Tangle - The Supreme Court's voting rights ruling in Alabama.
Episode Date: June 13, 2023The Supreme Court voting rights ruling. On Thursday, the Supreme Court ordered Alabama to create a second majority-black district, throwing out its gerrymandered congressional map and upholding Sectio...n 2 of the Voting Rights Act (VRA). The 5-4 ruling in Allen v. Milligan was a surprise to many court watchers who expected the court to rule in favor of the Republican mapmakers in the state. At question was a gerrymandered congressional map drawn in Alabama in 2021.Tickets are officially live (and public!) for our event in Philadelphia on Thursday, August 3rd. Thanks to all the folks who bought tickets — we're on track to sell this baby out! Remember: Our goal is to sell out the venue, and then take Tangle on the road. Please come join us! Tickets here.You can read today's podcast here, today’s “Under the Radar” story here, and today’s “Have a nice day” story here. You can also check out our first YouTube interview here.Today’s clickables: Quick hits (0:55), Today’s story (2:45), Left’s take (8:03), Right’s take (12:13), Isaac’s take (16:32), Listener Question (21:35), Under the Radar (23:42), Numbers (24:53), Have a nice day (25:48)You can subscribe to Tangle by clicking here or drop something in our tip jar by clicking here.Our podcast is written by Isaac Saul and edited by Jon Lall. Music for the podcast was produced by Diet 75.Our newsletter is edited by Bailey Saul, Sean Brady, Ari Weitzman, and produced in conjunction with Tangle’s social media manager Magdalena Bokowa, who also created our logo.--- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/tanglenews/message Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
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Based on Charles Yu's award-winning book, Interior Chinatown follows the story of Willis
Wu, a background character trapped in a police procedural who dreams about a world beyond
Chinatown.
When he inadvertently becomes a witness to a crime, Willis begins to unravel a criminal
web, his family's buried history, and what it feels like to be in the spotlight.
Interior Chinatown is streaming November 19th, only on Disney+.
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Last season, over 102,000 influenza cases have been reported across Canada, which is Chinatown is streaming November 19th, only on Disney+. yourself from the flu. It's the first cell-based flu vaccine authorized in Canada for ages six months and older, and it may be available for free in your province. Side effects and allergic reactions can occur, and 100% protection is not guaranteed. Learn more at flucellvax.ca.
From executive producer Isaac Saul, this is Tangle.
Good morning, good afternoon, and good evening, and welcome to the Tangle podcast,
the place we get views from across the political spectrum, some independent thinking, and a little
bit of my take. I'm your host, Isaac Saul, and on today's episode, we are going to be talking
about the Supreme Court voting rights ruling having to do with a case in Alabama and the
Voting Rights Act. Kind of a surprise ruling, certainly was a surprise to me, and I know some
other people who are looking on. Before we jump in, though, as always, we'll start off with some
quick hits. First up, former President Trump will be arraigned in Miami today for charges related
to his alleged mishandling of classified documents. He's expected to plead not guilty.
Number two, J.P. Morgan agreed yesterday to pay $290 million in settlement to victims of Jeffrey Epstein
in hopes of settling claims that the bank knowingly supported his crimes.
Number three, Senator Chuck Grassley, the Republican from Iowa, said Monday that a Burisma executive
who allegedly paid Joe and Hunter Biden kept 17 audio recordings of his conversations with them as an insurance policy.
Number four, Texas said it will put floating barriers in the Rio Grande to protect the border from crossers.
Number five, Washington Post publisher and CEO Fred Ryan announced that he was stepping down. The Supreme Court has issued an opinion in a crucial voting rights case. The justices
ruled that Alabama's redrawn congressional map likely violates the Voting Rights Act.
A lower court said the map discriminated against black voters.
The U.S. Supreme Court today struck down Republican-drawn congressional districts in Alabama that civil rights activists say discriminated against black voters. The ruling was a surprising
departure from court opinions over the past decade, narrowing the scope of the Voting Rights Act.
Only one of the seven districts in Alabama is majority black. Lower courts had
said the state needs to add another district. And today, the Supreme Court, in a five to four
decision written by Chief Justice John Roberts, joined by Brett Kavanaugh and the three liberal
justices, said, in fact, that Alabama's map was discriminatory. On Thursday, the Supreme Court
ordered Alabama to create a second majority
black district, throwing out its gerrymandered congressional map and upholding Section 2 of the
Voting Rights Act, also known as VRA. The 5-4 ruling in Allen v. Milligan was a surprise to
many court watchers who expected the court to rule in favor of the Republican mapmakers in the state.
At question was a gerrymandered
congressional map drawn in Alabama in 2021. The map gave Black voters a majority in just one of
the state's seven districts, despite African Americans comprising roughly 27% of the state's
population. Several Alabama voters and a state senator sued over the map, arguing that it
violated Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, which forbids
any election law that results in a denial or abridgment of the right of any citizen of the
United States to vote on account of race or color. Specifically, they argued that the map intentionally
packed Black voters into a single district and dispersed other Black voters across the remaining
districts to dilute their vote power, this is a common
gerrymandering practice called pack and crack. Last year, a three-judge panel, including two
Trump-appointed judges, ruled that the map violated a framework laid out in a previous Supreme Court
case, Thornburg v. Gingles. However, Alabama sought emergency relief at the Supreme Court,
arguing that it was too close to the 2022 midterm elections to redraw
the map. The court agreed, allowing the map to apply for the 2022 midterms. Republicans went on
to win six of Alabama's seven House seats in November. At the time, Chief Justice John Roberts
joined liberals in dissent, arguing that he believed the lower court's decision was consistent
with current voting rights law. Brett Kavanaugh joined Justice Samuel Alito and other conservative justices, arguing that freezing the ruling was
consistent with the Purcell principle, which holds that courts should not change election law shortly
before an election. But he did not pass judgment on the map itself. After oral arguments in the case,
Kavanaugh ultimately joined Roberts and three liberal justices to deliver a 5-4
majority to the plaintiffs suing Alabama over the map. The majority ruled that lower courts had
successfully applied a three-part test, established in the 1986 case Thornburg v. Gingles, to evaluate
claims brought under Section 2. That test requires any challenge to show that there are enough Black
or minority voters living in a sufficiently compact area that a new district could be plausibly drawn. It must also show those voters
are politically cohesive and that the state's white voters tend to vote as a bloc to defeat
the preferred candidate of the minority group. Finally, the court must also consider state-specific
factors like historical discrimination that would indicate the process has not been equally open to
voters of color. In arguments, Robert rejected two of the state's claims, including that the
plaintiff's new maps failed to keep the Gulf Coast region of the state intact and that the plaintiffs
failed to retain the core of previous maps. On the latter, Roberts argued that failure to adhere to
previously used redistricting plans cannot defeat a Section 2 claim as a requirement for similarity would immunize from challenge a new racially discriminatory redistricting plan.
Instead, Roberts argued that the court should apply the precedent of the Gingell's framework to consider whether Alabama's computer-generated maps violated Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act.
generated maps violated Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. In his dissent, Justice Clarence Thomas argued that the question was whether Section 2 requires Alabama to intentionally
redraw long-standing districts so that Black voters can control a number of seats roughly
proportional to the state's Black population. Section 2 demands no such thing, Thomas argued,
saying it didn't apply to redistricting at all, but only to the laws and
policies that regulate access to the ballot or counting the ballot. If Section 2 were to apply
to redistricting, Thomas argued, this interpretation would be unconstitutional because it requires the
state to allocate political power based on race. In fact, Section 2 explicitly says that nothing
in this section establishes a right to have members of a protected class
elected in numbers equal to their proportion of the population.
In its ruling, the majority acknowledged this idea, writing that forcing proportional representation is unlawful.
This is the third time in recent memory the court has taken up a case related to the Voting Rights Act.
In 2013, the court struck down Section 5 of the VRA in Shelby
County v. Holder, which required states with a history of discrimination to get approval from
the federal government before making changes to their voting laws. In 2021, in Brnovich v.
Democratic National Committee, the court upheld two voting rights provisions in Arizona that
limited third-party ballot collection and out-of-precinct voting. The ruling is expected to invite fresh challenges to other gerrymandered maps in states like
Louisiana, South Carolina, and Georgia. Overall, the ruling could end up netting Democrats two
to four additional congressional seats, according to redistricting expert Dave Wasserman.
Today, we're going to take a look at some reactions from the left and the right, and then my take.
First up, let's start with what the left is saying.
Many on the left support the ruling, arguing that this should not have been a closed call. Some say this ruling is even better than it looks, with reverberations that will extend to other states thanks to new redistricting technology. Others argue that the
celebration should be muted, given what the court has already done to the Voting Rights Act.
In Vox, Ian Millhiser said the Supreme Court did something genuinely shocking by handing down a
surprise victory for voting rights. The ruling preserves longstanding safeguards against racism in U.S.
elections, strikes down a gerrymandered congressional map in Alabama, and all but
assures that Democrats will gain at least one congressional seat in the next election from that
state. It shouldn't be controversial for a court to follow precedent, but this is the Roberts Court
we are talking about,
which has been extraordinarily willing to toss out seminal precedents and to dismantle the Voting
Rights Act. Precedent from Thornburg v. Gingles requires voting rights plaintiffs to clear several
hurdles to win a case like this. They must show that there are enough Black voters living in a
sufficiently geographically compact area that such an additional district could
plausibly be drawn, Millhiser said. They must show that these voters are politically cohesive,
meaning that they tend to vote together for the same candidates, and that the state's white voters
also tend to vote sufficiently as a bloc to enable it, to defeat the black voters' preferred
candidate. Suffice it to say that Roberts seems to agree with the lower court's conclusion that these plaintiffs meet those conditions and that this is not a close case.
In Slate, Richard H. Pildes said the decision is even better than it looks.
It's tempting to view this decision as merely an affirmation of long-standing requirements
of voting rights doctrine, but it will actually expand the effective scope of the VRA.
With today's high-powered computers, it's possible for plaintiffs to ask an algorithm to create a new VRA district
that is consistent with the state's general redistricting criteria. Indeed, that is precisely
what the experts did in the Alabama case. This same technique was used in other southern states
to demonstrate a new VRA district could be created while still adhering to the state's practices about how compact districts have to be
and the respect owed to keeping cities, towns, counties intact to the extent possible.
This new technology makes it possible to find VRA districts that might have been hard to identify
in the past, Pildes said. That's why there have been new challenges after the 2020 round of
redistricting under the VRA in a number of Southern states, such as Georgia and Louisiana.
In the wake of the Supreme Court decision, we will now have to see how many of those
also turn out to be successful. In the Washington Post, Melissa Murray and Steve Vladek said you
have a right to be happy, but it's no victory for democracy. The decision was met with
relief, even giddiness being hailed as a victory. Yes, the court's conservative supermajority failed
to undermine voting rights, but this is not an unalloyed victory, they said. As an initial matter,
the decision does not strengthen the act, as some pundits claim. It merely preserves the status quo.
And the status quo is that this court, over the past 10 years,
has severely hobbled the law and its protections for minority voters.
The court already eviscerated preclearance rules,
which has allowed an uptick in suppressive tactics.
In this case, and others across the South,
the court gave an emergency stay to allow these maps to be used in the 2022 midterms
after two federal courts had struck them down.
Taking these rulings together and others following them, as many as seven House seats across four
states should have been majority-minority districts, and thus strong candidates for
Democratic victories, and were safe Republican House seats instead, they wrote. Given that
Republicans have a razor-thin 10-seat majority in the House, it's not preposterous to suggest
that the court's
unexplained interventions in 2022 were responsible for which party controls the House today.
That's problematic in the abstract, but it's utterly indefensible now that a majority of
justices have concluded the lower courts were right in the first place.
All right, that is it for what the left is saying, which brings us to what the right is saying.
Many on the right criticized the ruling, saying the court actually endorsed race-based redistricting.
Some argue that the ruling actually creates more confusion and less clarity. Others focus on the political implications,
arguing that Republicans need to prepare to lose some seats in the South and aggressively
gerrymander in states where there are opportunities to. The Washington Examiner editorial board said
the Supreme Court just endorsed race-based redistricting. The Supreme Court is essentially
ordering the state to produce two black majoritymajority districts among its seven.
Roberts, with the increasingly liberal Brett Kavanaugh and the court's three Democratic-appointed justices,
twisted logic with stunning degrees of sophistry to pretend that their decision does not contradict both statutory and constitutional restrictions against apportioning districts on the basis of racial proportion to the population.
For decades, the courts have approved district lines
within majority Black territory. Now, it says what was legal for each of the prior decades is no
longer legal, even though no applicable law has changed in the interim. Where is the logic? As
Thomas noted, Alabama's population distribution is such that the only way to create a second Black
majority congressional district is to abandon
race-neutral principles and make race the predominant precondition for figuring out where
to draw the district lines, they wrote. All 11 maps proposed by plaintiffs can achieve a second
majority black district only by dividing major black majority parts of the county for the first
time ever, splitting up communities along the Gulf Coast region. The court's decision assumes that Black people in urban mobile have fewer interests in common
with their white neighbors two blocks away than with rural Black people on the Georgia
line 200 miles away. This is racial stereotyping at its worst.
Based on Charles Yu's award-winning book, Interior Chinatown follows the story of Willis Wu,
a background character trapped in a police procedural who dreams about a world beyond Chinatown.
When he inadvertently becomes a witness to a crime, Willis begins to unravel a criminal web,
his family's buried history, and what it feels like to be in the spotlight.
Interior Chinatown is streaming November 19th, only on Disney+.
The flu remains a serious disease.
Last season, over 102,000 influenza cases have been reported across Canada,
which is nearly double the historic average of 52,000 cases.
What can you do this flu season?
Talk to your pharmacist or doctor about getting a flu shot.
Consider FluCellVax Quad and help protect yourself from the flu.
It's the first cell-based flu vaccine authorized in Canada for ages 6 months and older, and it may be available for free in your province. Side effects and
allergic reactions can occur, and 100% protection is not guaranteed. Learn more at flucellvax.ca.
In National Review, Carrie Campbell-Severino said the court is inviting confusion.
The majority seemed focused
on applying the framework for vote dilution claims previously established in Thornburg v.
Gingles, except that focus is difficult to achieve on a standard that has tended to be amorphous and
confusing for judges to apply, Severino wrote. By what benchmark did the court determine that
Alabama's map was not equally open to minority voter participation.
The court did not say, at least not explicitly. Far more clarity about this case is to be found
in Justice Clarence Thomas's dissent, the bulk of which argued that to the extent Section 2 applies
to districting plans, any districting benchmark must be race neutral. It must not assume that
an acceptable plan should include any particular number of
proportion of minority-controlled districts. Any other benchmark would render the vote dilution
inquiry fundamentally circular, allowing courts to conclude that a distracting plan dilutes a
minority's voting strength on account of race merely because it does not measure up to an ideal
already defined in racial terms. Thomas's dissent exposed the elephant
in the room that the starting point of plaintiff's maps was the proportional allocation of political
power based on race. In red state, the blogger Banshee focused on the outcome, saying this put
the Republican House majority in jeopardy. Certainly, this ruling reverses a trend by the
high court of further limiting the VRA, which ironically began with
Chief Justice John Roberts himself. The waters are a bit muddier today than yesterday, and it
appears Republicans have hit a wall insofar as how far they can push the envelope on, she said.
As to the electoral damage done, Republicans only hold a slim majority in the House of
Representatives, a majority made even more tenuous by Representative George Santos' recent
arrest on fraud charges.
That means every district counts, and this ruling could be the difference in winning or losing the chamber in 2024.
This will impact at least two seats in Alabama, both of which will be easily won by Democrats.
But the precedent will also be used in the future to push back on other Republican-drawn maps,
and there are already rumblings of challenges in Louisiana and South Carolina that could succeed. For Republicans, that means the GOP will need to
get more aggressive in states where they can get away with it before a deluge of changes
overwhelm the ground gained in 2022.
All right, that is it for the left and the right are saying, which brings us to my take.
So anytime I write about Supreme Court rulings, I try to focus on two separate things.
There is the logic of the ruling, and then there is the practical outcome of the ruling.
On the practical outcome here, I am happy.
Gerrymandering is a bipartisan crisis, and it is a scourge on our democracy.
Any ruling like this, which will effectively reverse one party's attempt at gerrymandering,
is a good thing. If Republican legislators in the South think heavily gerrymandered maps like this one can't get past federal courts with majority conservative justices or a Supreme Court with a
6-3 majority tilt, that is a good thing. Hopefully they will take the cue and gerrymander less often.
On the logic of the ruling, I'm far more conflicted. Following precedent makes sense,
and maybe this is just as simple as that. The court has ruled using the Gingell's framework
for four decades, and changing that would require bucking years of precedent. Was the black vote being diluted? Yes. Did it appear Republicans
were doing so intentionally? Yes. Does this violate the VRA? Yes. Again, before the midterms,
a three-judge panel with two Trump appointees eviscerated the map in their 255-page opinion,
writing that under the Gingell's precedent, quote, we do not regard the question of whether the Milligan plaintiffs are substantially likely
to prevail on the merits of their Voting Rights Act claim as a close one. But when I read the
arguments in the case, the majority and the dissenting opinions and the punditry around it,
one thing becomes obvious. There is a lot more clarity among the dissenters. Justice Clarence Thomas put
it plainly, nothing in Section 2 gives the right for a protected class to create a number of
districts proportional to their share of the population. Indeed, over 2 million race-neutral
simulations did not yield a single plan with two majority Black districts, and even 20,000
simulations with one majority Black district floor did even 20,000 simulations with one majority
Black district floor did not yield a second district with a Black voting age population
over 40%. In other words, if you take race totally out of it and ask these race-neutral
algorithms to create districts, you don't end up with two majority Black districts.
Starting from that point, it's hard to overcome the argument that the court is compelling a state to make race the central guidepost in creating these districts, which is
plainly unconstitutional. As Severino pointed out, you can contrast that clarity with a section of
the opinion that Roberts wrote. It stated that being aware of racial considerations is permissible,
even required by Section 2, while being motivated predominantly
by race is usually not. But the line between racial predominance and racial consciousness
was somehow not breached here. Does that sound like an easy guideline to follow in future cases?
It doesn't to me, and it might be why it was the one section of the opinion that Justice Kavanaugh
did not join. You could argue, of course, that the VRA
might be sloppily written law in some parts, or that the Constitution is outdated, or that past
precedent in the court has created a total mess. All of that might be true. But to me, the argument
put forth by Thomas and the dissenters here just made a lot more sense, was a lot more to the point,
and left a lot less ambiguity. That doesn't make it right, necessarily,
but it does mean that their position of maintaining the status quo required less mental gymnastics.
Millhiser responded to Thomas' reasoning under what the left is saying with a good argument, too.
By following Thomas' outline, it would make it nearly impossible for any racial gerrymandering
plaintiff to ever prevail in court. Millhiser argues essentially
that of course the mapmakers are using race as a precondition to draw these maps. The whole point
is to prove it's possible to draw two majority black districts in Alabama within the framework
of Alabama's rules on redistricting. How can a mapmaker do this without paying close attention
to race, Millhiser asked. That's a fair point, but I'd
certainly feel better if the race-neutral algorithm randomly spat out some second-majority
black districts without including racial makeup as a precondition. Absent that, the result of
this decision is both that the map in question is racially gerrymandered and the new map producing
a second-majority black district is racially motivated. It's hard for me to feel great about either outcome,
which I suppose is why this case ended up before the Supreme Court.
Ultimately, the plaintiffs were able to show that Alabama can redraw the maps
to include two majority Black districts
and can do it while meeting previous Supreme Court precedent on how maps can be drawn.
This does not mean a voting rights plaintiff can compel a state to draw
misshapen districts to meet some racial criteria. Alabama still has to create this second district
with reasonably compact districts that conform with traditional districting criteria,
like keeping communities with shared cultures and preferences intact. That is a good limit
to reinforce, though it doesn't make any of this less complicated or convoluted.
All right, that is it for my take. Before we jump into your questions answered, two quick reminders.
One, our YouTube channel is churning out some fresh original content, including an interview I did last week about the debt ceiling.
including an interview I did last week about the debt ceiling. And also we have tickets on sale right now for our event, August 3rd. I'm going to keep promoting this in the podcast until we sell
out. So if you don't want to hear me talk about the event on the podcast anymore, just go buy a
ticket and help us sell out and then I'll stop bringing it up. And that's that. August 3rd,
Philadelphia. Ticket link in today's episode description. Also, you can find it at readtangle.com backslash live. All right, with that out of the
way, we're going to jump in with your questions answered. This one is from Arez in Mountain Lakes,
New Jersey. Arez said, what do you think of this prediction? Trump, sensing that he will end up in
jail and with minimal chance he can win in the general election while under indictment or behind bars, will drop out of the primary before a single vote
is cast and endorse DeSantis in exchange for a presidential pardon if or when he beats Biden.
It seems this or something like it might be his best case scenario now.
Okay, so I love the theoreticals, but yeah, I think this is extraordinarily unlikely.
First, I think it is unlikely that at any point before a vote is cast, it will be clear Trump is
going to lose the primary. He is in a commanding position right now. Second, I think it is and
will continue to be unclear whether he will face a guilty verdict, especially given the expected
judge, venue, and jury. And
third, it's not a guarantee that DeSantis would pardon him if he wins, and Trump is found guilty,
though I do think that he would. A more interesting question, I think, is what would happen if Biden
pardons Trump after a guilty verdict? That would be a pretty interesting political move, one that
intrigues me a lot more than some kind of quid pro quo between DeSantis and Trump. Either way, I don't think it's likely that Trump will drop out, or that he will be sure
of defeat, or that he will be sure of a guilty verdict. All right, that is it for our reader
question, which brings us to our under-the- the radar story. Americans' views on issues related
to gender are changing rapidly. A new poll by PRRI found that the number of Americans who say
there are only two genders has increased from 59% in 2021 to 65% in 2023. Non-white Protestants,
Hispanic Catholics, and voters under the age of 30 years old represent the largest increases. 40% of Americans say they would be uncomfortable if a friend uses
gender-neutral pronouns, while just 35% said they would be comfortable. The poll also found that 49%
of Americans believe public schools give children harmful information on sexual identity and gender,
while 50% believe they do not. The survey showed sharp divides
among Republicans and Democrats, including 90% of Republicans who say there are only two genders
and 44% of Democrats saying the same. The poll, which surveyed more than 5,000 Americans, was
conducted by PRRI. You can find a write-up of the poll in NBC News and a link to the poll in today's episode description.
All right, next up is our numbers section. The percentage of Americans who say they have heard a little or nothing at all about legislative redistricting in their state is 85%, according
to a 2022 Pew poll. The percentage of Americans who say they are unsure of how they feel about
redistricting in their state is 55%. The percentage of Americans who say they are unsure of how they feel about redistricting in their state is 55%.
The percentage of Americans who say they are dissatisfied with the redistricting in their state is 24%.
The percentage of Americans who say they are satisfied with redistricting in their state is 19%.
The margin of victory for Democrat Terri Sewell over a Republican challenger in her race for Alabama's 7th district was 63.6% to 34.8%.
The highest share of the vote won by any Democrat in any of Alabama's other six congressional
districts was 29.6%. The number of congressional districts in Alabama that are considered
competitive is zero. All right, and last but not least, our have a nice day story. Montana children will have
access to free books courtesy of Dolly Parton and in partnership with the state's first lady,
Susan Gianforte, who's married to Governor Greg Gianforte, the Republican. Parton's book giving
program, the Imagination Library, seeks to improve educational outcomes and creates a foundation for
a lifelong love of
learning in young children. The library will provide a free book each month to any Montana
child up to five years old who is registered with the organization. Literacy is critical for our
kids and their development. When parents read to their kids or when a child reads, it engages them,
it fires their imagination and sparks their curiosity, Gianforte said. To date, the Imagination
Library has gifted over 206 million books in the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom,
Australia, and Ireland. Sunny Skies has the story. There's a link to it in today's episode description.
All right, everybody, that is it for today's podcast.
As always, if you want to support our work,
please go to readtangle.com slash membership and become a member.
Don't forget, check out our links for tickets to our event August 3rd
and also give our YouTube channel a look and subscription too, please.
We'll be right back here same time tomorrow.
Have a good one.
Peace.
We'll be right back here same time tomorrow.
Have a good one.
Peace.
Our podcast is written by me, Isaac Saul, and edited by John Long.
Our script is edited by Ari Weitzman, Bailey Saul, and Sean Brady.
The logo for our podcast was designed by Magdalena Bukova,
who's also our social media manager.
Music for the podcast was produced by Diet75. For more on Tangle, please go to readtangle.com and check out our website.
Based on Charles Yu's award-winning book, We'll be right back. criminal web, his family's buried history, and what it feels like to be in the spotlight. Interior Chinatown is streaming November 19th, only on Disney+.
The flu remains a serious disease. Last season, over 102,000 influenza cases have been reported
across Canada, which is nearly double the historic average of 52,000 cases. What can you do this flu
season? Talk to your pharmacist or doctor about getting a flu shot. Consider FluCellVax Quad and
help protect yourself from the flu.
It's the first cell-based flu vaccine authorized in Canada for ages 6 months and older,
and it may be available for free in your province.
Side effects and allergic reactions can occur, and 100% protection is not guaranteed.
Learn more at FluCellVax.ca.