Tangle - The Supreme Court's gun control ruling.
Episode Date: June 24, 2024United States v. Rahimi. On Friday, the Supreme Court upheld a federal law barring anyone subject to a restraining order for domestic violence from possessing firearms. The ruling reversed a... judgment by the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals that the law violated the Second Amendment’s guarantee of a right to keep and bear arms. You can read today's podcast here, our “Under the Radar” story here and today’s “Have a nice day” story here.You can catch our latest YouTube video on Juneteenth here.We were previously publishing these episodes on our Tangle podcast page, but we just re-launched the series — and released a brand new episode — on a unique podcast channel for The Undecideds. Please give us a 5-star rating and leave a comment! Check out Episode 4 of our podcast series.Today’s clickables: Correction and a note (0:55), Quick hits (2:20), Today’s story (4:12), Right’s take (8:36), Left’s take (13:06), Isaac’s take (17:37), Listener question (23:16), Under the Radar (25:33), Numbers (26:18), Have a nice day (27:25)You can subscribe to Tangle by clicking here or drop something in our tip jar by clicking here. Take the survey: What do you think of the Supreme Court’s ruling in United States v. Rahimi? Let us know!Our podcast is written by Isaac Saul and edited and engineered by Jon Lall. Music for the podcast was produced by Diet 75. Our newsletter is edited by Managing Editor Ari Weitzman, Will Kaback, Bailey Saul, Sean Brady, and produced in conjunction with Tangle’s social media manager Magdalena Bokowa, who also created our logo. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
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Based on Charles Yu's award-winning book, Interior Chinatown follows the story of Willis
Wu, a background character trapped in a police procedural who dreams about a world beyond
Chinatown.
When he inadvertently becomes a witness to a crime, Willis begins to unravel a criminal
web, his family's buried history, and what it feels like to be in the spotlight.
Interior Chinatown is streaming November 19th, only on Disney+.
The flu remains a serious disease.
Last season, over 102,000 influenza cases have been reported across Canada, which is Chinatown is streaming November 19th, only on Disney+. yourself from the flu. It's the first cell-based flu vaccine authorized in Canada for ages six months and older, and it may be available for free in your province. Side effects and allergic reactions can occur, and 100% protection is not guaranteed. Learn more at flucellvax.ca.
From executive producer Isaac Saul, this is Tangle.
Good morning, good afternoon, and good evening, and welcome to the Tangle podcast, the place
we get views from across the political spectrum, some independent thinking, and a little bit
of my take. I'm your host, Isaac Saul, and on today's episode, we're going to be
talking about the United States v. Rahimi, a Supreme Court case where the court just upheld
a federal law banning anyone subject to a restraining order for domestic violence from
possessing firearms. So the Supreme Court basically said that states can impose those laws. We're going to talk about exactly what happened, break down some of the
arguments and all that good stuff. Before we do, though, a quick heads up. We actually have a
correction. In an answer to a reader question on Thursday, we referred to a disagreement between
the Supreme Court's liberal and conservative justices on originalism and textualism, saying that
textualism was a philosophy practiced by the court's liberal justices. In fact, both textualism
and originalism are conservative philosophies. They're very similar to each other. We credit
this just to having our brains on autocomplete when reading through that portion of the answer,
but somehow the entire staff made the same mistake. We regret and are more than a little embarrassed by the error. This is our 109th correction in Tangle's 255-week history and
our first correction since June 18th. We track these corrections and place them at the top of
our podcast in an effort to maximize transparency with our listeners. All right, with that out of
the way, I only have one other quick note before I pass it to John, which is that we published this piece on Friday in the newsletter for members only
about Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and the potential impact he's going to have on the 2024 race.
If you have not read that piece, I encourage you to go become a Tangle member to unlock
the piece in full. You can do that by going to readtangle.com forward slash membership.
Your membership also supports the podcast here, so it's much appreciated.
All right.
With that, I'm going to pass it to John, and I'll be back for my take.
Thanks, Isaac, and welcome, everybody.
Hope you all had a great weekend.
Here are your quick hits for today.
First up, the Supreme Court agreed to hear a case that will review whether states can prohibit medical procedures and gender
transition treatments for minors. Number two, Russian authorities said six people died and over
a hundred were wounded as a result of Ukrainian drone and missile attacks on Sunday, while Russia
continued its attacks in Kharkiv, where one person died over the weekend. Number three, four people
were killed and nine
others were injured when a gunman opened fire at an Arkansas grocery store. Number four, the U.S.
and China resumed semi-official nuclear arms talks for the first time in five years. And number five,
tens of thousands of protesters gathered in downtown Tel Aviv over the weekend to call on
Israeli government leadership to resign and Hamas to
return 120 hostages. It was the largest protest since the beginning of the war.
The Supreme Court upheld a law Friday meant to keep guns out of the hands of domestic abusers.
The 8-1 ruling written by Chief Justice Robert sided with the federal government.
The question at the center of the case was whether it is unconstitutional to prevent domestic violence offenders who have current restraining orders against them from owning firearms.
Since the founding, our nation's firearm laws have included provisions preventing
individuals who threaten physical harm to others from misusing guns. Chief Justice John Roberts
wrote for the court. Justice Clarence Thomas alone dissenting, writing, today's decision puts at risk
the Second Amendment rights of many more. This statute actually ends up disarming a bunch of
law-abiding or otherwise good people
that you might not expect when you first look at it.
On Friday, the Supreme Court upheld a federal law barring anyone subject to a restraining
order for domestic violence from possessing firearms.
The ruling reversed a judgment by the Fifth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals that the law
violated the Second Amendment's guarantee of a right to keep and bear arms. The 8-1 ruling was the court's first major decision on Second Amendment issues since New
York State Rifle and Pistol Association v. Bruin in 2022, which established a right to carry guns
outside the home and require gun control laws to be consistent with the nation's historical
tradition of firearm regulation. That decision prompted several challenges to limits on gun
possession, including Rahimi. The plaintiff, Zaki Rahimi, brought the challenge after he was
sentenced to more than six years in prison for possessing a gun against the terms of a 2019
protective order for domestic violence. Months later, Rahimi was charged with assault with a
deadly weapon for threatening a second woman with a gun and opened fire in public on
five separate occasions. After he was identified as a suspect in those incidents, police obtained
a search warrant for his home and found a rifle and a pistol. He pleaded guilty to unlawfully
possessing the guns after a judge rejected his initial Second Amendment challenge to the law.
The Fifth Circuit Court rejected his appeal in 2022, but reversed course in 2023 following the Supreme Court's Bruin decision, leading to the appeal to the Supreme Court.
Chief Justice John Roberts, writing for the majority, attempted to clarify elements of the Bruin ruling that had produced competing interpretations by lower courts in the two years since the decision.
Gun control laws, he said, do not need an exact historical analog to be constitutional.
Instead, the appropriate analysis involves considering whether the challenged regulation
is consistent with the principles that underpin our regulatory tradition.
In Rahimi's case, Roberts pointed to early English and American laws empowering courts
to set bonds for people who were believed to be a threat or punish people who threatened
others with guns as justification for the ruling while remaining consistent with Bruin. Six justices wrote
separate concurrences challenging the scope of Roberts' opinion. Sonia Sotomayor, joined by
Elena Kagan, Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh, Amy Coney Barrett, and Katonji Brown Jackson.
Sonia Sotomayor and Jackson, two of the court's liberal justices, criticized the Bruin decision
in their
opinions, with Jackson writing that the constitutional test set by the ruling is
proving difficult for lower courts to apply through no fault of their own. Barrett and Gorsuch, two
conservative justices, had differing arguments about how Bruin should be interpreted. Barrett
said Bruin requires a wider lens that looks for a principle in early laws to support
gun regulations, while Gorsuch said that specific historical analogs should be required, but
that Roberts had properly identified them in his majority opinion.
Justice Clarence Thomas provided the lone dissenting voice, objecting to the idea that
someone could lose their Second Amendment rights without having been convicted of a
crime.
Rahimi was initially subject to a protective order, not convicted of a crime. The court and government do not point to
a single historical law revoking a citizen's Second Amendment right based on a possible
interpersonal violence, Thomas wrote. He argued that the government should prosecute anyone it
thinks has committed an act that should bar them from owning guns. Today, we'll explore arguments
from the right and the left about the court's ruling in Rahimi, and then Isaac's take.
We'll be right back after this quick commercial break.
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Based on Charles Yu's award-winning book, Interior Chinatown follows the story of Willis
Wu, a background character trapped in a police procedural who dreams about a world beyond
Chinatown.
When he inadvertently becomes a witness
to a crime, Willis begins to unravel a criminal web, his family's buried history, and what it
feels like to be in the spotlight. Interior Chinatown is streaming November 19th, only on
Disney+. The flu remains a serious disease. Last season, over 102,000 influenza cases have been
reported across Canada, which is nearly double the historic average of 52,000 cases. What can you do this flu season? Talk to your pharmacist or doctor
about getting a flu shot. Consider FluCellVax Quad and help protect yourself from the flu.
It's the first cell-based flu vaccine authorized in Canada for ages six months and older,
and it may be available for free in your province. Side effects and allergic reactions can occur,
and 100% protection is not guaranteed. Learn more at flucellvax.ca. First up, let's start with a little bit of
agreement. Both sides broadly agree with the outcome of the case, though they view its
implications differently. Most commentators also note that the number of concurrences in Rahimi suggest the court still needs to further clarify the
precedent established in Bruin. All right, let's move on to what the right is saying.
The right is mixed on the ruling, suggesting the court did little to resolve the underlying
issues in the case. Some say the decision shouldn't be seen as a blow to the Second Amendment.
Others support Roberts' guidance on how to assess the constitutionality of gun laws. In National Review, Dan McLaughlin said
the ruling dodges questions about due process of law. The underlying facts in Rahimi were extreme.
Mzaki Rahimi, a drug dealer, fired his gun in public five times at five different people
in the span of five weeks, McLaughlin wrote.
But what's legally relevant isn't the facts that came out later in the prosecution of Rahimi,
but what sort of judicial process was used to impose the order of protection in the first place,
because that's the basis upon which his gun rights were restricted. The ruling brushed aside,
at least for now, serious questions about whether the protective order system
provides adequate due process of law.
There's a fair dispute here. This was a close case. I'm inclined to think the majority was
right that the founders saw dangerousness as the touchstone of the limits on the right to bear arms
and that the founding era precedent of the surety laws is close enough to show that a civil process
for finding dangerousness can be used to restrict the right to bear arms,
although as Gorsuch observed, that leaves open not only due process questions but also the duration of those orders. In the Daily Signal, Amy Swearer argued that the decision doesn't
constitute a defeat for the Second Amendment. There is plenty of reason for Second Amendment
advocates to see Rahimi as more of a draw than a loss,
although certain aspects of how the Supreme Court majority came to this conclusion will likely be intentionally or recklessly misused by the same lower courts
that have misused Heller, McDonald, and Bruin to uphold gun control laws consistently
in much less complicated cases, Swearer wrote.
The majority explicitly left open future challenges to the
second and more concerning basis for disarmament. In addition, there is significant room to
challenge restraining orders or other types of similar disarmament measures, such as red flag
laws. Nothing in the Rahimi case suggests that the Supreme Court is interested in rolling back
core assertions made in prior Second Amendment cases. Quite the opposite. The majority reiterated,
among other things, that regulations such as surety laws are not a historical analog for broad prohibitions
affecting ordinary nonviolent citizens, and that the Second Amendment reach isn't limited to guns
existing at the time of the founding, Swearer said. These are all good indications that,
even if the Supreme Court is skittish about striking down laws aimed at disarming clearly violent people such as Rahimi, it remains committed to vindicating the rights of
ordinary law-abiding citizens. In the New York Times, David French wrote, Clarence Thomas and
John Roberts are at a fork in the road. If the Fifth Circuit's ruling had stood, lawmakers seeking
to justify virtually any gun regulation would have to be prepared to find colonial or early American analogies for their proposed restriction or watch it fail in court.
This would have meant that lawmakers facing modern gun violence problems involving modern weapons
would have been constrained into essentially colonial and founding era legal solutions,
French said. In essence, that is the exact reverse argument that some gun control proponents make,
that the Second Amendment protects only possession of colonial-era weapons.
Under the Thomas test, the Second Amendment would only permit colonial-era restrictions.
The court's majority opinion clarified their approach to text, history, and tradition in a way that freed lower courts from the straitjacket of finding precise historical analogies.
Such reliance on a specific,
narrow, past legislative approach isn't required by originalism. It is, itself, a policy of choice,
French wrote. The difference between Roberts and Thomas is clear. Roberts looks to past practice
to establish a principle. Thomas looks to past practice as essentially establishing precedent.
Roberts gets it right.
When we consider new policies in the present, the acts of the past are instructive but not binding.
Modern American lawmakers are not limited by the colonial imagination. All right, that's it for what the right is saying, which brings us to what the left is saying.
The left supports the decision but criticizes the court for past rulings that compelled them
to hear this case. Some say the decision lays the groundwork for future rulings to expand gun access.
Others say the conservative justices showed they have a limit to their support for gun rights.
In The Guardian, Moira Donegan wrote,
The court is fighting legal monsters of their making.
That a circuit court would have restored gun rights to men who are subject to domestic
violence restraining orders reflects just how extreme the federal judiciary's gun jurisprudence
has become, and, as in their abortion jurisprudence, how casual and careless many federal judges
are with women's lives, Donegan said. And, as in their abortion jurisprudence, how casual and careless many federal judges are
with women's lives, Donegan said.
But the Supreme Court's decision in United States v. Rahimi also reveals the logical
inconsistencies in the foundation of so-called originalist legal interpretation, the unworkability
of the court's insistence on historical precedent for every government regulation, and the growing
divisions among the conservative justices about
just what history and tradition should mean. That so many of the justices who voted for Thomas's
interpretation of Bruin just two years ago voted against that same interpretation today
just goes to show how hollow an approach originalism really is. It is a doctrine that
can expand or contract based on the justices' political preferences in whichever case happens
to be before
them, Donegan wrote. They have so much control over the law and so much indifference to precedent
and consistency in how they wield it that they can call upon virtually any interpretive scheme
they choose, label it originalism, and claim to have exercised a principal interpretive strategy.
In The Nation, Elie Mestal suggested the court got the ruling right,
but for completely bonkers reasons. If you actually read Opinions, Concurrences, and Dissents,
what you see is a group of conservatives desperately trying to square their extremist
reading of the Second Amendment and their violent rulings of the past, with the objective reality
that domestic abusers should not be allowed to own firearms to menace their victims, Mistel said. Robert's historical analogies are tortured and wacky, but this is what Roberts does.
When he likes law but realizes that upholding it goes against his ideological priors,
he just makes stuff up. He did this with Obamacare, converting it into a tax to avoid
giving the government its obvious power to regulate health care under the Commerce Clause,
and he's doing it again here. The court's other conservatives all wrote their own concurrences,
each with a crack at explaining why Bruin is still a super awesome ruling, even as they departed from
it in this case. But the upshot from these concurrences is that they're still free to
apply Bruin in the next gun case, Mistal wrote. And that next gun case has actually already
happened. The court's decision in Garland v. Cargill reaffirmed the violent contention that,
since bump stocks were not banned in the long-ago past, they cannot be banned now. Taking Rahimi
and Cargill together reveals a court that has not backed off its extremist interpretation of
the Second Amendment. In MSNBC, Jessica Levin said,
the decision shows limits on guns are difficult but not impossible. Eight justices sent an
important message. The Second Amendment's right to bear arms is not entirely unlimited. There are
situations where the government can restrict gun possession. This may come as a surprise to many
who have watched the conservative-dominated court bolster gun rights over the years but in reality it is an attempt to keep the lower courts in check
after a series of vague and harmful rulings levin wrote how one might ask is there even any question
as to whether someone like rahimi could be barred from possessing guns even temporarily the answer
is that over the last 16 years, the court made two big conclusions
about the Second Amendment that have created a high, high constitutional bar for imposing gun
control measures. The opinion from Chief Justice Roberts represents an important clarification of
the new standards the court has created over the last 16 years, Levin said. It is, in effect,
a relatively narrow shift, focused as it is on whether people like Rahimi,
who threw their girlfriends against dashboards and fired shots at restaurant workers who
declined credit cards, can temporarily lose their right to possess guns under the court's
recent decisions.
It remains difficult for governments to limit gun ownership and possession, but Friday's
decision affirms that difficult is not the same as impossible.
All right, let's head over to
Isaac for his take. All right, that is it for the left and the right are saying, which brings us to
my take. So as usual with Supreme Court cases, I think it's pretty helpful to analyze this case
in two different dimensions. First, the logic of the ruling, and then its practical outcome.
I often find myself split on these questions, where the outcome is something I want,
but there are elements of the ruling I'm skeptical of, or vice versa. In this case,
I'm happy about the outcome and completely satisfied with the logic the court
took to get there. My analysis of the outcome is simple. People like Zachary Rahimi shouldn't be
able to own a firearm. Rahimi was abusive toward his girlfriend, fired his gun at a bystander who
witnessed his abuse, and regularly brandished and fired his gun in public as a means to threaten
people. In the protective order issued against Rahimi,
a judge also prohibited him from owning a gun. That seems totally sensible to me. As with any right, there are restrictions and limits on the right to bear arms, and we employ the judgment
of lawyers, courts, and judges all across the country to impose those limits. If the state
can't keep people like Rahimi from legally owning a firearm, even for brief periods of time,
people like Rahimi from legally owning a firearm, even for brief periods of time, it's hard to imagine any permissible limits on the Second Amendment at all. So, a good outcome. The legal
argument is slightly less black and white, but to me, no less satisfying. Clarence Thomas' dissent
made the best argument you can make from a weak position that the court had erred in its 8-1
ruling, saying that the only mechanism states can use to disarm someone is to convict the person of a violent crime. The real question, Thomas said,
is whether the government can strip the Second Amendment right of anyone subject to a protective
order, even if he has never been accused or convicted of a crime. It cannot. On this point,
I fundamentally disagree. In fact, I think protective orders that temporarily disarm
someone are a great use case for such orders, and I think they are constitutionally sound.
Court proceedings take time, trials regularly require months or years to conclude, and obviously
dangerous and unhinged people like Rahimi regularly commit violence in those intervals.
We already jail people for awaiting hearings very regularly, which is a much
more expansive restriction on personal rights than firearm prohibitions. That's one of the reasons we
have judges, to make difficult decisions to temporarily restrict someone's rights to ensure
the rights and safety of others. I'm totally comfortable with states passing laws that allow
a judge to disarm someone in extreme cases, cases like Rahimi's, where doing so will protect
the safety of those around them. Of course, just because the argument is sensible doesn't mean it's
absolutely constitutional. To get there, the majority needed to find some kind of historical
analog to meet the legal test set out in Bruin, that the government has to determine a regulation
is consistent with the historical understanding of the Second Amendment. Roberts seemed to do that
easily, identifying historical examples of English and U.S. laws that forced people who were
a threat to post bond and other laws punishing people who threatened others with guns. If
threatening someone with a gun has historically been enough reason for legal punishment, it would
seem to me that physical abuse, threats, or other dangerous behavior provide ample justification to restrict someone's
ability to possess a firearm. As Roberts put it, the two examples confirm what common sense suggests.
When an individual poses a clear threat of violence to another, the threatening individual
may be disarmed. The most interesting aspect of this ruling to me is how it will impact gun
control going forward. Rahimi makes substantial changes to
Bruin, or at least substantially limits it. Laws that are relevantly similar to historical
regulations on gun control can now withstand constitutional muster, rather than needing to
be well-established in representative analogs, which is how the Fifth Circuit interpreted Bruin
previously. Roberts also instructed courts to consider applying faithfully the balance struck
by the founding generation to modern circumstances and made it clear that these historical examples
do not need to be quote-unquote twins to modern laws, explaining that if that were the case,
the Second Amendment would only protect muskets and sabers. It's clear that even among the
conservative justices, there is meaningful disagreement, which might come out in future
Second Amendment cases.
While Justices Gorsuch, Kavanaugh, and Barrett all seem to have agreed with the outcome here, they differed in how they got there,
diverging so much on questions of originalism broadly and how the legal theory should apply to regulations like this,
that they each pen their own concurrences.
As the Manhattan Institute's Ilya Shapiro put it,
concurrences. As the Manhattan Institute's Ilya Shapiro put it, this ruling shows that originalism is a rigorous intellectual enterprise, not some post-hoc rationalization for conservative outcomes
as its bad faith critics allege. In the short term, though, this ruling clarifies the reach of
Bruin and will have its biggest impact on federal and state laws that prohibit convicted felons from
having guns. Hundreds of challenges to those laws are happening
across the country, but this ruling is going to give lower courts good reason to uphold the laws
as is. It should also add more support for the constitutionality of red flag laws and other
attempts to restrict gun ownership among violent offenders or domestic abusers. The court's decision
in Rahimi illustrated some division among the conservative justices on originalism and Second Amendment cases, but after the chaos and confusion Bruin invited,
it mostly clarified the upper limits of how far the Second Amendment extends.
For that, the law should both be clearer and more accurately reflect the will of the people.
We'll be right back after this quick break. world beyond Chinatown. When he inadvertently becomes a witness to a crime, Willis begins to unravel a criminal web, his family's buried history, and what it feels like to be in the
spotlight. Interior Chinatown is streaming November 19th, only on Disney+.
The flu remains a serious disease. Last season, over 102,000 influenza cases have been reported
across Canada, which is nearly double the historic average of 52,000 cases. What can you do this flu season?
Talk to your pharmacist or doctor about getting a flu shot.
Consider FluCellVax Quad and help protect yourself from the flu.
It's the first cell-based flu vaccine authorized in Canada for ages six months and older, and
it may be available for free in your province.
Side effects and allergic reactions can occur, and 100% protection is not guaranteed.
Learn more at FluCcellvax.ca. All right, that is it for my take, which brings us to your question's answer. This
one's from an anonymous reader in Rome, New York, who said, why do you insist on using the word
cancel to describe the
executive branch wiping out loans to student borrowers? You should describe it for what it
really is, which is transferring debt to another group, the taxpayers. Okay, good question. And
I've actually gotten this question or comment from a lot of people as we've covered President
Biden's various actions to try and forgive student loans over the course of the past year.
President Biden's various actions to try and forgive student loans over the course of the past year, and I've mostly just dismissed it as a semantic complaint, but I think there's enough
real concern behind this idea that I wanted to address it. First, and right away, I do think this
is mostly semantic. The government is the loanholder for these debts, and the loanholder has the right
to cancel balances of the loan. It really is that simple,
and I use the terms cancel or forgive to describe these actions because they're simple and they're
accurate. But I want to acknowledge some counterpoints here. The federal government
is funded by tax dollars. When the budget it gets from taxpayers isn't enough to account for the
amount it spends, it runs a deficit, and that money will eventually be covered by one of two ways, budget cuts or extra revenue through taxes. Either way,
taxpayers pay the price. The government canceling debt is really just adding to its deficit,
which is paid for either directly by the taxpayer or indirectly through the cuts to services that
taxpayers would have otherwise funded. That is a bit of an oversimplification, but it's largely
accurate.
From a reporting standpoint, though, describing the government forgiving a loan as transferring
debt to the public is much more complicated. When a bank forgives a loan or cancels a debt,
that balance coming off its books also has to get covered from some other source the institution
tracks. But since the bank is the institution in that case, the bank just cancels the loan. It's the same thing with the government. It holds the loan, it cancels the debt. Hence our
choice to use that word. That said, I certainly agree that everyone should understand that
quote-unquote cancel doesn't simply mean the debt goes poof. The money has to come from somewhere.
All right, that is it for today's reader question. I'm going to pass it back to John
for the rest of the pod, and I'll see energy power plants. The Advanced Act,
which passed with just two senators voting no, is the most significant action Congress has taken
to promote clean energy since Democrats pushed the Inflation Reduction Act through Congress two
years ago. The bill will bring down costs for developers and streamline the permitting process
by cutting fees and speeding up approval times. Congress hopes it will facilitate more development
of new wave projects like small modular nuclear reactors.
CNN has this story,
and there's a link in today's episode description.
All right, next up is our numbers section.
The approximate number of women in the United States
who have been threatened with a gun
by an intimate partner is 4.5 million, according to the Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Violence Solutions.
The approximate number of women in the U.S. who have been shot or shot at by an intimate partner is 1 million.
The number of women fatally shot by an intimate partner in the U.S. in 2020 was 740, according to Everytown.
in 2020 was 740, according to Everytown. The percentage of female domestic violence homicide victims in the U.S. who were killed with a gun is 66%. The percentage of Americans who support
banning those convicted of domestic violence from purchasing a gun is 82%, according to a 2023 poll
from 19th News' SurveyMonkey. The percentage of Republicans who supported banning those convicted
of domestic violence from purchasing a gun is 81%. The percentage of Democrats who supported banning
those convicted of domestic violence from purchasing a gun is 91%. And the percentage
of Americans who support stricter laws covering the sale of firearms is 56%, according to Gallup.
All right, and last but not least, our have a nice day story. Water is a key element for
sustaining life on any planet, making any discovery of water on a distant world exhilarating for any
astronomer. Recently, a European space probe discovered thousands of gallons of frost within
the calderas of volcanoes on our closest orbiting neighbor, Mars.
The team described the discovery as a significant first that could provide a major breakthrough
in the search for life on other planets.
A separate discovery in the same region showed evidence of lava tubes leading to new theories
about the potential of the red planet once having been able to support life.
World at Large has this story and there's a link
in today's episode description. All right, everybody, that's it for today's episode.
As always, if you'd like to support our work, please go to readtangle.com and sign up for a
membership. We'll be right back here tomorrow. For Isaac and the rest of the team, this is John Law signing off.
Have a great day, y'all.
Peace.
Our podcast is written by me, Isaac Saul,
and edited and engineered by John Law.
The script is edited by our managing editor,
Ari Weitzman, Will Kabak, Bailey Saul, and Sean Brady.
The logo for our podcast was designed by Magdalena Bokova,
who is also our social media manager.
Music for the podcast was produced by Diet75.
And if you're looking for more from Tangle,
please go to readtangle.com and check out our website. We'll see you next time.