TED Talks Daily - How to spot authoritarianism — and choose democracy | Ian Bassin
Episode Date: June 17, 2024Democracy is about having choices — and authoritarianism is about not having them, says lawyer and writer Ian Bassin. Detailing the seven steps of the authoritarian playbook, he invites us ...all to put aside our differences and rethink our role in the fight for freedom, revealing the hope and power behind every choice we make.
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TED Audio Collective.
You're listening to TED Talks Daily,
where we bring you new ideas to spark your curiosity every day.
I'm your host, Elise Hu.
The way democracy dies doesn't happen with a lot of explosions and tanks.
Lawyer and writer Ian Bassin says authoritarian movements are far
sneakier in their takeovers. In his 2023 talk from TED Democracy, he warns that the threat
is coming from inside the system and presents some choices we can make now to bolster democracies
around the world. After the break. Support for this show comes from Airbnb. If you know me, you know I love
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And now, our TED Talk of the day.
So, late on the night before the American presidential inauguration in 2009,
I received an urgent message to go pick up a package at a random address in Washington, D.C.
I was wearing a tuxedo. I was at the inaugural ball.
The next day, I was supposed to enter the White House as a lawyer for the new president.
But I slipped out of the ball and I ran in the rain to the designated
address where the doorman of the building handed me a plastic grocery bag bursting at the seams
with three thick binders. My name was written on a post-it note stuck to the bag. Jason Bourne,
it said. No. But I was supposed to bring the binders with me
into the White House the next day.
For the next three years,
in my service in the White House Counsel's Office,
those binders would become my Bible.
They had been left for me by a lawyer from a previous White House,
and they contained in them memos dating to the Eisenhower era
that White House chiefs of staff and counsel
had sent to executive branch officials
explaining what they could do and what they were not allowed to do
in the performance of their duties.
And if White House staff had questions about those things,
I'd just consult the binders.
And if the binders didn't contain the answer,
I'd call the lawyer who did my job for President Bush.
And if he didn't know, we'd call the lawyer who did it for President Clinton.
It didn't matter whether you were working for a Democrat or Republican. The rules were consistent from administration to administration. And you learn very quickly in doing this work that most
of those rules are not legally binding. They're just traditions, customs, what we've all come to
call norms, which meant they were a choice. You can choose to follow them, or you could choose not to follow them.
And they contain things like rules prohibiting White House staff
from calling the Department of Justice and telling them who to prosecute,
who to investigate, because in a liberal democracy,
those decisions are supposed to be made independently of politics.
So after the 2016 American presidential election, my fellow council
alumni and I began to grow concerned. What would happen if a leader chose not to follow those rules?
What would happen if a leader organized a political movement in opposition to them?
Well, we didn't really need to wonder about that because leaders and movements like that have been rising across the world in the 21st century.
These movements seek to replace liberal democracy with more authoritarian forms of government.
And so my fellow council alumni and I decided to launch, which was a modest effort at first, to try to apply what we learned from those binders to prevent that from happening in the United States.
We called our organization Protect Democracy.
But as the threat has grown, so have our efforts,
and so I want to take some time today
to describe the specific nature of the threat
and some choices we all can make to defeat it.
So the first thing to understand
is how these modern authoritarian movements dismantle democracies.
Because it's not like it was in the past.
These days, typically, democracy doesn't die
with a loud explosion and tanks rolling through the town square.
Russia's invasion of Ukraine is the exception.
More often in the 21st century,
these authoritarian movements work like Trojan horses.
Typically, their leader comes to power through an election
and then once inside, dismantles the system from within.
And they have a playbook for doing so.
The authoritarian playbook.
And it's pretty consistent from Venezuela to Hungary,
Turkey to Brazil.
It contains seven steps, okay?
So first, they politicize independent institutions
like the civil service, law enforcement,
and eventually the military.
Second, they spread disinformation,
including from the government.
Third, they aggrandize executive power
and undermine checks and balances.
Fourth, they quash dissent from limiting what can be said and taught and read
to using the regulatory state to punish critics.
Fifth, they scapegoat and delegitimize vulnerable groups.
This has been the tyrant's favorite tool since antiquity,
because if you can pit people against each other on the basis of race,
religion, or sexual orientation,
it's easier to pick their pockets of money and power.
Six, they corrupt elections.
And finally, they incite violence.
And we have seen all of these play out
in the United States in recent years.
And there's a reason why this playbook can succeed.
It's not that people openly support authoritarianism
or even secretly favor it.
But in a time of rapid change and uncertainty,
the time when so many of us feel anxiety about the future, at a time when
our democracy and our politics seem so broken and so unable to solve our problems, it can be
tempting to think the solution is just to give someone a little bit more power.
I alone can fix it, we're told, in times like these.
And the truth is, an all-powerful leader can cut through the morass.
They don't need to negotiate legislation or overcome filibusters or defend their policies in court.
They can just do it.
Mandate that more housing be built.
That we train enough doctors,
that we make our system ruthlessly efficient, maybe discard people who are unproductive
or who have disabilities or who are just old, that we confiscate people's property to enrich and empower the leader and
his allies. That we imprison anyone who stands in the way or who speaks out or questions the
leader at all. Because that is how it always goes. Just ask the young person in Nicaragua
whose father was disappeared for saying the wrong thing.
Or the student in Turkey who was arrested for attending a banned art exhibit. Or the businessman in Russia whose company was seized to buy loyalty from an oligarch. Or the gentleman I met last
night who spent time in a maximum security prison merely for calling out for freedom and democracy
in Zimbabwe.
Now, I know there are some Americans who say, but that can't happen here.
That's what all those people thought.
The truth is, the only way it can happen here
is if we think that it can't.
All right, that's pretty dark.
Don't worry, it's okay.
Because we still have the time and the power to prevent that playbook from succeeding.
How?
By exercising the one thing that democracies guarantee
that autocracies take away,
the power to choose.
Because underneath it all,
democracy lives or dies based on choices, right?
In big moments like elections, sure.
But also the countless choices that citizens make every day
as participants in a democracy.
That's what I learned from those binders, right?
Choices made in the spotlight,
choices made when no one is looking,
they add up and they either fortify democracy
or they chip it away.
And now back to the episode.
So, how are we doing on this front?
Well, we have made some good choices
that are cause for hope
and some not-so-good ones
that are reasons for real concern.
And so I want to give an example
of a democracy-saving choice, an example of a
democracy-destroying choice, and we'll end on choices we all can make to be the difference.
So first, the democracy-saving choice. Ruby Freeman and her daughter, Shea Moss, stepped up
to serve as election workers during a pandemic to help their fellow citizens in the state of Georgia vote in 2020.
And they did their jobs with honor and integrity, never imagining what was going to happen next.
An autocrat and his allies, desperate to hold on to power, falsely accused them of stealing
the election from him. Their lives were turned upside down. They became the subjects of vile, unrelenting,
unthinkable intimidation and harassment. They received racist death threats. Ruby was forced
to flee her home on the advice of the FBI for her own safety. After what happened to them,
it would have been entirely understandable if they had decided to slink off into their private, quiet lives.
And had they chosen to do that,
we would have moved that much further away from protecting democracy.
But they made a different choice.
They chose to stand up.
Represented by our organization,
they brought multiple lawsuits against the people
and organizations who defamed them, depriving them of their reputations and their safety.
They testified before Congress about how a former president and his allies, rather than protecting
them as public servants and citizens, targeted them, putting their lives in danger. And because they chose to invoke our laws and our courts and
our institutions in democracy's defense, they are establishing a deterrent against anyone doing to
others what has been done to them. But not everyone is making such good choices. And most worryingly,
people with far more institutional power than Ruby and Shea are making choices that
are as bad for democracy as Ruby's and Shea's were good. So a brief lesson from history.
Between World War I and World War II, far-right authoritarian parties were rising across Europe.
In Belgium and Finland, the mainstream center-right parties saw those on the right flank for what they
were,
threats to the very foundations of their democratic systems. And so they did the hard thing. They chose to unite with their traditional opponents on the left to block the autocrats from power.
In Italy and Germany, the mainstream center-right parties made a different choice.
They calculated that they could ride the energy
of those on their far right to power
and then once there, sideline the extremist leaders.
We know how tragically that turned out.
Well, in recent years,
too many on America's center-right
have made a similar calculation
that they too can ride the energy
on the extremist right to power
and then sideline the extremist leader.
They still have time to make a different choice.
Because protecting democracy requires people who disagree
about politics and policy to put those differences aside
when the very foundations of self-government itself are at risk.
Now, the choice that Ruby and Shea made
and the choice too many center-right electeds have made
are representative of thousands of similar choices
that are being made on each side
of the pro- and anti-democracy ledger.
Add it all up, you basically get a draw
in which our democracy is teetering on the edge.
But therein lies our opportunity to tip the balance, because we all have choices to
make as well. Yes, to vote, and we must do that. But just as importantly, choices about how we
relate to one another as citizens. I know it may seem like a quaint notion, but how we act towards
one another is fundamental to democracy. These are the habits of the heart that Alexis de Tocqueville credited
as being responsible for the maintenance of a democratic republic in the United States.
Because how our elected officials behave and how our government functions
is almost always downstream of how we act as citizens.
If we meet our neighbors' differences with suspicion and fear and hostility,
our elected officials are likely to do the same, and authoritarians thrive on that sort of division
and hatred. Autocrats want to feed our fears because when we're afraid, we're more likely to
see a strongman as a necessary means of protection. But if we make a different choice, we choose to
meet our neighbors' differences as opportunities for curiosity and for connection, our elected
officials will eventually follow suit as well. And then we put democracy on home court advantage
against authoritarianism. Right now, kind of acting too much out of fear, right?
Fear our democracy is dying,
and that's causing us to be hostile to one another.
And I will admit, I am guilty of this too, right?
So I want to share something I've been reflecting on
that is helping me reorient how I think about
and approach this moment.
It's a verse from a Leonard Cohen song,
appropriately titled Democracy
and it goes like this
it's coming to America first
the cradle of the best
and of the worst
it's here we got the range
and the machinery for change
it's here we got the spiritual thirst
it's here the family's broken and it's here we got the spiritual thirst. It's here the family's broken, and it's here the lonely say
that the heart has got to open in a fundamental way.
Democracy is coming to the USA.
You know, we tend to think of the moment we're in in negative terms
as a dark and scary time portending the end
of democracy. But in our long journey as a nation and a world, in our long quest to achieve the
thing we've aspired to but never had, a truly inclusive, multiracial, multiethnic, multireligious
democracy, each major advance towards that goal has been preceded by a crucible
of crisis and conflict. When brave black Americans marched across the Edmund Pettus
Bridge in Selma to secure the right to vote, there's no downplaying the pain and suffering,
cracked skulls that they endured, but they led our nation to the fuller democracy on the other side.
I think we're living through a similar moment, the last gasp of an old order making its final
stand against the future. And if we do as the lyrics suggest, if we open our hearts in a
fundamental way to each other, on the other side of this crisis,
democracy, true democracy,
I am confident is coming to the USA.
Those binders that I inherited that night in 2009,
they never made it past that administration.
When the new administration came into office,
there was no one for me to give them to who would honor them like so many had before
so I'm giving them to you
to all of us
if our experiment in self-government is to continue
we are the ones who are going to choose to protect it
we
the people
we have this choice because that's what democracy protects We protect it. We. The people.
We have this choice because that's what democracy protects. Democracy is about having choices.
Authoritarianism is about not having them.
Make the wrong one, and we can absolutely lose that freedom.
But ultimately, the final choice will be ours.
Thank you. we're away from home as we settled down at our Airbnb during a recent vacation to Palm Springs,
I pictured my own home sitting empty. Wouldn't it be smart and better put to use welcoming a family like mine by hosting it on Airbnb? It feels like the practical thing to do and with
the extra income I could save up for renovations to make the space even more inviting for ourselves
and for future guests. Your home might be worth more than you think.
Find out how much at airbnb.ca slash host.
That was Ian Bassin at the TED Democracy event in 2023.
If you're curious about TED's curation,
find out more at ted.com slash curation guidelines.
And that's it for today.
TED Talks Daily is part of the TED Audio Collective.
This episode was produced and edited by our team,
Martha Estefanos, Oliver Friedman, Brian Green,
Autumn Thompson, and Alejandra Salazar.
It was mixed by Christopher Faisy-Bogan.
Additional support from Emma Taubner,
Daniela Balarezo, and Will Hennessey.
I'm Elise Hu.
I'll be back tomorrow with a fresh idea for your feed.
Thanks for listening.
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