning them off or confiscating them. The results for us were just the game changer, Patricia Scheipp, the president of the Akron Education
Association, said after her district began using them. Phone bans aren't new in school, but bans
are becoming increasingly common as risks about screen time and social media become better
understood. Vox has an article breaking down the debate, and there's a link to it in today's episode description. All right, next up is our numbers section. The percentage of Americans who
said the U.S. government should take steps to restrict false information online, even if it
limits freedom of expression, was 39%, according to a 2018 Pew Research poll. The percentage of
Americans who said the U.S.
government should take steps to restrict false information online was 55% in a 2023 poll.
The percentage of Americans who said tech companies should take steps to restrict false
information online was 56% in a 2018 poll. And in 2023, the percentage of Americans who said
tech companies should take those steps was 65%. The percentage of Americans who said tech companies should take those steps was 65%.
The percentage of Americans who said they don't trust social media companies to make
fair decisions about what information is allowed to be posted on their platforms was 75%,
according to a 2021 survey from Cato and YouGov.
And finally, the percentage of Americans who said social media sites should use the First
Amendment as the standard for their content moderation decisions was 58%.
All right, and last but not least, our Have a Nice Day section.
Paul Myers, who lives in New York, England, suffered a cardiac arrest at a McDonald's
on his way to Sunday services.
Thinking quickly, one patron performed CPR long enough for another
unlikely hero to step in. An employee trained in using the defibrillator used his knowledge to save
Paul's life. From there, he was taken by helicopter to a hospital where he recovered. Mr. Myers
expressed gratitude to everyone, especially the McDonald's employee. He didn't want to take any
glory, and that really impressed me because what he did and what the other man did, those first few moments are really key.
And without that, I probably wouldn't be speaking to you today, Meyer said.
The BBC has a story, and there's a link to it in today's episode description.
Alright everybody, that is it for today's podcast.
As always, if you want to support our work,
you can go to readtangle.com forward slash membership.
Don't forget, we've got a job opening
to help out on this podcast and our YouTube channel.
There's a link to it in today's episode description,
also up on our website and in the newsletter.
We'll be right back here same time tomorrow.
Have a good one.
Peace. The logo for our podcast was designed by Magdalena Bokova, who is also our social media manager.
Music for the podcast was produced by Diet75.
And if you're looking for more from Tangle, please go to readtangle.com and check out our website. We'll see you next time. becomes a witness to a crime, Willis begins to unravel a criminal web, his family's buried
history, and what it feels like to be in the spotlight. Interior Chinatown is streaming
November 19th, only on Disney+. The flu remains a serious disease. Last season,
over 102,000 influenza cases have been reported across Canada, which is nearly double the historic
average of 52,000 cases. What can you do this flu season? Talk to your pharmacist or doctor
about getting a flu shot. Consider FluCellVax Quad and help protect yourself from the flu.
It's the first cell-based flu vaccine authorized in Canada for ages six months and older,
and it may be available for free in your province. Side effects and allergic reactions can occur,
and 100% protection is not guaranteed. Learn more at FluCellVax.ca.