The Agenda with Steve Paikin (Audio) - Can Ontario Build Its Way Out of Jail Overcrowding?
Episode Date: April 30, 2026Why is Ontario turning to prison expansion after years of chronic jail overcrowding, and what do internal documents reveal about the true cost and impact of that plan? As researchers question whether ...building more cells will actually ease the strain, we look at what the province is betting on, with analysis from Mackenzie Plumb, a PhD candidate in criminology at the University of Ottawa, and Lee Chapelle, president of Canadian Prison Consulting. Then, how far should government go in regulating sex offenders after a judge ruled key parts of Ontario's registry unconstitutional? As the premier signals plans to make parts of the registry public, employment lawyer and workplace investigator Abigail Knubley weighs the legal risks and consequences.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
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Ontario's jails are overcrowded, and it's getting worse.
In 2023, the Canadian press reported jails were operating, on average, at 113% capacity.
Today, according to global news, they're now at 130%.
But the government has a plan.
Researchers uncovered it via Freedom of Information documents.
They say it includes billions of dollars and $6,000.
1,000 new jail beds by 2050. And earlier this month, the Premier confirmed it's a go.
You know, I'm not building four seasons, hotels for criminals that should be in jail.
We'll continue adding, you know, cells to keep the bad people in jail where they belong,
behind bars. But critics say Ontario has different problems, clogged courts, delayed trials,
and not enough prevention. So, is building more jails the answer, or just treating the symptom?
And later, a Hamilton judge recently ruled the province's sex offender registry is unconstitutional.
But Premier Doug Ford backs it and says he wants to protect the community.
So is it the best way to keep Ontario's safe?
Welcome to the rundown.
Ontario's jails have been overcapacity for years and the provincial government wants to build its way out of the crisis.
researchers recently got access to internal documents that detail the cost and scope of the plan.
From Ottawa, Mackenzie Plum is a PhD candidate in the criminology department at the University of Ottawa.
And in Toronto, Lee Chappelle is the president of Canadian Prison Consulting.
I want to thank both of you for joining us on the line.
McKenzie, I want to start with you.
It was your research that brought the province's prison expansion to light.
help us understand what prompted you to investigate Ontario's prison system in the first place.
Yeah, so the four governments plan to massively expand Ontario's provincial jail system by more than 50% by 2050
was outlined in Solicitor General Michael Kersner's March 2025 transition binder.
So this was not previously disclosed to the public.
I obtained it just last month through Freedom of Information Request.
as part of my PhD research that examines prison construction trends in Ontario prior to and since Confederation.
I want to read a statement. We reached out to the Ministry of Solicitor General for comment, and they sent us back this statement.
It reads, our government is making historic investments of $3 billion to modernize correctional infrastructure and expand capacity to keep criminals behind bars.
Across the province, we are adding nearly 1,400 new beds and correction facilities and hiring 33.
100 new staff to ensure dangerous criminals are never released due to a lack of space in adult
correctional institutions. These investments address longstanding gaps in corrections facilities
created by 10 years under the liberals who close institutions in decimated capacity.
We continue to explore new ways to bring more capacity to our corrections facilities faster,
and we'll be unveiling additional expansions in the coming months.
Mackenzie, actually, I'm going to come back to you first.
Do you have any response to that?
Of course.
I think the investment is historic.
It's unprecedented.
It's going to be very expensive.
And just to comment briefly on the comment of the liberals,
the liberals opened more beds than they closed,
and during the same time that this statement is discussing,
as well as the Ford government themselves have closed beds
during their time, including the intermittent centers at London and Toronto,
which they then had to reopen.
Lee, you are no stranger to TVO's current affairs programming.
You have been on the agenda numerous times to discuss corrections,
but you have a particular insight that most people don't.
You have been on the inside,
and you continue to work with people who are going in for the first time.
So help us understand a little bit about how,
bad of a problem overcrowding is right now in our prison system?
It's severe, Jan. And if I may, I'd like to walk back to that topic, just for a moment,
the statement that was put out by a soldier in regards to the liberals, this is not a partisan
problem, although certainly through the rhetoric, the conservatives have a different.
stance. But if you want to walk this back to where we became in trouble with overcrowding and a lot of
issues was under the Harris government, if the Samson, Rob Samson was at that time the minister.
And in 2000, we went super jail model, which was American style and the Toronto South, the Central East
Correctional Center, the Central North Correctional Center.
Central North was privatized for five years.
It didn't work.
But at the same time, torrentic health beds were shut down.
Medium security institutions were closed, such as Guelph.
Birch Rapids was a minimum that they were running at that point.
So that was, that is erroneous, the statement.
It certainly isn't factual.
The facts are, we have about 8,500 beds.
bed space for in Ontario present.
We're running at a couple thousand above that.
That leads to triple bunking for the bulk of the offenders.
So you're talking about a very small cell double bunk and somebody on the floor sleeping with their head beside the toilet.
This has also caused a great deal of strain in the environment on the range.
on the ranges, on the open shared areas,
phone times, in combination to the overcrowding,
which that does cause more, I tend to call them domestic issues among the dates,
but it's certainly a driver of violence and of conflict.
So you mentioned the overcrowding, three to a bunk.
You talk about sort of not having, essentially when we talk about domestic resources
within the jail system, one would look at that and say, well, perhaps we need more prisons.
Is that the answer, McKenzie?
I would say undoubtedly there is a crowding issue.
I would never deny that.
However, I would say that building new jails and expanding existing ones years down the line
will not address crowding in this system.
today, as even the newest facilities that were built to address crowding in the recent past,
like the Southwest Detention Center in Windsor and the Toronto South Detention Center
were over capacity shortly after they opened in 2014.
The 300-plus bed Thunder Bay Correctional Complex was announced in 2017, and nine years later,
it's still not open.
and the Ford government continues to think that building and filling these new and bigger jails,
years from now, is going to address crowding today.
I think if the government really wants to alleviate crowding in Ontario's provincial jails,
they need to fix the broken bail system that results in many people being sent to pretrial attention.
According to Statistics Canada, more than 80% of people held in Ontario's provincial jails
are awaiting their day in court.
for context in 1985, 86, roughly a quarter of people held in Ontario's provincial jails were in pretrial detention.
2001 to 2002, they accounted for more than half and have ever since in Ontario.
So midfords jail, not bail frenzy, those denied bail and on pretrial are accounting for 85.9% of people in our
deals right now. So we have a bail crisis, but I don't think it can reasonably
framed as one that's too lenient. So Lee, I want to come back to whether prisons and beds
are actually the solution here. Do we need more prisons or do we need more beds? Does that make
this situation a little bit better? To address overcrowding. So as it stands,
looking at that plan and the finite amount or however much they didn't know, denoted to that,
I would be supportive of potentially one new jail, which is far better equipped resource-wise
that would alleviate the strain.
We've had growing population numbers in Ontario, growing.
So, I mean, I can see that, but half of the money that they're proposing and only one institution that would be well thought out, that could be constructive, purposeful, rehabilitation in mind, mental health, because our forensic mental health beds are non-existent, if it were to take into consideration all of those things and alleviate the string, great.
and then the balance of the money needs to be put into the community.
Provincial corrections doesn't have halfway houses.
So many individuals end up getting out from a provincial jail with nowhere to go and no structure.
And so it doesn't, it's not hard to see what they're creating is people coming in and out, getting out, coming back, getting out, coming back.
One thing I don't want to ignore is on the rundown, we have talked a lot about public safety being a top concern for Ontarians and Canadians.
And I am curious, Mackenzie, do more prisons keep us safe?
I think everyone wants to live in communities that feel safer.
I just know that the evidence tells us that this is best achieved through investments in infrastructure and supports upstream from jail to prevent.
criminalized harms to the extent that is possible. There are many ways we could enhance community
well-being and safety with the funds the government wants to blow on building and filling new and
bigger provincial jails in towns and cities across Ontario. Just for an example, if the province
adds another 5,670 jail beds over the next however long as they plan to do, the bill for construction
alone will be at least $6.8 billion. And the cost to operate them is over $2,000,000,000,000,000,
per day. With this $6.8 billion, it'll cost to build these new jail spaces. The province could
instead build close to $25,000 permanent and supportive housing spaces at $275,000, $27,000 per unit
for people seeking homes, drugs, treatment, recovery, support, and mental health care.
Similarly, the annual cost to operate these beds could cover the costs of running over 15,000 permanent and supportive housing spaces.
So these are, unlike imprisonment, proven to reduce lawbreaking and transform lives, while significantly cutting costs associated with paramedic calls, emergency room visits, and hospitalizations, as well as policing, court hearings, and imprisonment.
Obviously, this is just one alternative is not a catch-all solution, but at a time when many people living in the province are concerned about the impacts of crowded jails, as well as the flow of unhoused people from the streets and encampments to and from prisons, the unment mental health needs that are contributing to criminalization and incarceration, and unmet physical health needs that resulting in public drug use, arrests, and jailing. Permanent and supportive housing offers a way out of the site.
of building and building new jail spaces, only to build and fill more, all while turning lives
around and making us safer.
I just think there is a better way than jail, not bail, and it's one that's grounded in evidence
and a shared obligation to care for people who have been made vulnerable by the excesses
of capitalism and the vast inequalities it creates.
Lee, I'll get you to respond there, McKenzie.
Listen, a number of ways that, you know, we can move this money into a different direction
to help make people feel safe.
But what could the government spend money on
instead of building more prisons?
Yeah, well, you know, return on investment
with the plan that they presently have
is not appealing, I don't think, and shouldn't be,
to any Canadian who's footing the bill for these plans.
I work with a lot of first-time offenders,
and they tend to be on bail for years,
to sentencing.
There are, and I'll concede the point that there's post-pandemic, there's been increased
mental health issues.
In Toronto, there's been more blatant crime than I've seen, and it's not just picking an incident
or two and blowing that out of proportion.
My barber shared out with Sherway Gardens two weeks ago.
he caught himself in the midst of three masked attackers with guns stealing a vehicle from a couple women.
There are people, TTC, there is concern, there is a fear in Toronto.
But again, if we can put resources towards the community, there are instances where we do need to lock people up there, for whatever reasons, whatever brought them to that point.
but they're dangerous, they're violent.
And ideally, when they go inside,
they'll be able to have the resources to work towards getting better.
95% of everybody who is incarcerated in Canada today
will eventually be released at one point or another.
So, again, on a return on investment perspective,
more community resources are required most definitely.
I want to switch gears a little bit.
Another story that's grabbing the headlines.
has been about inmates getting out of jail before their sentence has been served.
Global News reported that 157 inmates had been accidentally released from provincial custody
between 2021 and 2025. Lee, help me understand this. How does something like this happen?
Well, there's a number of factors. You know, and I'll tell you, when I began doing time in
1986 through 2020, that that was the sort of thing that you'd go to sweep with dreams about
that you'd be mistakenly released the next day.
It would happen really, really sporadically, like occasionally.
I think this is a result of staff burnout.
the lack of attention to detail,
institutions that have 1,200 people in them.
So what I noted in my last day,
which was in the Central East Correctional Center,
and it was a considerable difference from the 80s, 90s,
was that there was a, the oversight within the prison
had been almost removed.
When it came to cells, you're designated for a cell.
You're supposed to be in that cell.
Blocks are done when we're locked up, all that stuff.
But during my very last one,
people were choosing to sleep where they wanted.
Nobody was calling them on it.
So I think it's a culmination of a number of things,
not dotting their eyes, not crossing their keys.
and burnout and I think also probably on an odd occasion,
I wouldn't take away the possibility of a payoff.
Certainly some correctional officers have been arrested
for things along those lines,
and there are some who I think would be open to that.
Mackenzie, Lee, we are going to have to leave it there.
I want to thank you so much for taking the time to chat with us today.
Well, thank you so much for having me.
Under provincial law, sex offenders are placed on a registry and required to update their information annually in some cases for life.
Now, a Hamilton judge has ruled key provisions of that law are unconstitutional.
But the Premier wants to go further and make parts of the registry public.
Abigail Nubbley is an employment lawyer and workplace investigator and she joins me in studio.
How are you doing?
Good. How are you?
I'm doing well.
Before we begin, I just want to let our viewers know that we are going to be spending some time talking about a very sensitive topic, which is the Sex Offender Registry.
So we want to advise our viewers to take care of themselves while watching.
All right, before we get into the article that you wrote about Sex Offender Registries, tell us why Ontario's Registry is actually named Christopher's Law.
Yeah, so Christopher's Law is named after an 11-year-old boy named Christopher.
It was implemented in 2001, and so Christopher was killed by a convicted sex offender.
that's why the law is named after him. Essentially, Christopher's law requires convicted sex offenders
when they get released to report to police and give some basic information like their employment,
their name, their address. And depending on their crime, they have to do that for either 10 years
or the rest of their life. So it's Ontario's private system. Private. So this is, and who would
have this information? So the police would have that information. And it's essentially for them to
be able to do investigations more easily, essentially.
All right. As we know, the sex offender registry has made headlines over the last couple of months
because the Premier announced plans that he wants to make parts of the Sex Offender Registry
Public. We did reach out to the Ministry of the Solicitor General for Comment, and they did
provide us with this statement. And it reads, families deserve to know if dangerous criminals
convicted of sexual crimes against children are living in their community. That is why,
as part of the Keeping Criminals Behind Bars Act, our government,
made it clear that we will explore options to make certain information from the Ontario
sex offender and sex trafficker registry publicly accessible.
Consultations are ongoing and we are engaging directly with law enforcement partners,
legal stakeholders, and subject matter experts to develop a responsible and effective approach
that increases transparency while maintaining public safety and investigative integrity.
What are your thoughts on that?
So there's a couple things when I hear that. First of all, they're saying the reason is public
safety, but there's no real data to support that public registries increase public safety.
And so that would be my first instinct on that.
And then as well, there's some potential negative side effects of a public registry as well,
which we can get into further.
But essentially, I mean, when you put someone on a public list and you tell everyone in their
community and stigmatize them, it makes it really hard for someone to get a stable job to
find any sort of housing to get involved in their community at all. And those are all anchors
to society. And when you take those anchors away, you don't actually increase safety.
You might do the opposite because someone has less to lose when they don't have those things
tying them to society. Well, dig into a little bit of that. I do want to know,
and I don't know if we have this information, but do we know what information the government wants
to make public? No, we don't know yet. We know that they're going to make some of it public or
they want to make some of the public, but they haven't been clear about what parts they're going
to do that with.
All right.
So you looked at data on public sex offender registries and their effectiveness.
What did you find?
Yeah.
So basically, I mean, I think to start in the beginning, and before I get into it, I want to reiterate
again that sexual offenses are a very serious crime, and by no means am I trying to minimize
that or dispute that.
The goal, I think, is reducing recidivism and increasing public safety.
So I think to understand kind of the whole picture, it's helpful to know that sexual offenses already have a pretty low recidivism rate.
So there was a study from the early 2000s of meta-analysis, which basically looked at a whole bunch of different studies and saw that about 75% of sexual offenders did not reoffend within 20 years of being released.
So about 25% did.
And then there's more recent data from 2022 that also shows that number has decreased to 7%.
So we're not dealing with a group of people who are inevitably going to reoffend, but I also don't want to minimize that 7% because it's a very serious crime and it means that it does happen.
So then I think the question should be, would a public registry reduce that 7% even further?
And there's no data to show that that's the case.
So in the United States, there's a few jurisdictions which have implemented public registries.
And there have been studies to look at whether they did reduce recidivism,
rate, and there was no statistically significant difference. So there's no data kind of showing
that it does, or demonstrating that it does reduce recidivism rates for sexual offenders.
Then with that, let's look on the other side. What measures are effective at lowering
reoffending rates? Yeah, so there's a couple of things. And, I mean, we know from the early
2000s to now there has been a pretty significant decrease to the 7%. But there's not one thing
that's caused that. A lot of the experts say it's really just a bunch of
of different factors working together. So in general, our criminology knowledge has grown a lot
in the past two decades. So we just understand things better. We also understand therapies and specialized
therapies and treatment programs better. So we've developed those things, which can help people
in an individualized kind of approach. And also, there are ways to use Ontario's private registry
in specialized ways as well, in like individualized ways. So Ontario doesn't currently do this, but
Manitoba has a system where there's a committee and if a sex offender is being released and the
police believe that they are potentially high risk to reoffend, they can refer them to that committee.
The committee will then look at a bunch of factors like what were the age of that offender's
victims.
What is their psychological history?
Did they partake in any sort of treatment programs?
And so they'll look at all that and they'll decide whether they believe the person's a high
risk to reoffend.
And if they do, then there's a bunch of people.
of different individualized options they can take, like, for example, ongoing kind of surveillance
of the person, and also notification requirements as well. So if they think that it's truly
necessary to notify a community, they can do that all the way up to notifying all of Manitoba.
But that is, like, the most drastic measure of notification that they would take. And there's a
bunch of different lower levels before that. Okay. I want to switch gears a little bit here,
because I want to talk about a judge in Hamilton.
A rule that Ontario sex offender registry was unconstitutional.
What makes it unconstitutional?
Yeah, so this ruling is quite recent.
Basically, the judge looked at two parts of Christopher's law
and found that...
So the first part is that if you commit a sex offense,
you are automatically on the private registry.
And the second part is that if you get convicted of multiple sex offenses,
you are on that registry for life.
So he found both of those parts to be overbroad,
and to general, basically painting everyone with broad brush, not taking into consideration
the individual circumstances of particular people and treating low and high-risk offenders the same way.
Okay. Premier Ford said that he would use the notwithstanding clause to make sure that the changes he
plans can't be overturned via a charter challenge. What do you think of that? Yeah, so I think given the
fact that there's no data to support really that public registries reduce recidivism rates, that using the
notwithstanding clause would be, well, it's not needed and would also be like quite a drastic
approach considering it would result in a charter violation. That's the purpose for using the
notwithstanding clause. And like I alluded to before, I think there's other other things we can do
better that wouldn't require the notwithstanding clause and that wouldn't have some of the
drawbacks of a public registry, which, you know, do separate and stigmatize people from society
and prevent reintegration. What's the fear?
You talked a little bit about it of having a public registry.
Are we going to see people sort of take the law into their own hands?
It's interesting you say that because Manitoba on their website where they talk about their committee,
they have in big, bold letters, the purpose of any notification is not for public vigilanteism.
So it is a concern, of course, that has clearly been raised in that province that does sometimes do notifications.
So I think that it's not something we can ever count out.
I think that more realistically, probably, what will more commonly happen is people will struggle
to find jobs, struggle to find housing, and then that will kind of push them to a place where
maybe they have to re-offend, and maybe they have to steal something or get into illicit substances,
and it pushes them to a place where they have been forced to kind of do those other things
that they might not have had to do if they had a stable income and had community ties.
I have to imagine there are viewers and listeners right now who are probably having to do.
a hard time holding space for people and having sympathy.
And I will admit myself, too, for a group of people when we talk about sex offenders.
And I'm hoping you can help us understand.
What do you hope to contribute to the public's understanding on this issue?
Yeah.
So I think reiterating again that, you know, this is not to minimize the seriousness of a sexual offense.
I have the goal of reducing recidivism and increasing public safety just like the government does.
I just think that we have different perspectives on how.
how we go about that.
And if the government is saying that, you know, a public registry would increase safety,
I think it's fair to challenge that if there's no real data to back that up,
because if that is really the goal, we want to do the things that will actually result in safety
and reduce recidivism.
Abigail, we are going to leave it there.
I really appreciate your time and your insights on this one.
Thank you so much.
Thank you so much.
I'm Jan.
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