Tetragrammaton with Rick Rubin - David Eagleman
Episode Date: January 8, 2025David Eagleman is a neuroscientist at Stanford University and a bestselling author. His neuroscience research spans the areas of brain plasticity, sensory substitution, human perception, synesthesia, ...and beyond. As the co-director of the Center for Science & Law, he works at the intersection of neuroscience and the legal system, using new discoveries in neuroscience to inform lawmaking. Eagleman also applies his research findings through ventures including Neosensory, a company he co-founded to develop sensory substitution devices. Known for making complex science accessible, he is the writer and presenter of the Emmy-nominated PBS series The Brain with David Eagleman, and he now shares valuable insights on his podcast, Inner Cosmos. A prolific author, his books include Incognito, Sum, and his latest release, Livewired. David Eagleman’s upcoming events can be found here. ------ Thank you to the sponsors that fuel our podcast and our team: LMNT Electrolytes https://drinklmnt.com/tetra Use code 'TETRA' ------ Athletic Nicotine https://www.athleticnicotine.com/tetra Use code 'TETRA' ------ Squarespace https://squarespace.com/tetra Use code 'TETRA' ------ Vivo Barefoot http://vivobarefoot.com/tetra Use code 'TETRA25' ------ Sign up to receive Tetragrammaton Transmissions https://www.tetragrammaton.com/join-newsletter
Transcript
Discussion (0)
Tetrachromatism.
Fundamentally, your brain is where all the action is happening.
It's the densest representation of you in the body.
And the reason we know this is because if you were to damage part of one of your other
organs like your heart or your lung or your spleen or your kidney, you know, you might
have some problems as a result of it,
but it can get fixed.
And in fact, the heart can get replaced entirely.
You can put in an artificial heart, you know,
and they have these pulseless hearts
that just are machines that run the blood through.
You don't even have a pulse anymore.
And yet you're the same person.
But if you damage even a very tiny chunk of brain tissue,
that changes who you are. That changes
your hopes and dreams and aspirations and your capabilities and your ability
to recognize animals or see colors or understand mirrors or listen to music or
hundreds of other things that we see in the clinics every day. And that's how we
know that the brain is the important dense
three pound representation of you much more
than the other organs.
So the way I think about it is the brain is sort of like
the city center.
And yes, there's this communication to the outlying areas,
but the city center is sort of where
all the action is happening.
There are stories of people who have heart transplants and then their emotional lives
change.
There are stories like that and I interpret them to be romantic stories.
And again, the reason we know that is because thousands of people get artificial hearts
or heart transplants every single year and they're the same person.
Obviously, going through a major surgery like that can change you and make you appreciate life in a different way.
So you might come out feeling a little different on the other side, but not because it's a
different heart.
Explain your theory on why we dream.
Okay. So it turns out the brain has to take care of all these different senses like vision
and touch and hearing and so on. And it does that by sharing its real estate among these.
But what's interesting is that the whole system is incredibly fluid and flexible, much more
than people have ever thought.
My last book, LiveWired, is all about this because I'm fascinated by how fluid the whole
system is.
For example, if you were to go blind, that area that we think of is
the visual part of your brain, the visual cortex. That gets taken over by hearing, by
touch, by other things like that. Now, the surprise just in the last decade has been
how rapidly these kinds of changes can happen. And some colleagues of mine at Harvard did an experiment
where they took normally sighted people
and they blindfolded them tightly
and they put them in the scanner.
And then they measured things like, you know,
if touch you on the hand
or you hear a note of violin or something
and what's going on in the brain.
Well, it turns out that after an hour,
they started seeing activity in the visual parts of the brain? Well, it turns out that after an hour, they started seeing activity in the visual
parts of the brain. So in other words, the person is blindfolded and not seeing anything, but now
hearing and touch is starting to encroach on the visual part of the brain. And it happens much more
quickly than anyone thought was possible. And I realized with a student of mine that
was possible and I realized with a student of mine that the visual system faces a problem
that is unique to it among sensory systems, which is that our planet rotates into darkness,
for half the time, every 24 hours we're back in the dark, and in the dark you can still hear and touch and taste and smell, but you can't see anymore.
And so that puts the visual system at a disadvantage compared to the other sensory systems.
And so what I realized was the visual system is in danger of getting taken over, of getting
its territory encroached upon every single night.
And the way that the brain fights back against that is with dreaming, which is just blasting
random activity into the visual system every 90 minutes.
It just sends in random volleys of activity.
And because we are visual creatures, we see and because we're storytelling creatures,
we impose a narrative on top of this. But fundamentally, it's about defending the visual system
against takeover during the nighttime.
And by the way, this happens in all animal species.
To the best we can measure, all animals dream.
And it turns out that we were able to demonstrate
with our science that the amount you dream
has to do with how fluid your brain is, what's called
brain plasticity.
So if you have a brain like Homo sapiens, where the whole thing is very fluid and flexible,
then you do a lot of dreaming.
But if you're an animal that drops into the world and you're essentially pre-programmed,
you have much less dreaming.
But that is why we dream to prevent takeover of the visual system.
Since the brain essentially rewires itself all the time,
are there things we can do purposefully
to rewire the brain in a way
to make it more advantageous to ourselves?
Yes, yeah.
So this is one of the key things is,
we as humans think at all different levels,
including long-term thinking and what
kind of person would I like to be.
And essentially, any time we take on a task like, hey, I really want to become good at
playing the piano or playing chess or swimming or whatever the thing is, that's what we're
doing is we're saying, all right, I'm going to do all the hard work, all the brain plasticity
hard work and set my sights on this sort of goal.
The way we do that, of course,
is by tying things into reward.
There's a lot of reasons something can be rewarding,
and it can be rewarding at all different timescales.
Like, oh, maybe I get attention from this person over here,
or maybe I feel great about myself in this situation,
or maybe my mother calls me and says,
"'Wow, what a nice job you did,'
or whatever the thing is.
So there's a million reasons
that we can motivate ourselves.
But yes, as the Spanish neuroscientist Ramon y Cajal,
who won the Nobel Prize a century ago,
as he put it,
each of us is the sculptor of our own brains.
And this is the really interesting thing
about being a species that can think into the future
and imagine future versions of ourselves and what we might want them to look like and then
what steps we have to take to get ourselves there.
When did you go from just being a professor to doing outward facing stuff, communicating
with the world instead of just the classroom?
Yeah.
Well, you know, as an undergraduate,
I studied lots of science.
That's what I was doing, but I also studied
British and American literature.
And I, from the time I was a little kid,
I always wanted to be a writer.
And actually when I was young,
I watched Carl Sagan's Cosmos
and it had an enormous influence on me.
And in fact, when I was growing up,
my parents, instead of saying something like,
oh, he's gonna be the next president,
they would say, oh, he's gonna be the next Carl Sagan.
So from the time I was a kid,
that was always my sort of the light on the hill for me
was science communication.
My father was a physician, my mother was a biology teacher.
So science was always sort of part of the background
radiation in the house. and I loved that, but I also really loved communicating it clearly.
And so as I became a scientist, I sort of always knew that was part of what was going to be going
on. I wrote my first book, which was a book of fiction called SUM, S-U-M. I wrote that starting in my postdoctoral fellowship and published that when I was an assistant
professor.
You know, that was a type of public outreach, although that was fiction, as I mentioned.
But then I published my first book of neuroscience called Incognito when I was still, yeah, a
young assistant professor.
What's interesting is that I think things have changed nowadays in terms of public communication
of science, but back when I was doing that, I got a lot of warnings from older professors
who told me, oh, you better not do this now.
You better wait until you're tenured before you publish because people within the academic
world will think you're not being serious enough if you're talking to the public about
things.
Happily, I think that time is maturing.
So we all have a deeper appreciation for that.
But for me, I need to say my audience when I write is always crystal clear, which is
I know that I'm writing for my 18 year old self. In other words, I'm writing to somebody who I know well,
who loves big ideas and is amazed by them
and brings tears to his eyes or her eyes,
but doesn't happen to know this particular fact
or that story or that framework for thinking about things.
And so I get to be the lucky one to tell that kid something that,
that I've figured out or I've found in the literature that, uh,
that maybe they don't know that I know will blow their hair back.
How was it different writing fiction versus writing science?
You know, I've thought about this a lot because I do both.
I think they're kind of the same thing, which is to say,
literature and science are both ways of
trying to understand the world. And the only difference is that in science, there's a very
particular pathway, a model that we have for moving forward. You know, you set up experiments
and you have to be replicable. And you know, you see subjected to the scientific method.
Whereas in literature, you can make up a what if, and then you can just go explore it.
It doesn't matter if it's true or not true.
But other than that, it's the same thing.
It's saying, hey, what if the framework were this?
What if the world was made of that?
And it's a terrific way to break ourselves out of the internal models that we have.
Essentially, your brain is locked in silence and darkness, and
it's always just trying to figure out what's going on in the world out there.
And the fact is we all have an internal model of what's going on out there in
the world, and that has to do with a lifetime of experience teaching you,
okay, this is what the world is made out of.
And what both good literature and good science do
is they say, hey, what if that's not true?
What if there's this other model?
What is this other way of looking at it?
And that's what's so special about both
is they get to take you out of your daily life
into a different world.
And in science, we make progress
by leaping to these different worlds
and seeing if we can build a leaping to these different worlds and seeing
if we can build a bridge there and if it actually is true, but in literature we can just explore
those islands.
How different are our internal models?
So different.
So this has actually been one of the driving forces in my research, my whole career, is
I'm absolutely fascinated by how different life is
between one person's head and another person's head.
So I'll just give you a couple of quick examples.
So there's something called synesthesia,
where it's a blending of the senses.
So somebody might look at letters on the page
and it triggers a color experience for them.
So A is red and B is yellow and C is blue and so on.
Different for each synesthesia. About 3% of the population has this. But the point
is it's not a disease or disorder. It's just an alternative way that some people
see the world. There are many different flavors of synesthesia. You might taste
something and it puts a feeling on your fingertips. You might hear something, it
causes a visual. Any kind of cross blending you can imagine, we found examples of that.
But the point is, it's just one way in which,
this person is different from that person,
is different from that person,
having a pretty different experience on the inside.
Or take something more close to home,
like colorblindness, right?
There's a fraction of people who are colorblind
and others who aren't.
People who are colorblind often don't even figure that out
until much later in life.
Just like synesthetes have no idea
that other people are seeing the world differently
than they are.
I've been spending a lot of time in the last years
studying things like how clearly we have visual imagery.
So if I ask you to imagine something like an ant crawling
on a red and white tablecloth towards a jar of purple jelly,
you might see that like a movie inside your head.
And I don't see anything at all.
It's just conceptual to me.
I don't see any picture at all.
And that's the spectrum from what's called hyperphantasia
to aphantasia.
And it turns out that everybody is spread out somewhere on that spectrum.
There's no problem.
It's not as though one end of the spectrum is a disease state or pathological or whatever.
It's just people have different internal experiences.
My wife and I, for example, she has a very loud internal radio, as she calls it, which
is she's always hearing her internal voice and having conversations with herself, and that will often drown things out.
I happen to have no internal radio at all.
And so I'm just really interested in how different it is from head to head.
I also, for 15 years now, I've been running a national nonprofit called the Center for
Science and Law, which is about where neuroscience
intersects the legal system.
And one of the fascinating things to me is again, how different people can be on
the inside because lots of people, millions of people in this country commit crimes,
but for all kinds of reasons.
And this doesn't give anybody an excuse, but I'm just saying it's very
different on the inside. Some people do it because they're tweaked out on drugs.
Some people have mental illness like a psychosis. Some people are psychopaths
meaning they don't care about you and what's going on with you and what your
feelings are if they you know hurt you badly. Some people are doing because
they're impoverished and they you know they need to put food on the table for
their family. I mean there's just just, there's a million reasons. And so when a, when a brain shows up in front of the judge's bench, the important part is to figure out
what kind of reality is this person having and what does that tell us about whether he is likely
to commit future crimes or unlikely? And how can we root him through the legal system instead of
imagining that incarceration is the one size fits all solution?
It's definitely appropriate for some scenarios, but what other possibilities do we have there?
Tell me something you believe now that you didn't believe when you were young.
That is the thing actually.
When I was young, I thought that everyone's internal life was the same.
And so, for example, my father mentioned
as a psychiatrist and he was involved
in all of the big mass murder cases in the Southwest.
He was a psychiatrist for those.
And so I was with him, I was just a kid,
I don't know, maybe 10 years old,
I was with him at some party with some other adults.
And someone said to my father,
oh, this guy who had just murdered several people,
he shouldn't get the death penalty
because surely he feels terrible for what he's done.
And my father, I remember sort of the surprise on his face
when the guy said that, my father said,
no, that's not at all how it goes.
My father had deposed this guy
and spent hours and hours talking to him. He said, no, that's not at all how it goes. My father had deposed this guy and spent hours and hours
talking to him. He said, no, this guy, when he thinks about going out to murder somebody,
he describes it as the level of excitement that he had as a child on the night before Christmas.
You can't imagine what it is to be this guy, William Wayne Gilbert,
and presumably he can't imagine what it is to be you.
The lesson of psychiatry is that you can't actually
stick yourself in other people's shoes.
And as a child, I resisted that.
I didn't believe my thought.
Surely you can put yourself in other people's shoes.
So that is the thing that as a child,
I thought that I don't believe anymore.
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How much do our memories make up who we are?
I would say almost entirely.
I mean there are other things too at a neighborhood level, a cultural level, a moment in time
era level.
But who you are locally is all about your memories, who you believe you are, the kind
of person that you believe has done X, Y, Z
and knows X, Y, Z and has these friends
and these parents and these neighbors and so on.
So the scary part about that statement
is that our memories are terrible.
I mean, they're famously and empirically terrible.
You can study this in the laboratory
as people have for decades.
And memory is a myth-making machine empirically terrible. You can study this in the laboratory, as people have for decades, and
memory is a myth-making machine, and we're constantly reinventing our past to keep it consistent with who we think we are. And so the fact that our identity is pinned down to that is
quite fascinating. It makes us these sort of weird creatures in time.
And one of the short stories that I wrote in my book, Some, was this story about how
in the afterlife, God couldn't figure out what age he should make people live in the
afterlife because people are so different at different ages.
So he splits you up like a prism into all of your different ages.
So there's your eight-year-old self
and your 30-year-old self and your 60-year-old self.
But it turns out that pretty quickly,
you know, the eight-year-olds are hanging out with each other
and all the teenagers are hanging out with each other
and they don't want to talk with the 60-year-olds and so on.
And this is all just to demonstrate this issue
about how different we are in time,
even though we have the illusion of continuity.
We always feel like, oh yeah, I'm same person I was.
And by the way, we can often look back and say,
oh yeah, I really have changed from that time point to here.
But when people look forward,
they're especially terrible at imagining change.
In other words, you think you're essentially,
you've arrived and you, Rick, will be the same Rick as in ten years
From now even though of course you you won't be yeah considering how much the brain changes is there some part of us
That's unchanging
Unchanging no and the reason is I mean look your biology is turning over at
And the reason is, I mean, look, your biology is turning over at such a rapid rate, all the pieces and parts of all the cells in your body are changing out and getting reconstructed.
Do you know the myth of the ship of Theseus?
Does that ring a bell to you?
It's this ancient Greek story about the ship of Theseus pulls into dock and it's there
for many, many years and eventually they have to replace this floorboard and then they have
to replace that plank and they have to do, okay.
And over enough time, every single piece of the ship
has been replaced.
So is it still the same ship of Theseus
or is it a new ship?
Well, that's the situation we're in.
We have every single part of our bodies
has been replaced over and over and over.
It's estimated about every seven years,
you're an absolutely new person than you were
biologically.
And so obviously something is lasting across that, but it certainly is not unchanging simply
because every moment of your life, you're having new experiences, your brain is changing,
it's reconfiguring, you know, the expression, you can't step into the same river twice.
It's both because the river has changed,
but also you have changed.
You're not the same person each time you go back there.
Tell me about instinct.
How does it work?
Yeah, so most of what you think and do and act
and believe is generated unconsciously.
You don't have access to it or awareness of it
or even acquaintance with it.
And so that's most of our lives actually
is generated in this way.
The stuff that we come to the table
essentially pre-programmed with,
that's what we call instinct.
So, you know, withdrawing from something,
slithering in the grass, that kind of thing, we come
pre-programmed with.
Now, the interesting thing is that what Mother Nature discovered with us, Homo sapiens, is
this trick of brain plasticity, in other words, making our brains flexible, to such a degree
that we drop in the world with, I would say, fewer instincts than any one
of our animal neighbors and massive flexibility
such that we absorb the world around us.
We drop into the world with half-baked brains.
So we're not a totally blank slate, we do have instincts.
And in fact, you can do things like,
you can stick out your tongue at a newborn baby
and the baby will stick its tongue back out at you.
And that's incredible because that requires a whole wiring
to the visual system and then to the motor system
and seeing that you stuck your tongue out
and sticking its tongue out and so on.
So it's not that we're coming blank,
but we are coming with a lot more blank space
than anybody else.
And this is what has allowed us to take over every corner
of the planet to construct skyscrapers and compose symphonies
and get off the planet to the moon
and all the amazing things that we're doing
and having podcasts over the internet and so on.
It's all because we dropped into the world
with these half-baked brains.
And we can, by the time we're some number of years old,
learn all the big discoveries and things
about what other humans have discovered for us,
and then we springboard off the top of that.
Whereas, if you're an alligator, you drop into the world,
and you're doing the same thing
that alligators have done for millions of years.
You're eating, mating, sleeping, and that's it.
You're not absorbing anything new.
So yes, we do have instincts, but what makes humans
really special is all the stuff that we can absorb flexibly.
Can we develop our instincts or are they all just inborn?
The way that I would define instincts,
those are the things that are inborn.
You can obviously practice all kinds of other unconscious things. The way that I would define instincts, those are the things that are inborn.
You can obviously practice all kinds of other unconscious things.
For example, you can become a great soccer player.
So Rick, I don't know if you play soccer, but if you wanted to, if the motivation were
there, if the relevance were there for you, you could become a great soccer player.
Now the first day you go out there, it's all knees and elbows.
You have no idea what's going on. But after a
year of playing, you're pretty good. You have a field sense. You recognize exactly what's
going on and why and whatever. So now you might call that, wow, I've got a really good
instinct for soccer playing. Technically it's not instinct. What it is, is unconscious learning.
And it just comes back to this thing we were talking about earlier about being the sculptor
of our own brains. Because if you set your mind to, I'm going to become a soccer expert,
then yep, that's how you can develop that.
Tell me about our conscious mind versus our unconscious mind.
So most of the action is happening unconsciously.
The conscious brain, my book Incognito is about this.
And what I said in it is that you can think of the conscious brain like being a broom closet
in the mansion of the brain in the sense
that most of what's going on has very little to do with it.
Here's how I think about it.
Think about like the CEO of a giant organization,
like United Airlines or Amazon or something.
If you're the CEO of that, you can't possibly know all the mechanisms of the company.
Like there's giant stuff happening
and you don't know where the tires are coming from
or the cafeteria food is coming from
or what version of the software is loaded
on people's computer.
Like you can't possibly know.
You have to trust the machinery of the company
and your job as the CEO is to kick your feet
up on the desk and wait for the phone to ring.
Because that's what the CEO is for is only when something is going wrong, when something
is unexpected to react to that, the other thing is to do future planning.
And that's all the conscious mind is doing too.
If something is happening exactly as you expect it, your conscious mind is not even involved
in that.
It's only when something violates your expectation that you consciously become aware of that.
For example, if I thought that I had my coffee cup right here and I reach for it and grasp
it, I'm not even conscious of the whole thing, then I drink it.
But if I reach for it and it's not there, then I have to look.
I have to suddenly engage my attentional mechanisms and become consciously aware of what's going on to search around for it.
But if everything is going as expected, you don't really have to be conscious at all.
Take for example, when you're learning how to ride a bicycle, at first you're really
conscious, well, what am I doing with my hands and my torso and my legs and how am I doing?
But after you get good at it, which doesn't take that long,
it gets burned down into the unconscious machinery
of the brain and you're not even aware of it.
Then you don't even know.
Then if someone asks you to describe how you ride a bicycle,
you can't even answer the question.
You don't even know the answer.
Tell me the difference between things that we learn.
Like if we learn to drive, usually,
if you don't drive for a few years
and you come back to driving, you can still do it.
Bicycle, you learn as a child,
you don't do it for a long time,
you come back to it, you can do it.
But there are other things that we could learn
and when we come back to it, we can't, why?
Well, interestingly, it turns out there is something
in the brain called savings,
which always comes as a surprise.
So just as an example, when I was a young man,
I don't know, probably 23 or something,
I learned how to speak sign language,
American sign language,
because I knew a colleague of mine who was deaf.
And so I learned how to speak sign language.
And then I completely forgot it after she moved away,
never used it again for, I don't know, 20 years or something.
And then I had an opportunity to learn it again.
And what I realized is, oh, more is down there
than I thought.
So the speed of getting up to conversational again
was much, much faster than someone actually starting
at square zero.
And this is what's called savings.
And we always have that.
So for example, people who thought they have forgotten
a foreign language, if they actually go back to that country, they realize, oh, wow, I'm actually better than I thought.
Tell me about your work habits. You have an unbelievable output of compelling information.
How do you manage your life?
I'm always hanging on by one finger and I have been doing that for my whole life now. So I don't
have any particularly good habits on that,
except that I just always work.
I just crank all the time.
One thing that I have always done
is the lazy Susan method of getting things done,
which is a term that I've stolen from Walt Whitman.
He didn't actually use that term,
but he had a lazy Susan in the middle of his table.
If you don't know what that is,
it's this circular thing that you can turn
and you can get different things like the salt and pepper
or the forks or whatever, you know,
you turn the thing and rotate whatever
to come closest to you.
I have a whole bunch of projects on my plate.
And what I do is I work on whatever I'm getting
the fastest, most productivity on.
And then when I start slowing down on that,
I spin the lazy Susan and grab another project off,
and I get tons of work done on that until I'm slowing down.
And then I'm so, I'm always able to keep myself close
to optimal speed that way.
And in some ways, I guess you don't get burned out
on any one project because when it starts feeling
like you're not making the best use of your time, you move on to something else.
You know, exactly. I got to tell you, when I was an undergraduate, I had an electrical
engineering teacher and I really liked this guy. And he told me one day, he said, Eagleman,
I got to give you some advice. He said, life is as though you're a lumberjack and you go
into the forest. And if you take one whack with your acts at each tree, you're not going
to get anywhere.
You have to concentrate on one tree and just keep hitting that one tree.
Because I really liked this professor, I wanted to take that advice to heart, but I couldn't
because it's just not me.
I'm not the one tree guy.
I always felt as a young person that there was something wrong with me that I was doing
multiple projects, but thank goodness that I was doing multiple projects.
But thank goodness that I didn't listen to that
or couldn't listen to that.
And yeah, so that's why I have output on several fronts now.
Do you find that working on a different project
sometimes sheds light on another project
that you didn't think it was related,
but you see the connections?
Absolutely, that's my favorite bit.
That happens all the time.
I'm working on, for example, you know,
so I'm doing this podcast now called Inner Cosmos,
and I'm writing an episode, and then I realize,
oh, my God, this is the perfect thing that I, like,
I just found this piece of data and some paper
while working on this episode.
That's the perfect thing for this over here.
And that, by the way, you know, I'm writing a movie screenplay,
and that goes, belongs right in here. And, oh, by the way, I'm launching a new company. And
so that is that piece of data can actually belong over here as well. What I feel really
good is when I can double leverage something or triple leverage something.
Tell me about your relationship to time.
So I've always been fascinated by time, because this is a well-worn story, so I'll
just mention it very briefly, which is that I fell off of a roof when I was a child and
I almost died. I landed on a brick floor with my nose first and broke my whole face badly,
but lived. And the thing that stayed with me
about that whole experience was that it seemed to take
forever while I was falling.
It seemed to take a very long time.
And when I got to high school and took physics
and I learned, you know, I did the calculation,
I learned that it was only 0.6 seconds
from the top of the roof to the floor.
And I couldn't reconcile those.
So when I became a neuroscientist, I devoted,
and I have continued to devote a lot of my time to studying time perception.
And I did these experiments some years ago where I dropped people from a 150-foot-tall
tower in free fall.
You're falling backwards.
And I was able to measure people's time perception by, I built a device that sat on their wrist
and flashed numbers at them in such a way that you could read them at a certain speed, but not at a faster speed.
And I was seeing, does time actually go in slow motion when you're in fear for your life?
And it turns out the answer is no, you can't actually see in slow motion when you're in
fear for your life, but you lay down denser memory.
When you're in a life or death situation, you are writing every detail down because fundamentally
that's what memory is for.
And so when you read that back out, when you say, what just happened?
What just happened?
You've got this memory, this memory, this memory.
And so what you feel, what your brain presupposes is, oh, that must have taken longer.
That must have been a five second event because under normal circumstances, if I have this much memory, it must have taken longer. That must have been a five-second event, because under normal circumstances,
if I have this much memory, it must be five seconds.
So just as a side note, I published this work,
and it really moved the field forward
in terms of understanding that, OK, we don't actually
see in slow motion.
What happens is occasionally people come up to me and say,
hey, I know that's wrong, because I was in a car accident,
and I saw the hood crumple, and I saw the rear view mirror fall off, and I saw the expression on the other guy's face. I know I was wrong. Cause I, you know, I was in a car accident and I saw the hood crumple and I saw the rear view mirror fall off and I saw the expression on the other guy's face.
I know I was seeing in slow motion.
And I said, okay, so the person on the seat next to you, when, when you heard him screaming,
did it sound like he was saying no, because if not, then time was not running in slow
motion and they have to allow that that actually wasn't what happened.
And so yeah, that's been part of my relationship with time.
And what that led to is a deeper understanding that time, how long you
think life is lasting has everything to do with memory and the brain only
writes things down if they're novel or salient and otherwise it doesn't.
So if you're doing the same stuff all the time, then it will seem as though the years are passing quickly
because you have no new memory.
When you're a child and you experience the summertime,
it seems to last forever because everything is new.
You've never experienced that.
You've never been in this sort of social situation.
You've never been off to this summer camp, whatever.
But when you're an adult, a summer goes like that
because you've seen it all before. It's the same old patterns that you are now an expert in. And so the really important thing is
to seek novelty, to find ways of injecting novelty into your life. This is not to live
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Do you have any type of a spiritual practice?
I would say it's my science, and I'll tell you why.
I gave a talk some years ago called Why I Am a Possibilian, and what I described is,
look, when you go into the bookstore, you've got the books by the atheists, and you've
got the books by the religious, and that've got the books by the religious and that's
it.
It's like you got to choose one team or the other.
But I've always felt like from a scientific point of view, all the religious stories,
you know, sorry to say, but those are clearly wrong.
It's not that the earth is 6,000 years old.
It's not that, you know, the atom was invented from a rib, whatever.
Those are clearly, we're past that.
We're not living 2000 years ago
and making up stories like that.
And on the flip side with the atheism,
I'm clearly closer to that side,
but I feel like, look,
actually this is a big complicated world.
We don't know what is going on here.
And part of the scientific mindset
is really having a wide table upon which you accept
all kinds of hypotheses and say, okay, look, here's a bunch of possibilities. Let's figure out which
one's right or wrong. And so what I don't like sometimes when I go and I see these books by the
atheist and the books by the religious, I feel like everyone's coming at this with all this certainty
saying, I know what the answer is. And I find that unconscionable because who knows what the right answer is?
We are living in a cosmos filled with mysteries.
And so I think there's another path.
Sometimes people think agnosticism is in the middle, but agnosticism simply says, I don't
know.
So I defined some years ago, this new thing called possibilityism, which is actively exploring
the structure of the possibility space and figuring out, okay, what are we doing here?
So maybe the whole Judeo-Christian, that's like one point in the possibility space.
Maybe the idea that absolutely nothing, we're just, we're going to die and that's the end
of that.
That's certainly a point in the possibility space.
There's lots of other stuff and we can use the tools of science to figure out the structure of this.
And by the way, rule out whole sections of it,
and by the way, open up new folds in the possibility space
that we didn't even expect.
So that's my spiritual practice,
is just trying to figure out, wow, what is possible here?
What was it like growing up with a father
who was a psychiatrist?
I mean, he passed away four years ago, but yeah, he was just an amazingly
smart and empathetic person.
He was a particularly interesting guy.
He was also a gun dealer and also as a part-time police officer.
And he was also in the army reserve.
So he was a guy who, I guess, like me, had lots of different careers going on at the same time.
I guess as a child, he once said something,
I asked him, I said,
what exactly do you do as a psychiatrist?
And he said something like, well,
I listen to what people say,
and I think, what are they actually saying?
And then from then on, I thought, oh shoot,
now everything I say,
I'm not gonna be taken at face value.
But anyway, it was wonderful. Have you ever done talk therapy? And then from then on I thought, oh shoot, now everything I say, I'm not going to be taken at face value.
But anyway, it was wonderful.
Have you ever done talk therapy?
I actually have not.
I've never done therapy.
I understand from so many friends that it is extremely useful for them.
I'm married and have a wonderful wife and there's a sense in which we help each other
out in those ways.
Sometimes in battles and sometimes with helping
and loving, but one certainly learns a lot about what one's issues are and how to move
forward that way.
In relationship.
Yes, exactly.
How often are you surprised in your work?
Every day.
I mean, if I'm doing it right, every day something blows my mind.
And thankfully we are living in a world now where I would say mostly because of the internet,
where you've got access to anything instantly, meaning as soon as somebody makes a discovery
on the other side of the world, seconds later, wow, there it is in my inbox.
Here's this amazing new discovery.
So I feel quite grateful about that
because if we were living in the 1800s,
I'd have to wait for a mail carrier to come
and someone has handwritten me a note saying,
hey, here's a new discovery about this thing.
Just the fact that we have things like Wikipedia
or that we can have things like you strap on a VR headset
and you can go down to the size of an atom
and like move around there,
zoom up to the size of the solar system
and see things from there.
I mean, what an opportunity.
And by the way, I think this is what's gonna make
the next generation so much smarter than we are
because they get to grow up in this world
where everything that humankind has figured out, they have
instant access to.
And I think that's the loveliest thing that they've got such a broad diet.
I mean, this is different.
You and I grew up in a different world.
And I don't feel like we're that old, but my God, the world is different.
Where we had our homeroom teacher, and if we wanted to know a piece of information,
our mother would have to drive us to the library
and you'd hope it was there in Encyclopedia Britannica.
If not, you would thumb through the card catalog
and hope there was a book on the thing.
But now the second a kid wants to know an answer,
he or she says, hey, Alexa, tell me the answer.
Hey, chat, can you tell me the answer to this?
And they get the answer in the context of their curiosity. So right when they want to know the answer, they get it, which, chat, can you tell me the answer to this? And they get the answer in the context of their curiosity.
So right when they want to know the answer, they get it, which is important because that's
when brain plasticity happens.
When you have the right neurotransmitters there and those right neurotransmitters essentially
equate to curiosity if you're curious about something.
And so that's when it sticks.
But of course, the way you and I grew up, we had a lot of just in case information given to us.
And the teacher hoped that some of it,
some tiny fraction of it would stick.
How much does new technology impact your work?
I would say a lot because there's a very real sense
in which, let's take neuroscience,
study the brain, which I'm in.
People have had really good theoretical ideas
for a long time, but what we're lacking is data.
And it's not like people don't have theoretical frameworks,
but it's really hard to measure things from the brain.
Why?
Because it's encased in this armored bunker plating
of the skull, and it's hard to get in there.
And you can't in a human,
open up a hole in the skull and see,
and even if you had permission or some excuse
where you could look inside the skull
and see the surface of the brain,
that doesn't tell you anything either
because brains communicate with this electrical activity.
Every single cell in your brain,
you've got 86 billion of these specialized cells
called neurons.
Each neuron is popping off electrical spikes, which is essentially the language of the brain. It's going, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, brrrr, So if each spike could be represented by a photon of light, it would be blinding what
is going on in your brain every second of your life.
And so if you just look at a brain, though, you can't see any of that.
It just looks like a pink jelly thing.
So it has been very difficult to get technology to really look in there.
So we have technologies like brain imaging.
Many people have probably seen things like MRI, which gives an anatomical snapshot or fMRI, which shows the activity, the blood flow that's going on in the brain,
which represents where the activity was.
But it's very low resolution.
I mean, it tells you, oh, there was a blob of activity here.
That tells you that three seconds ago, there was some of the neurons there of these, you
know, this cluster of, let's say,
a million neurons, some fraction of them were active,
but that doesn't tell you much.
And on the flip side of that, you've got things like,
you can put electrodes into the brain
and measure what individual neurons are doing,
or maybe tens or hundreds of them,
but out of 86 billion, that doesn't tell you much either.
So we're stuck in an era right now where we don't have
really good technology. What we need is technology that says, here's the activity of every cell in
the brain all at the same time. Then we could get somewhere. Then we'd have whole new classes of
theories. There's probably 12 Nobel prizes to be had there once we get that technology.
Is it possible to create that technology? Sure, I mean, it will happen.
I hope it happens in my lifetime.
Like every single technological invention,
it's just gonna be a matter of lots of other pieces
and parts coming together and all these things converging
and then bang, somebody comes up with it.
Or probably if it's like most inventions,
three or four people come up with it at the same time.
Once all the adjacent technologies exist
and are there to be put together,
a bunch of people stick it together at the same time.
Tell me about collective consciousness.
The idea that there's a time for information to come
and there's some connection between all of us
that creates that invitation.
I would have a slightly less romantic view on that.
By the way, I have romantic views on lots of stuff,
but in this case, it's just that the puzzle pieces are there
and there are so many educated people now,
as in 100, 200 years ago, very few people got education.
Now it's the standard and what that means is,
and we have more brains than ever on the planet now, we've got 8.2
billion brains running around, most of them getting good education.
And because the internet disseminates the information instantly, what it means is, as
soon as those four or five puzzle pieces hit the ground, there are going to be lots of
brains that put them together.
So it's just a matter of lots of opportunities, sort of intellectual
opportunities there for stuff to happen. Beyond your fall off the roof, what are other events
that you'd say make you who you are? One thing I often think about is my father
One thing I often think about is my father was a voracious reader and in our home in Albuquerque, New Mexico, up in the mountains, middle of nowhere, he built these library
stacks.
So it was just shelves after shelves after shelves of books.
And I spent most of my childhood, obviously, pre-driver's license and pre-internet and
so on, wandering
those stacks and reading and reading.
And so that for sure made me a big part of who I am.
I do wonder currently what it's going to mean for the next generation who has access to
that library, but also has a million ways distractions to waste time, you know, the
TikTok and Facebook and so on.
So anyway,
I think that certainly made me who I am. So, you know, I had a great admiration for my parents.
And then I went to graduate school and I had a grab my graduate thesis advisor,
a guy named Reed Montague. I just I had and continue to have such admiration for him. He became sort of like a proxy for the next parent.
And he was very hard on me,
but that was useful in my life at that time
for someone to just break my legs all the time
and make me achieve a new level.
And so I'm very grateful to him and that sort of experience. I don't recommend
graduate school to a lot of people, but for those who do go, it can be super useful because
you learn to think at a deeper level, by which I mean, if you're even reasonably smart in
this world, you get a lot of charity thrown to you. Like if you say something that's mostly right,
people will agree or say like, oh yeah, that's right.
But if you get a good graduate thesis advisor
who is willing to take the time to just torture you.
Nitpick.
Nitpick until everything is 100% right or backable up.
That is a real opportunity that most people never get.
And so it's like going through bootcamp.
So I'm very grateful for that.
If you're under pressure, time constraint, for example,
will that make your work better or worse?
I mean, look, if it weren't for deadlines,
nothing would get done at all.
And so that is a necessary part of things.
I would say there's probably an optimal amount of pressure.
There's probably a U-shaped curve on that one.
Are gut feeling and instinct the same?
No.
So gut feeling is more like intuition because an instinct, again, is something you're born
with. You come pre-programmed to the table with, but intuition is something that you develop.
It's a type of learning about the world.
There are some things we learn where we have, imagine like a camera lens that's
got a very tight focus, like when you're learning chess, you have to learn, okay,
when I make this move with the rook,
this is exactly what's, you know, what this looks like
and what happens here.
That's a very tight lens.
But we have things with a wider lens,
which is let's say emotion, and in some cases intuition,
where we say, look, I don't know why I feel uncomfortable
when I walk into this room here, but something
isn't feeling good to me.
There's nothing magical about it.
It's just a wide lens computation about what's going on.
You're picking up on some signals that whether or not you can consciously identify it, some
thing about the way that person looked over at that person and something about the way
the things are arranged
and whatever, you feel like, wow,
this is not the kind of place I wanna be.
And we use that intuition all the time to say,
hey, I'm gonna go towards this,
I'm gonna go away from that,
this is scary, this is wonderful.
I mean, certainly in relationships,
this is what we do all the time, right?
You don't know why you like certain people
and don't like certain people,
or the person you get married to,
who knows why when you met that person, you felt like, oh my God, you know, birds are
singing in the sunlight, whatever.
That's all stuff that you're picking up on.
Her eyes, her expression, the way she looked at you, the whatever.
There's a million things you're picking up on that you could not consciously identify,
but with your wide angle lens, that's what's going
in there and that's what we summarize as intuition.
Not-Google-Gladwell had that book called Blink, which was about the benefit of snap judgment
versus pondering.
And the book's a series of examples of like a person who recognized that a art piece
was a forgery in a museum,
whereas all the other experts,
it had all the right specifics
for it to be what it was claimed to be,
but by looking at it in a moment,
a person could tell this is not true.
Yes, but really what that story illustrates
is expertise versus, you expertise versus amateurism.
So it's the amateurs who look at the painting and say, yeah, it looks great to me.
But what expertise is, is the years of learning that led to that guy having all that knowledge
deep down burned in there that allowed him to look at that and say, something's not right
there.
That looks like a forgery to me.
So I think it's almost the opposite though in the book
because all of the experts agree that it's real.
And the one differing view was the guy who could look at it.
And in an instant, without seeing any of the backup
could tell it was a forgery.
So here's what I'd say.
I read the book a long time ago and I loved it.
I think that story is a good example of, you know forgery. and the others. So I would just suggest that the others who were called experts were obviously not experts, not at the same level that this guy had the expertise.
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Do you think the more decisions we make, the better we get at making decisions?
Or is there some point where we've made too many decisions and we start moving down the
slope instead of up the slope?
There's been a claim in the psychology literature that willpower is like a gas tank that can
run low.
And if you have to make a bunch of decisions,
and then I offer you some chocolate cookies,
and even if you're on a diet, you know,
want chocolate cookies, you're gonna eat them
if you've just done a lot of decision-making
because you've burned a lot of energy.
I mean, decisions take energy in the brain,
and we are mobile creatures that run on batteries.
You know, we have to constantly get food to fund ourselves.
And so that's the claim is that you can actually,
you know, get tired and then your decision-making gets worse.
Is all of the information held in our brain
held there physically?
Yes, it's all physical.
This is the amazing part. So
there's many different ways that the information can get held. So for example,
if I say, hey here's six digits that you have to type into this website for your
two-factor authentication, you're memorizing that okay three, six, nine, two,
four, five, and you memorize and you repeat it yourself. That's being held
physically in spikes
running around in a loop in your brain.
That's how you memorize that.
But the name of your fifth grade teacher,
that's stored differently.
That's burned down into the structure,
the physical structure of your brain.
So the first is an example of short-term or working memory.
The second is example of long-term memory.
And of course, most of who you are
is the long-term memory that you have.
What was the address of your last house and so on.
Before I asked you that question,
that information was sitting there physically,
but it was in just think of it like cold storage.
And then you say, oh gosh, now I need that address.
You bring it out and you turn it back into spikes,
physical electrical activity, but it is stored there.
There are dozens, maybe hundreds of ways that information gets stored in the brain.
The thing that's been most popular in the field for the last 50 years is this idea of
changing the strength of the connections,
what are called the synapses between neurons,
changing the strength from minimum to maximum and anywhere in between.
And it turns out you can show in a network of neurons that you can store information
that way.
But almost certainly that's too cartoonish a model to actually represent the biology
because way past the connections, you've got a whole universe inside of each cell with changeable parameters.
And so things are changing all the way down to the genome, where you have proteins that
glom onto the genome and change the way that other proteins are getting expressed.
So the point is there's lots of ways that you can make changes in the system and all of that is
physical and that's how memories are stored. And again, the reason we know that is because, you know, someone can get hit in the head
and they lose memories or they get, let's say, a stroke and they lose memories that
they had or, you know, people take a psychedelic drug and they remember some memory that they
thought they'd long forgotten or whatever.
It's all in there physically.
The difference between how a child's brain works
versus an adult brain.
Yeah, so it turns out that when you are born,
you have essentially all the neurons
you're ever going to have.
Neurons don't divide and reproduce
like many other cells in your body.
So you've got, call it 86 million neurons,
but what happens is as a baby,
they start reaching out and making connections and trying to find connections with others. And by the time you're two years old,
it is super densely connected, more so than any other time in your life. And from then on,
from about two onwards, it's all a game of pruning. You're actually reducing the number
of connections. And what prunes the garden is your experience in the
world.
What your neighborhood is, what your parents are, what your moment in time is.
All that stuff is pruning it so that you become an expert in how to navigate your world and
understand what's going on there with your language that you're surrounded with and so
on.
And so that's one of the main differences. Another one is that parts of the brain sort of develop and come into place like a Polaroid
picture developing.
The slowest part of the brain is what's called the prefrontal cortex, behind the forehead
here.
And that's the part of the brain that's involved in simulating possible futures and therefore
involved in things like risk-taking.
So teenagers have the size and body of an adult, but not the maturity, and they don't
have the capacity to simulate things out and say, okay, well, maybe I shouldn't do that
because that wouldn't be a good idea for the following reasons.
So the prefrontal cortex doesn't become fully developed till about 25
years old. And you know, car rental companies know this because they charge you more if you're under
25, they're never going to drive more in a crazy manner. But it's a very interesting set of decisions
that we have to make as a society. When do we let people vote? When do we let people drink?
What about the death penalty? You know, the Supreme Court said, okay, look, they finally concluded, if you're under 18,
when you committed the crime, we can't execute you.
If you're over 18, then you can't be executed.
But you know, the difference between someone who's 17
and 364 days and someone who's 18 in one day,
there's no meaningful difference there.
It's just the legal system always has to draw bright lines.
But this is always a problem in figuring out what to do
about this slow development of
the prefrontal cortex.
Do animals make decisions the same way we do?
I think a lot of it is based on some of the same stuff, like how do I get to the food?
How do I get to the mate?
How do I find a safe place to sleep?
Stuff like that.
But what we have as humans is this whole capacity on top of that to think about ourselves at
all these different time scales.
I mentioned this before, but okay, I need to do this, but also what kind of person do
I want to be?
And also what will my friends think if I do this?
And also can I advance my career if I do that?
And will I do something that gets me in trouble politically if I do that?
And will it?
Whatever.
I mean, there's just a million decisions that go into everything because we are social creatures
who are embedded in this culture and we really care for the most part about what other people
think and we navigate our behavior accordingly.
There are animal species that are more social than others, but for the most part animals
don't do any of that stuff that I just mentioned. They're just sort of coming up with the best,
probable reward and how to get there. Is there anything that's currently being taught
in neuroscience that you question whether that's accurate or not? Well, the main thing is when you look at any introductory
neuroscience textbook, it has a picture of the brain
and then puts some color on it and says,
okay, this is the visual part of the brain,
this is the auditory part of the brain,
this is for touch, this is for decision-making,
and it's just, as I mentioned earlier,
it's a totally fluid system.
It just so happens that that's usually how it turns out
if you're born with functioning eyeballs and ears and touch receptors and whatever.
But boy, it is unbelievably flexible where that can go.
So I think there's a real underappreciation.
I mean, everyone knows about brain plasticity and talks about it, but the degree to which
this is a system that you can plug anything into and it will shape itself around that,
is quite extraordinary and not the type of thing
that I think is talked about upfront in any book.
And sometimes they put it in the last chapter like,
oh, by the way, the brain is very flexible
and you can do other things and plug other things in.
So for example, one of the things
that I started doing in my lab about 12 years ago
is this idea of sensory substitution, which is feeding information into the brain via
an unusual pathway.
So it turns out that this was first demonstrated in 1969 in the journal Nature.
A scientist named Paul Bocchi-Rita took blind people and he put them in a dental chair and he put this solenoid
grid against their back. So imagine these things that can poke in and out and he set up a camera
and whatever the camera saw they would feel that poked into their back. So if the camera's looking
at a face they feel a face poked into their back and if the camera's feeling looking at a telephone
they feel the shape of a telephone poked into your back and so on.
And blind people get pretty good at understanding
what was happening in the visual world,
just based on what they were feeling on their skin,
on the skin of their back, which is remarkable.
So about 12 years ago, I started looking into
whether I could build sensory substitution
for people who are deaf.
So I capture auditory information and I turn,
I built a vest with
the students in my lab and it's got vibratory motors all over it. And so the vest is capturing
sound and turning into these patterns of vibration based on you know how much of this high frequency
is here and low frequencies and medium and everything in between. And deaf people could
come to understand the auditory world this way by feeling
the information pushed in through the skin of their torso. So I actually I
ended up spinning that out of my laboratory as a company called Neo
Sensory and we shrunk this down to a wristband and the wristband has
vibratory motors around the wrist and this is on wrists all over the world now
for people who are deaf or simply getting age-related hearing loss
or who have tinnitus, which is ringing in the ears.
We have all kinds of things we're doing, but the point is it's capturing sound, it's turning
things into patterns of vibration on the skin, and you can come to understand things about
the world that way.
And one of the things I've been pursuing for the last 10 years is can we create new senses
for humans?
Can we feed in a totally new kinds of information
like infrared light or ultrasonic sound
or other things like that
and come to understand what is happening in the world
just based on what we're feeling pushed into the brain
via the skin in this case.
How much of what we perceive is what's actually out there?
We perceive a very vanishingly small fraction of what's out there.
So this isn't just a philosophical claim.
You can look at something like electromagnetic radiation, what we call light.
In a very narrow range, the light that bounces off and hits our eyes, we're able to pick
up on that because we have the proper receptors to pick up on that.
And so that's what we call visible light
That's ROYGBIV and that's what we think of is all the colors that are out there
But in fact what we see is actually less than a ten trillionth of the electromagnetic radiation spectrum
In other words all the light that's out there only a tiny tiny fraction of what we call visible light
The rest of it is all light but things that we call like, you know, radio waves and x-rays and microwaves and cosmic rays, all this stuff is exactly the
same stuff as your red, orange, yellow, blue. It's just of a different frequency that we can't
see because we don't have the proper receptors for it. So it's totally invisible to us.
And it's not that it inherently has to be invisible because rattlesnakes, for example,
pick up on infrared information because of the structure
of their heat pits, and honeybees
because of the structure of their compound eyes
pick up on ultraviolet information.
And of course, we build machines to pick up on radio
frequencies or microwave or whatever.
It's just that we can't see them.
You don't come to the table biologically
able to see that stuff.
And so the rest of it, until modern science came along, You can't see them. You don't come to the table biologically able to see that stuff.
And so the rest of it, until modern science came along, the rest of it didn't even exist
as far as we were concerned, even though it's all light. So we're only seeing a very, very
tiny fraction of the world that's out there.
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The brain is always trying to predict.
Fundamentally, the brain is a prediction machine.
And so it's always trying to say,
what's next, what's next.
And so I think the reason brains are so attracted to rhythm
is that it says, oh, good, ooh, I got this, I got this.
Every time I'm making a prediction, it's coming true.
I totally got this.
And so that's, I think, why we love rhythm so much.
Tell me about Surprise.
How does it work?
We have an internal model of the world,
which is everything you've built up
over every experience you've ever had about,
okay, I got it.
This is how the world works.
This is what people do.
This is what buildings do, what dogs do, what cars do.
Great.
And the thing is our internal model
is always a little bit imperfect.
And as a result, we get surprised.
That's what surprises is where you think, Oh, I got this.
I can make a good prediction about this.
Whoops.
That didn't happen.
Then we pay attention to it.
The brain is fundamentally wired to look for surprise to say, Whoa, that wasn't
what I thought was going on, so I'm going to attend to that and figure out how to
incorporate that into my internal model
and understand that a bit better.
And so that is the key to learning.
I mean, surprise leads to attention,
leads to writing things down in the brain.
How do you decide what's gonna be a book
versus something else?
You know, I have written a lot of books at this point,
but I am the world's slowest book writer.
So each book that I write takes probably seven to 10 years.
And what I'm doing is I'm always working
on multiple books at once in this lazy Susan method.
You know, I spin it, I'm working on the next book
and so on.
But the answer is I never know in advance.
I start a book and I'm dumping everything in. The way I
write a book is very different than a lot of my colleagues who sort of start on page one and make
an outline or whatever. I don't do it that way. I just start throwing everything in and the whole
thing develops like a Polaroid picture. But often, I guess I'd say always, the book ends up being so
different from what I originally thought it might be. So the way I write books is by a lot of experimentation
and much of it doesn't work.
And I would say, it feels very wasteful.
I mean, you know, probably half the words I write
end up getting chucked.
But I think, at least for myself, that is the process.
What's happening in us when we have internal conflict?
My view of the brain is that the right way to understand
this is as a team of rivals.
You have all these different neural networks going on.
And when we talk about you, we say,
oh, Rick, yeah, I know Rick,
Rick's this kind of guy, whatever.
We're really talking about as a whole collection
of neural networks with different drives in it.
And so as an example, if I, you know, I take some creme brulee and I say, Oh Rick, why
don't you, why don't you eat this?
It's delicious.
And maybe you say, Oh, part of your brain says, okay, well I'm on a diet.
I shouldn't eat that.
Party brain says, wow, that's a rich energy source.
Got a lot of sugar in it.
Party brain says, okay, how about I'll eat it, but I'll go to the gym tonight and work
out to cancel this out
What you can argue with yourself you can cuss at yourself
You can cajole you can contract with yourself and the question is who is talking with whom here?
It is all you but it's different parts of you and we constantly have internal conflict
We constantly say oh gosh, I really want to do this thing. Oh, but that's a bad idea
Oh, what if I get caught? What if I don't get caught? What'll this lead to my, you know, we're doing that with everything in a
million small ways all the time.
And that is because we are a team of rivals.
I, I obviously, I took that expression from Abraham Lincoln's team of
rivals cabinet that he set up.
He came in as president and said, I'm going to make a cabinet of people
who disagree with each other.
And we'll see where we get by having you know consensus
Derived from this team of rivals and that was very smart idea. Anyway, that's that's what evolution has done with us
We are essentially machines that are built of conflict
How susceptible are we to group think
Totally susceptible we are a very social species. We are massively influenced by
What our community thinks what our era thinks what our country thinks?
You know what flies at this moment in time, you know
it's been a popular thing in the last decade to take down statues of people who have some
thing in the last decade to take down statues of people who have some idea that seems distasteful to modern college students and it's a real shame because
they have no control over what culture they lived in, what era, what moment in time
they lived in, and so what this means if we keep that up is that we're constantly
taking down statues because whatever you think now, so take a student
who feels that they are at the center of exactly what the right thing to think is, I guarantee
in 200 years your statue will get taken down because people say, I cannot believe they
did that.
So whatever, we are creatures of our moment in time.
We're creatures of group think.
Everybody likes to believe to some degree that they're an independent
thinker. But one thing you can do, I mean, you know, Rick, you and I, we haven't talked
about this yet, but you know, you and I are both so obsessed with what creativity is.
What's fascinating to me about creativity is that, you know, if you were Beethoven,
you could have written music that was with different semitones or, you know, used breathing in it or used
some kind of other weird drum thing in it.
Okay, why do we know that?
Because other people in the world were writing that kind of music and this culture over here
that culture there, whatever.
But of course, Beethoven is not going to write that because he is a creature of what's going
on in Austria at that moment in time.
Just like the person who's contemporaneously writing music over in China is writing a very different style of music because that's what music is to that
brain and in Nigeria, that guy's writing music because that's what music is in that moment.
We as you would know better than anybody, you know, live in this extraordinary time
right now when because of the internet, we get to experience music from all different cultures that gives us such a cool opportunity for new remixes of ideas that people before
us never even had the opportunity for.
What makes a great teacher?
I think it's just understanding what a person does and does not know and what interests
them.
And so telling a story in a way, setting it up
in a way that they will care about the answer.
And by the way, one of the classes I teach
at Stanford is called Literature and the Brain
because I'm fascinated by this issue
that we are so wired for story.
We love stories as opposed to lists of facts.
And so I've just been very interested in the fact that,
first off, you want to get any information into the brain,
you have to cast it in terms of a story,
and that really works to get things in there.
And 10 years after you read Malcolm Gladwell's book,
the part you remember is the story.
You don't remember the details,
and you listed something about a brain part,
whatever, it doesn't matter.
But I'm also fascinated by the fact that our brains,
even though the way a typical neuroscience textbook would go
is say, look, this is the part of the brain that sees
and hears and touches and determines where you are now,
what's around you, but we're so prone
to slipping into fantasy.
So I can pick up a page with these symbols on it
and I'm immediately in Westeros
and doing something, Game of Thrones,
and I am Jon Snow in that moment.
And the fact that I've still got the same eyes and ears
and nose and fingertips and whatever,
but I'm now not David Eagleman, I'm Jon Snow
and I'm doing something else.
The fact that we slip into these other worlds so easily is fascinating to me and I don't think that's been well studied.
What's the hardest part of your job? I guess the hardest part is ideas are easy
but proving an idea all the way to you know running the experiment in science, this is often getting the grant money for it,
writing the institutional review board
to get the permission to do the experiment,
writing up the results, getting it published.
That's a years-long process often.
And so it's very worth it, and it feels great.
But sometimes the hard part is that I think of something,
and I think just something and I think
just occasionally I'll think, wow, I have an intuition that that might be right, but
I'm never going to be able to prove that idea because it would take me the next 10 years
and it would take getting a $10 million grant and building this machinery that does XYZ. And so I feel like that part stinks sometimes to feel like, okay, I'm reaching out past
the curtain of what's known.
And look, I might not be right.
I mean, you know, as scientists we're wrong most of the time, but occasionally you're
right about some idea.
And I feel like, damn, I'm never gonna be able to show that that's true.
Tell me about conversations you've had with people while they were undergoing brain surgery.
Yeah, well, you can be totally awake during brain surgery
because the brain is the only part of the body
that doesn't have pain receptors.
And so you can be poking around in somebody's brain
and taking parts out and doing whatever you want.
And they can be totally awake
just like doing anything else they're doing.
Obviously, when you drill a hole in the skull,
there's pain receptors on the skin there on the scalp.
And so you have to locally anesthetize that.
But once you're in the brain,
there's no pain receptors.
Why?
Because mother nature never had to worry about that.
Mother nature never foresaw a situation
where someone is mucking around in your brain.
So patients get neurosurgeons all the time
for epilepsy, for tumors, for different sorts of things.
And you can do experiments with them and talk with them
and show them, you know, here's a screen of a tablet.
I want you to point at this and tell me what you see there
and that kind of stuff.
And so the kind of conversations you can have with them are exactly like the kind of conversation
you can have if they weren't undergoing brain surgery.
Does anything come up that wouldn't come up otherwise?
Yeah.
Well, the main thing is if the surgeon sticks an electrode in and zaps some area that might cause a person to, let's say, laugh.
And then because the brain is a storyteller, you'll come up with some reason.
Okay, well, why did you laugh?
Oh, it's because I just thought of something funny, things like that.
Or there's all kinds of things where a certain zap in a certain place causes a muscle movement
or something.
People will always have a story about why they just did
something, oh, my arm hurts so I was moving it,
that kind of thing.
So yes, that's what can happen differently
during brain surgery is that someone actually
does something to your brain down in the hardware
that makes you do something,
and then you retrospectively tell a story about it.
So imagine you're stimulating a part of the brain,
the person moves their arm, and you say, why did you move your arm?
You say, I moved my arm because it was itching,
so I decided.
Now, does that mean that the place that got triggered
is the same as the place where they would feel the itch?
So they're actually telling the truth.
Do you know what I'm saying?
That's a really good question,
but no, in this case,
you've got a map in the brain of the body.
And when you stimulate those areas,
you stimulate the muscles, you contract the muscles.
So if you do it every time, it'll contract my bicep
every time, because it's about the muscle itself
is what's getting stimulated there.
I see.
And the story that they would tell would not be that story.
Right.
I mean, it's an interesting question.
If I stimulated someone's bicep over and over and over again,
maybe they'd start getting used to it and say,
hey, I think you're zapping me.
There are these experiments, for example,
with these split brain surgeries, as they're called,
where someone has an epilepsy that spreads
to the other side of the head to the brain.
And so what these surgeons did some decades ago
is cut the superhighway of neurons that connects
the two hemispheres, the two halves of the brain.
And the patient came too and the patient seemed fine, but it turns out that now they had essentially
two consciousnesses.
Each hemisphere was like its own person.
And so you could communicate to the left hemisphere, which has language,
by writing words over here on the right side, because things on the right side get analyzed
on the left side of the brain. So you could write some words in the left hemisphere to
understand that. The right hemisphere would not understand the words. Instead, it can
only understand pictures of things. But what you can do is set up all kinds of experiments
where you get one side of the brain to do something because you're sending it a message, and then the other side of the brain will
make up a story about why it's just done that thing, because it doesn't have access to what
the other side saw, so it'll constantly make up stories.
It's really interesting.
Yes, and that's what neuroscience is about. This is why I feel like in my entire lifetime, I will never run out of moments of feeling
in total awe, not only about scientifically how does a brain work and how does this come
about, but I and you and everyone, we are our brains.
It's not like I'm studying soil mechanics or something that's totally separate from us. This is us. This is you. It's the most
extraordinary thing that we have ever found in the universe and yet it's us. So
every bit that we can understand it gives us a little better insight into
who we are. Tetragrammaton is a podcast.
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