The Ancients - The Death of Alexander the Great: Explained

Episode Date: June 12, 2022

Alexander the Great’s untimely death at Babylon in 323 BC triggered an unprecedented crisis across his continent-spanning empire.Within a couple of days, the very chamber in which he died witnessed a gore-soaked showdown between his previously united commanders and soldiers. Within a fortnight, Babylon saw the first siege of the post-Alexander age.In this special explainer episode to mark the anniversary of Alexander’s death, Tristan brings to life the imperial implosion that was the immediate aftermath of the Macedonian king's death - a subject he knows one or two things about, seeing as he’s written a book on it!Tristan’s book The Perdiccas Years, 323-320 BC (Alexander's Successors at War) is available on Amazon here.This episode was produced by Elena Guthrie and mixed by Aidan Lonergan. It contains translations of contemporary speeches by JC Yardsley & music from Epidemic Sound.For more Ancients content, subscribe to our Ancients newsletter here.If you'd like to learn more, we have hundreds of history documentaries, ad free podcasts and audiobooks at History Hit - subscribe today!Come see us at Chalke ValleyFurther Reading - Primary Sources Arrian Events After Alexander 1.1–1.9A. Curtius 10.5–10.10.Diodorus Siculus 18.1–18.6.Justin 13.1–13.4. Plutarch Life of Eumenes 3. Secondary Sources Anson, E. (1992), ‘Craterus and the Prostasia’, Classical Philology 87 (1), 38–43. Anson, E. (2015), Eumenes of Cardia, Leiden, 58–77. Bosworth, A. B. (2002), The Legacy of Alexander: Politics, Warfare, and Propaganda under the Successors, New York, 29–63. Errington, R. M. (1970), ‘From Babylon to Triparadeisos: 323–320 bc’, The Journal of Hellenic Studies 90, 49–59. Meeus, A. (2008), ‘The Power Struggle of the Diadochoi in Babylon, 323bc’, Ancient Society 38, 39–82.Meeus, A. (2009), ‘Some Institutional Problems concerning the Succession to Alexander the Great: “Prostasia” and Chiliarchy’, Historia 58 (3), 287–310. Mitchell, L. (2007), ‘Born to Rule? Succession in the Argead Royal House’, in W. Heckel., L. Tritle and P. Wheatley (eds.), Alexander’s Empire: Formulation to Decay, California, 61–74. Worthington, I. (2016), Ptolemy I: King and Pharaoh of Egypt, New York, 71–86

Hi, I'm Tristan Hughes, and if you would like the Ancient ad-free, get early access and bonus episodes, sign up to History Hit. With a History Hit subscription, you can also watch hundreds of hours of original documentaries, including my recent documentary all about Petra and the Nabataeans, and enjoy a new release every week. Sign up now by visiting historyhit.com slash subscribe. It's the Ancients on History Hit. I'm Tristan Hughes, your host, and in today's podcast episode, well, this weekend, the 11th of June, is the anniversary of the death of Alexander the Great, that fateful day in Babylon in 323 BC. And if any of you know me, if there is an Alexander anniversary, we're likely, it's possible that we do something special surrounding it, a special

episode. It's one of my favourite periods in ancient history, and that's what we're going to be doing today. We have got an hour-long explainer episode talking all about the last days of Alexander the Great and the immediate chaotic aftermath that ensued following his passing in Babylon in the hours, days and immediate weeks following his death. It's an amazing story and I really do hope you enjoy. A lot of praise must go out to our producer, our ancients producer Elena. She's been working hard to make sure that we get a lovely voice artist for some of these speeches for some

of these passages from the literature the surviving texts that you'll be hearing in this podcast episode so thank you elena for that i'm always grateful and of course to our editor aiden who's been working many many many hours on this special explainer episode, getting it right, making it sound awesome, getting rid of all my mistakes, and so on. So Elena, Aidan, I'm incredibly grateful to both of you for the time and effort you've put into this very special episode. Last thing from me before we really kick off this episode, I will be at Chalk Valley in a couple of weeks time for a few different talks and reenactments, from the assassination of Julius Caesar to a talk on the death of Alexander the Great, so make sure to have a look at that. We'll put a link in the description.

But that's enough rambling on from me. I do hope that you enjoy. It was early June 323 BC. King Alexander III of Macedon, better known as Alexander the Great, has been on the Macedonian throne for the past 13 years. And it's fair to say he's achieved quite a lot. He has conquered the mighty Persian Empire, the superpower of the time. He has marched his armies to the edges of the known world and further. And by 323 BC, his empire theoretically stretched from Greece in the west to Samarkand and modern-day Uzbekistan in the northeast

to the Indus River Valley in the Indian subcontinent. It was one of the largest empires the world had yet seen. Now, at that time, in June 323 BC, Alexander and his army was residing in a key centre of his new empire, the prestigious city of Babylon. But Alexander did not plan to remain there for long. He had plans for future conquest. Arian, one of our best surviving sources for Alexander's campaigns, mentions that the king had set his sights on securing Arabia, especially its coastline. He had already sent a few ships to recce the coastline in advance of a future expedition.

Meanwhile, in the west, the city-state of Athens was proving troublesome. For several years, the Athenians had been rebuilding their military strength on land and at sea. And by June 323 BC, the city was in the clutches of some vehement anti-Macedonian statesmen. Already, close aides were advising Alexander to head west and to encircle Athens with thousands of soldiers, ships and siege engines. Both Athens and Arabia were in Alexander's crosshairs for future campaigns. But any such plans would never come to fruition, because in June 323 BC, Alexander the Great would die. Now, for the last days of Alexander, we have a couple of very similar accounts. There is some variation, but the underlying,

the overarching narrative, you can see very clear similarities. And these accounts are preserved in the much later writings of Plutarch and Arian, both of whom are writing several centuries later during the Roman imperial period in the second century AD. But both of their accounts derive from the Alexander contemporary Ephemerides, the royal journals, which were perhaps written by Alexander the Great's personal secretary, Eumenes of Cardia. And we'll come back to Eumenes in due course, don't you worry. Now the events of Alexander's last days, according to the royal journals, go as follows. In either very late May or early June, Alexander attended the drinking party of one of his companions, a certain Medius of Larissa. Now, it's important to note here that heavy drinking

was something that Alexander and his inner circle, the Macedonian elite, were well accustomed to. This after-dinner boozing was nothing unusual. Alexander attended the drinking party and once it was over he stood up, went to have a bath and then went to sleep. The next day he started to develop a fever. Nevertheless, he still oversaw his daily tasks, conducting the appropriate sacrifices and convening with his leading subordinates to plan future military ventures. He would continue to oversee these daily religious and military duties over the next few days, even though his fever was not going away. But things soon took a turn for the worse. Within roughly a week of Medias' party,

Alexander's condition had deteriorated to such an extent that he was consigned to his bed in the royal palace, away from public eyes with only his leading officers coming to see him. It was then that he lost the ability to speak. To those around him, it was clear that Alexander was dying. Meanwhile, at around this time, Alexander's Macedonian soldiers, the rank and file veteran infantry, had started to grow anxious. They were keen to see the now absent Alexander. They were unsure whether their revered king was even still alive. And so they burst into Alexander's room, demanding to see him and to pay their respects, to learn the truth. In a very emotive scene, the soldiers filed past Alexander,

paying their final respects to the man they had followed to the edges of the known world and further. The mute Alexander acknowledged them with the raising of his head as the soldiers walked solemnly by. A few days later the seemingly inevitable happened. In the late afternoon of the 11th of June 323 BC, some argue it was the 10th of June but I'm more swayed by the arguments it was the 11th with the available evidence. Alexander the Great breathed his last, surrounded by his leading subordinates. According to legend, when asked by one of his subordinates to whom he bequeathed his kingdom, Alexander merely replied, To the strongest.

Now, as great as these last words are, I must stress that they are a later addition to his story. They are a fabrication, because as mentioned, at the time of Alexander's death, he had lost the ability to speak. He was mute. These legendary last words are added by later authors who have the benefit of hindsight, who know what happens following Alexander the Great's death. One of the most tumultuous periods in the whole of ancient history, the Wars of Alexander's Successes. And I'm sure some of you know a pet favourite period of mine. But the key thing to stress here is that Alexander was mute when he died.

These legendary last words are a later addition. So there you have it, Alexander the Great is dead on the 11th of June 323 BC. But what exactly did he die from? Well, from the account of the royal journals preserved in Arian and in Plutarch, it does seem most likely that he died from some kind of disease. Some have suggested typhoid. Others have proposed malaria. Others still have suggested pneumonia. But there may have been other factors that contributed to Alexander's early death. For instance, Alexander's grief at this time.

Because the year before in 324 BC, one of Alexander's closest, if not Alexander's closest companion, his lover Hephaestion, had died. Other factors include Alexander's heavy drinking, this key part of elite Macedonian culture that Alexander was certainly part of. And another factor to highlight here are the countless, the several war wounds that Alexander suffered over the course of his campaigning. Some wounds more serious than others. For instance, when he was campaigning in the northeastern edges of his empire in modern-day Uzbekistan, laying siege to a city,

he was struck on the head, the neck by a catapult shot. Another example is when he was campaigning down the Indus River valley, laying siege to an Indian stronghold, when his lung was pierced by an arrow. So all of these factors may have contributed to Alexander's early death on the 11th of June 323 BC. Disease, grief, his heavy drinking and his several war wounds. Now we can't talk about potential causes of Alexander's death and not to mention, albeit briefly, the poison theory. Now this theory, it's a story, an alternate story, preserved in some of our other sources for the death of Alexander the Great. For instance, the Roman historian Quintus Curtis Rufus, the Greek historian Diodorus Siculus, but also the Met's epitome and some versions of the

fantastical Alexander romance. This story where Alexander the Great was poisoned, where he drank poisoned wine at the drinking party of Medius of Larissa and having drunk the wine he suffered almost immediately a searing pain as if he had been struck by a spear. Now the culprit behind the poisoning was Alexander's cup bearer, one of his attendants, a man called Iolas. The crux of the story is that Iolas' father was Antipater, one of the old guard, the Macedonian viceroy, the Macedonian official who Alexander had left in charge of Macedonia. The story goes that Antipater, who is then in his 70s, was supposedly worried that Alexander intended to remove him from this position as the viceroy of Macedonia, and worse, perhaps to execute him too.

It was well known that Antipater was at odds with Alexander's mother Olympias. And so to prevent this from happening, Antipater sent a terrible poison to Babylon carried by another of his sons, Cassander. Cassander gave it to Iolas and Iolas subsequently administered the poison to Alexander's drink, with the king dying in agony days later on the 11th of June. Now this poison theory, however, it's almost certainly a later fabrication, a story created in the years following Alexander's death when the family of Antipater, particularly his son Cassander, were prominent in this new post-Alexander world. Now the idea that the family of Antipater were involved in the killing, in the murder of Alexander, powerful piece of propaganda used by their enemies to fuel hatred, to deride Antipater,

Cassander and the rest of their family. But this is the crux of it, the fact that this seems to have been created in the years following Alexander's death by those hostile to Antipater and his family. A likely figure being Alexander the Great's mother Olympias, who we know at that time was very hostile, even fought against Cassander and his allies. The key point to take away from this little talk about the poison theory, the poison story, is that it's almost certainly another later fabrication created in the years following Alexander's death as a powerful piece of propaganda. For instance, we do see Aeolus in the immediate years following Alexander's death as a powerful piece of propaganda. For instance, we do see Iolas in the immediate years following Alexander's death going to the camp of the royal army on a diplomatic mission and there is no mention of him being infamously involved. Just further evidence that Iolas wasn't actually associated with any poisoning of Alexander until a much later date. It's further proof that the

poison theory was a later story. But there you have it. On the 11th of June 323 BC, late in the afternoon, Alexander the Great died. It was this seismic moment in ancient history. And the story of Alexander's last days is a fascinating one in itself, but it's what happens next, the immediate aftermath of Alexander's death, where things get even more interesting. When Alexander died, he was surrounded by his seven most senior subordinates, his somatophilakes, his bodyguards. I must stress the function of these subordinates was not really to act as his bodyguards. I must stress the function of these subordinates was not really to act as his bodyguards but to act as Alexander's closest advisors. These seven somatophilakes were now the highest ranking individuals at the heart of Alexander's Eurasian empire. Countless times

they had proven themselves on the battlefield. Although Alexander's aura had stood supreme and uncontested, these Somatofilakes reflected their king's leadership in the heat of conflict more than any others. Leading from the front and dicing with death, they evoked Alexander's boundless charisma. Think of them almost like mini-Alexanders. All were formidable, at them almost like mini-Alexanders. All were formidable, young, and proven leaders. A nice quote that sums it up is from the often unreliable, much later source Justin. the second first and afterwards Alexander had selected with such skill that they seemed to be chosen not so much to attend them to war as to succeed them to the throne. Who then can wonder that the world was conquered by such officers when the army of the Macedonians appeared to be commanded not by generals but by princes. Now most importantly, as the highest ranking individuals at the heart of Alexander's empire,

it was these bodyguards, these princes, that now held the fate of the empire within their hands. Now Alexander had given some indication as to what was to happen next according to a couple of our sources, for instance, Quintus Curtius Rufus. And in these accounts, Alexander, before he died, he gave his signet ring to his leading adjutant, a man called Perdiccas. So who was Perdiccas? Well, at the time of Alexander's death, Perdiccas was Alexander's highest ranking subordinate in Babylon. He was a man with royal blood flowing through his veins, hailing from Orestes, a region on Macedonia's southwestern fringes where Perdiccas' family held great influence.

He was roughly the same age as Alexander. He was in his mid-30s by 323 BC, and by 323 BC, few could rival his military experience. Perticus had served alongside Alexander since the start of the king's reign, and he had quickly proven himself as a capable commander. Indeed, by his 26th birthday, my age, he was already commanding a battalion of Macedonian heavy infantrymen. And during his time as a battalion commander, as commander of these soldiers, Perdiccas and his men proved themselves time and time again. From assaulting the Greek city-state

of Thebes in 335 BC, to helping Alexander overwhelm a mighty Persian defence at the Persian gates in 330 BC. And indeed, after Perdiccas was promoted to become one of Alexander's closest advisers, one of his somatophilakes, Perdiccas would go on to command cavalry squadrons and then to command large sections of Alexander's all-conquering army when campaigning in particular on the eastern edges of Alexander's empire. Now you might remember that earlier I told you to think of these advisors, these somatophilakes as mini-Alexanders, because this is certainly the case with Perdiccas, because he emulated Alexander's leadership style. Like Alexander, he had suffered several wounds over the course of his campaigns.

He had led from the front countless times with his soldiers, gaining the respect of his men. And he had risen over the course of Alexander's campaigns from battalion commander to bodyguard. By 323 BC, as mentioned, Perdiccas was still only in his mid-thirts. He was pretty young. He was very confident, some say arrogant, and he was also highly ambitious. What's important for us now is that according to the likes of Curtis, and we've got no reason to deny the validity of this statement, it was to Perdiccas that Alexander bestowed his signet ring just before he died. Now, this was not a sign that Alexander was naming Perdiccas as his successor, although a couple of other sources do hint at

that, but they are likely untrue. But it was an indication that Alexander wanted Perdiccas as the highest ranking official in the army to oversee the succession of his empire in the days ahead. It was a powerful act bestowed on Perdiccas by Alexander. It gave Perdiccas significant power in the following days, but it also sparked tensions between Perdiccas and one other key subordinate, another of the bodyguards. This subordinate was Ptolemy. Ptolemy, a man who was slightly older than both Perdiccas and Alexander the Great, but a man who had really risen to prominence in the latter half of Alexander's reign. Now like Perdiccas, Ptolemy was very confident and he was a very ambitious figure. And he was very wary of Perdiccas' newfound power in these immediate hours following Alexander's

death. Tensions would become visible between the two in the days ahead as we're going to delve into now. Now we've mentioned Perdiccas and we've mentioned Ptolemy but five royal bodyguards remained. Chief among them was the legendary Leonartus, one of Alexander's most trusted commanders and a personal favourite of the king. There was also Lysimachus, Python and Aristonus, all veteran bodyguards with noble backgrounds. Finally, there was Peucestus, an officer who had distinguished himself with the highest valour in India when he saved Alexander's life. Together, these seven were now the most powerful figures in the empire, facing an extraordinary situation. It was their duty to provide leadership in this extraordinary time. Their duty to reach agreement over what would happen next.

The next day, following a night of mourning across Babylon, Perdiccas and the rest of the bodyguards called a private meeting in the royal palace. It was to be a conclave for which only the most senior generals of Alexander in Babylon were summoned. These included figures such as Nearchus, the admiral of the fleet, Seleucus, the commander of Alexander's elite Macedonian hypaspist infantryman, Laomedon, a commander of mercenaries and a close friend of Ptolemy and the late Alexander the Great, and also figures such as Eumenes, Alexander the Great's personal secretary. Alexander the Great's personal secretary.

Now getting to the meeting's location wasn't easy for these generals. To reach the conclave they had to push their way through a huge crowd of impatient Macedonian infantrymen that had gathered in the palace's royal courtyard. Many of these veterans had served with Alexander the Great since the start of his Asian campaign 11 years earlier. It was they who had won Alexander his heroic victories at Issus, Tyre, Gaugamela and the Hidaspes River, for instance. It was they who had sacrificed all that was dear to them in Macedonia, their homes, their professions, their loved ones, to follow their king to the edges of the known world. Eleven years of hard campaigning had changed these veteran soldiers. They had become very

mercenary in their nature. They were eager to make their presence and their wishes known at this very tumultuous time. Now initially these soldiers watched on in the courtyard as Eumenes, Seleucus and the rest of the senior generals shoved their way through to the private meeting room in the palace itself. But these soldiers did not stay idle for long. With an irrepressible desire to prioritise their own interests in this tumultuous time, tensions rapidly heightened in the courtyard. Suddenly, the soldiers' impatience became too much to bear. Desiring to be included in the courtyard. Suddenly the soldiers' impatience became too much to bear. Desiring to be included in the decision-making process, they burst through

into the council, demanding they know what options their commanders were considering. Lacking the military strength to send these soldiers away, Perdiccas, Ptolemy and the rest of the generals had no option but to oblige to the soldiers' demands. All of a sudden, the intended private conclave among Alexander's most senior subordinates transformed into a very public army assembly. Now Perdiccas and the rest of the generals would have to win over the soldiers, their new audience, to their proposed plan for the succession for what would happen next. What followed was a series of proposals put forward by several different subordinates of Alexander to their new soldier audience. Now thankfully for us,

the events here, these proposals, have been preserved in quite a lot of detail in the writings of the Roman historian Quintus Curtius Rufus at the end of his History of Alexander the Great. Events which we will delve into the detail of now. Perdiccas was the first to step forward. Placing Alexander's signet ring in full view of his new audience, he then announced his proposal for what should happen next. Now, when Alexander the Great died, he had left no clear air. But this wasn't the whole story, because at that time, Alexander's wife was pregnant.

Her name was Roxana, the daughter of a nobleman called Oxiartes, who was incredibly powerful in the ancient region of Sogdia, largely modern-day Uzbekistan. Now, the sources say that Alexander married Roxana in around 327 BC for love. But given the instability of Sogdia and the difficulties that Alexander had trying to pacify this region, it was some of the hardest fighting of his career, roughly between 329-327 BC. Given these difficulties, it seems more likely that Alexander and Roxana's marriage was part of a diplomatic agreement between Alexander and Sogdian chiefs such as Oxiates to secure this part of the empire. Most important for us is that Roxana was in Babylon at the time of Alexander's death

and was either six or eight months pregnant. And so Perdiccas therefore proposed that they await the birth of Alexander and Roxana's unborn child. If he proved a son, they would prepare him for the throne and crown him Alexander's true successor when he came of age. But that meant more than 10 years in the interim. And so to manage matters of state in the meantime, Perdiccas proposed that they instate a regency. Who would be the regent in the meantime remained unanswered. But no doubt Perdiccas wished himself to be named the sole all-powerful regent for Alexander's infant heir.

Perdiccas, through his proposal, planned to be king in all but name. Perdiccas had hoped for a warm reception from his audience for his proposal, but the soldiers, in fact, proved quite the opposite. They didn't want to wait more months for something still shrouded in uncertainty. What if Roxana's child was a girl? Or what if the baby died while still an infant, a very real possibility at that time? The soldiers were keen for a resolution to the crisis now, and they offered Perdiccas little support.

This lukewarm reception was a big blow to Perdiccas and his ambitions, but it also emboldened the other generals watching on. Having seen Perdiccas' proposal be rebuffed, they now sensed opportunity. The opportunity to persuade their audience to support their own proposals, selfish proposals, for what would happen next. Another general, sensing opportunity, stepped forward. His name was Nearchus, the Admiral of the Fleet, a former very close friend and companion of Alexander the Great. He held quite a lot of prestige. He was a high-ranking general. And he now put forward his proposal as to what was to happen next. Alexander had died without a clear legitimate

heir, it was true. This wasn't the whole story as we've mentioned with the unborn child of Alexander and Roxana. But also what's important to mention here is that Alexander did have a living and breathing son at that time, then aged four or five and living in Pergamum in western Asia Minor. The boy's name was Heracles, the illegitimate child of Alexander the Great and a Greco-Persian noblewoman called Barcene. Now Nearchus proposed that they summon Heracles to Babylon and to crown him king without delay. Indeed, the proposal offered an immediate solution to the crisis that was a great positive to Nearchus' suggestion. But Nearchus' clear-cut agenda was clear to see, because at a great marriage ceremony at Susa

in 324 BC, the year before, Nearchus had married the daughter of Barcene. So he had a close familial link to Heracles' mother Barcene thanks to this marriage and therefore a link to Heracles himself. A link that Nearchus no doubt wanted to employ so that he could gain a high position in the new Heracles regime that he envisaged. Now no doubt the other generals noticed Nearchus's clear-cut agenda here, they were unimpressed at the admiral's opportunistic power play. Most importantly for Nearchus and unfortunately for him however, the soldiers were similarly unimpressed with his proposal because, and it's sad to say but it's also important to highlight, a feeling of racial superiority over Alexander's Asian subjects, the vanquished, was deeply ingrained among these troops

and many were highly averse to naming Heracles as their new king. They did not want this illegitimate half-Asian child, a child who had never set foot in the Macedonian heartlands, to be Alexander's successor. To them, it was an insult. who had never set foot in the Macedonian heartlands, to be Alexander's successor. To them, it was an insult. And so, rather than a warm reception, great shouts of anger erupted throughout the crowd towards Nearchus.

They were shouting at the admiral, they were demanding that he retract his proposal, making clear their hostility to his suggestion. At first, Nearchus tried to persist, to argue his corner, but to no avail. The soldiers had made up their mind, and eventually, Nearchus was forced to back down. So far, both Perdiccas and Nearchus' proposals had not proven favourable to the soldiers listening on. And now another figure steps forward sensing opportunity, Ptolemy. Ptolemy, having witnessed the uproar and the anger the soldiers had shown towards Nearchus and Perdiccas, stood up to propose his preferred idea. Now unlike the shouted down Nearchus, Ptolemy fully understood why the soldiers were so angry. He slated the proposals of his predecessors,

shunning them for wanting the Macedonians to serve under a half-Asian, semi-barbaric ruler. Instead, Ptolemy proposed a radical new idea. He suggested that they put aside the monarchy and form a committee to rule the empire, filled by Alexander's closest friends. A great council, so to speak. Gathered in front of Alexander's throne in the royal tent, Ptolemy proposed the most famous faces in Alexander's entourage decide affairs of state and rule the fledgling empire. Now the proposal provided Ptolemy a degree of support among the other officers, although it wasn't universal. Already the seeds for a rivalry between Ptolemy and Perdiccas had been sown, and the former had only added fuel to the fire with his

proposal, because Ptolemy's proposal, if accepted, would destroy any chance of Perdiccas becoming the sole regent of Alexander's empire, something that Ptolemy no doubt knew full well. While at the same time, Ptolemy's proposal, if accepted, would ensure that Ptolemy became a leading figure in the regime that followed. And what was even worse for Perdiccas was that Ptolemy's proposal proved popular with the soldiers. Perdiccas could only look on helplessly as the soldiers started to shout their support for Ptolemy's proposal of a great council. Ptolemy's faction was winning the argument and the audience. But then, as things were looking so good for Ptolemy, another of the Adjutants stood up. The shouts subsided and Aristonus walked forwards.

So who was Aristonus? Well, he was one of the seven bodyguards, one of the somatophilakes, but of the bodyguards, he was the eldest. We don't hear much about him during the campaigns of Alexander the Great, but by 323 BC, Aristonus had gained a very good reputation amongst the soldiers. He was renowned as a dependable and as a traditional adjutant, a loyal and seasoned veteran whose voice carried great weight amongst the soldiers. And he now put forward his own proposal, a version of which is preserved in the writings of Quintus Curtius Rufus and has been translated by J. C. Yarsley. When Alexander was asked to whom he was leaving his kingdom, he had expressed the wish that the best man be chosen, and yet he had himself adjudged Perdiccas to be the best by

handing him the ring. Alexander had looked around and selected the man to give the ring to from the crowd of his friends. It followed that he wished supreme power to pass to Perdiccas. As Aristonus finished his speech, a huge roar erupted amongst the Macedonians. Support for Ptolemy's previous proposal was blown out of the water. Aristonus and the soldiers urged Perdiccas to stand up and to accept the kingship. They had reached their decision. They wanted Perdiccas to be the aphrodisiac join me betwixt the sheets the history of sex scandal in society a new podcast from history hit where i kate lister ask the questions about the stuff we didn't learn in history lessons or sex ed we'll be bed hopping

around different time periods from ancient civilizations to the middle ages to renaissance and early modern right up to now listen and subscribe to betwixt the sheet now wherever you get your podcasts so how did perdiccas react how did he react to the soldiers clamouring for him to accept the kingship? Well, he hesitated. According to Curtius, he did so merely to feign modesty and to increase the vigour of the soldiers' demands that he accept the kingship. But this seems highly questionable. Scholars have pointed out the scene's striking similarity to a popular event in Roman history, in 14 AD, when the emperor Tiberius had similarly hesitated when offered the emperorship only to take it after persistence, an event which had almost certainly occurred during

Curtius's own lifetime. Now this seems too convenient an historical parallel, and unlike Tiberius, Perdiccas lacked the universal support to enjoy such a coronation. For Perdiccas, he had real concerns with accepting the kingship. He was right to hesitate. The problem with accepting the kingship for Perdiccas was that there was still substantial opposition to him doing such an act amongst various circles. In Babylon, you had Ptolemy and his faction. Further afield, Perdiccas had no idea how prominent figures would react elsewhere in the Macedonian Empire. For instance, Roxana's influential father, Oxiartes in the east, or powerful Macedonian statesmen such as Antipater and Antigonus, or the renowned Macedonian general

Craterus, who was then stationed in southeast Turkey with 10,000 veteran soldiers. And so, despite his desire to accept Aristonis' popular proposal, Perdiccas knew that it was a poisoned chalice. Macedonian kingship was a messy matter, and history had proven time and time again that the monarch's success depended on having strong relationships with his subjects, with the nobility, with the soldiers, and with the kingdom's external allies. Perdiccas may have had support from the soldiers and with some officers, but Ptolemy's hostility, combined with the unknown reaction of several prominent figures throughout the empire, ensured Perdiccas felt he

lacked enough support to wear the royal diadem. By accepting the kingship, he knew that he would be signing his own death warrant. If he could achieve the position of regent, however, then that was a different story. Then he could use his authority to cement his power base behind a facade of the king. Then he could more carefully pave the way for taking the crown. Obtaining the regency was Perdiccas' aim in June 323 BC. Obtaining the kingship was not, at least not yet. So Perdiccas stepped back, spurning the calls of Aristonus and the infantry. So imagine you're an infantryman in that royal courtyard. Perdiccas, your chosen victor, your chosen successor, has just spurned your calls to assume the kingship.

Imagine the growing anger and resentment as indecision once again seized the soldier assembly and it was now that another sensed opportunity not another of the top generals they've had their say but one of the infantrymen themselves a lower ranking officer called meleager so who was meleager well he was a highly respected veteran infantry officer who had served in the Macedonian army since the start of Alexander's reign and indeed since before then, since the time of Alexander's father, King Philip II of Macedon. His event-filled military career and his high reputation amongst the men ensured he represented the most authoritative voice amongst the irritated infantry. The rank and file looked to Meleager and now was his moment.

Emboldened by the current crisis, Meleager stood up to address his comrades. Like Ptolemy before him, Meleager had noticed the anger the soldiery felt towards delay and towards indecision. He also similarly had a strong aversion to serving under Perdiccas. In one of the most remarkable condemnations of the age, Meliaga delivered his damning reproach of Perdiccas. God forbid that Alexander's fortune and the dignity of so great a throne come upon such shoulders. Men certainly will not tolerate it. come upon such shoulders, men certainly will not tolerate it. I am not talking about those of better birth than this fellow, merely about men who do not have to suffer anything against their will. In fact, it makes no difference whether your king be Roxana's son whenever he is born,

or Perdiccas, since that fellow is going to seize the throne anyway by pretending to act as regent. is going to seize the throne anyway by pretending to act as regent. That is why the only king he favors is one not yet born, and in the general haste to resolve matters, a haste which is as necessary as it is understandable, he alone is waiting for the months to elapse, already predicting that a male has been conceived. Could you doubt that he is ready to find a substitute? Could you doubt that he is ready to find a substitute? God in heaven, if Alexander had left us this fellow as king in his stead, my opinion would be that this is the one order of his not to be obeyed. In no uncertain terms, Meliega had correctly called out Perdiccas' desired outcome.

He interpreted Perdiccas' wish to await the birth of Roxana's child as a clear power play. How Perdiccas aimed to become the supreme power in the empire, both as they awaited the birth and, if the child proved a son, during the ensuing regency. Meleager had called out what Ptolemy, Laomedon and the rest of the anti-Perdicus faction had been fearing. Perdiccas had a plan to seize the throne and Meliega did not stop there. After objecting to Perdiccas' ambitions in the strongest possible terms, the battalion commander now exploited another of the infantry's desires. Pay. The seemingly limitless wealth of the Persian Empire was within reach, wealth they had earned by the spear. In true demagogue fashion, Meliega, having already

riled the infantry into large clamours against a traitorous Perdiccas, announced that they go and seize the plunder Alexander had promised them. With that, Meliega left the meeting, them. With that, Meliega left the meeting, dozens of supporters in tow. At this point, Anarchy looked set to seize the army assembly. Perdiccas and the generals seemed to have been stunned at the rapid turn of events instigated by Meliega and now, in the wake of Meliega's outburst, another member of the Macedonian infantry put forward his own proposal for what should happen next. This soldier was nothing special. Curtius mentions no rank nor a name. He was an ignotus, an unknown.

Nevertheless, the infantryman shouted out his suggestion. What's the point of fighting and starting a civil war when you have the king you seek? You're forgetting Philipson, our Adaeus, brother of our late king Alexander. Recently he accompanied the king in performing our religious ceremonies and now he is sole heir. If you are looking for someone just like Alexander, you will never find him. If you want his next of kin, there is only this man. As the ignotus finished speaking, silence suddenly seized the entire assembly. Conflicting emotions appeared among the audience,

agreement among the infantry, despair among the generals. Despite the ignotus' words, Perdiccas, Ptolemy and the rest of the commanders had not forgotten about Aridaeus. How could they? The man was the elder half-brother of Alexander the Great. His father was King Philip II. His mother was Philina of Larissa, a Thessalian noblewoman. In Aridaeus' early years, Philip had started grooming him as his potential successor to the Macedonian throne. But this had all changed when the boy's health had suddenly started to

dramatically deteriorate, leaving the young prince simple-minded, incapable of ruling. Aridaeus' illness marginalised his significance. He became an almost invisible figure, neglected from public affairs, cared for but glossed over. Everyone knew Aridaeus would struggle to rule effectively. Throughout his adult life, the man had shown no desire for the kingship. Alexander had never considered him either a threat or a potential successor. His generals had thought the same.

In a rare show of unity at this tumultuous time, they had agreed before the meeting that Alexander's simple-minded half-brother was neither fit nor capable to rule. The ignotus's intervention, however, ensured that this was all about to change following the 12th of June 323 BC. As soon as he heard word of the ignotus's proposal, Meliega seized the initiative. Determined to erode Perdiccas's power further and to secure himself a high position in the new regime, he brought a blissfully ignorant Aridaeus to the assembly. The soldiers saluted Aridaeus' king, titled him Philip after Alexander and Aridaeus' father,

and left the courtyard. The generals watching on, stunned. But it was their own fault. Their indecision, their division in the preceding army assembly, had paved the way for figures such as Meliega and the Agnotus to take advantage and to stir the crowd towards their own proposals. But now the result that none of the generals had wanted had come to fruition. Putting aside their differences, they came together to see how they could resolve this terrible outcome, at least terrible in their eyes. It was time to compromise. Enter Python, another of Alexander's most senior subordinates. Python stepped forwards with a solution. Still, he proposed that they await the birth of Roxana's child. A prolonged

Aridaeus kingship was not in their interests. But rather than there being one all-powerful regent, Python proposed that they divide this power between Perdiccas and another military hero, Leonartus, another of the bodyguards. Together, Perdiccas and Leonartus would serve as tutors for the young prince, who would observe them as they jointly managed affairs in Asia. In Europe, meanwhile, Craterus and Antipater, two of the most prominent Macedonians outside of Babylon, would rule these western provinces on the boy's behalf. Now, Python's proposal curbs Perdiccas' power enough for the generals to reach agreement.

Even Ptolemy and his supporters, who only recently had denounced Roxana's unborn child as unfit to adorn the royal robes, well even they accepted the compromise. Presumably they made it perfectly clear that they were willing to await the birth of Roxana's child, but only as long as Perdiccas had his power shared with Leonatus. Having finally reached agreement, Perdiccas and the rest of the generals swore an oath of loyalty to Roxana's future child and prepared to announce their solution to the infantry. Now, of course, the compromise hedged its entire existence on Roxana's child being a boy.

But it's here that Meleager's demagogic speech had called out the truth. Could you doubt that he is ready to find a substitute? The generals would announce a male heir at any cost. With that, Perdiccas, Python, Ptolemy, and the rest of the generals went to announce their proposed compromise to Meliega and the soldiers. Convincing Melliega to support their proposal was out of the question. They knew that full well. But if they could pry away enough of his support, then they could deal with a troublesome battalion commander and his withering supporters without problem. All depended on their proposal's success. It failed. Despite some initial wavering, in the end the Macedonian infantry remained loyal to the newly instated Philip Aridaeus.

Meliega's support stood firm, while any remaining respect for Alexander's generals continue to deteriorate. The generals' refusal to even consider Aridaeus as king enraged the rank and file, an anger that Meleager and his followers inflamed with their rhetoric. How dare the generals swear an oath to a king other than their own? It was a treasonous offence in their eyes. Riled up, the soldiers gathered their own. It was a treasonous offence in their eyes. Riled up, the soldiers gathered their weapons, beating on their shields with their spears and ready to glut themselves with the blood of those who had aspired to a throne to which they had no claim. Meleager took full advantage. Equipping his arms and armour, he marched alongside Aridaeus at the front of the infantry column, proclaiming himself a leading member of the king's entourage in all but name.

You can see here Meliega's personal power play going on as he tried to secure himself a high position in the new Arridaeus-led regime that he envisaged. Now was the time to rid themselves of the self-interested generals Meleager and his supporters proclaimed to the troops. Once again, the scene was set for a showdown within the royal palace. Meanwhile, on the other end of these events, casting aside previous differences, Ptolemy, Perdiccas and their supporters retreated to the chamber where Alexander's lifeless body still lay and bolted the doors.

In total, the defenders numbered some 600 men, not an insignificant force, but thousands of the most feared soldiers in Asia, hungry for blood, were approaching. Quickly, these soldiers stormed into the chamber, Philip Aridaeus and Meliega leading the way. A vicious struggle erupted. Men fell to the ground with gaping wounds metres away from the legendary Alexander's corpse. The king had died barely 48 hours earlier. Yet already Macedonian blood stained the floors of his chamber as two sides struggled for control.

It was symbolic of the next 40 years to come. Eventually, the bloodlust of the Macedonian infantry turned to remorse. The men they were attacking, these were the generals who had inspired them to success in countless battles. These were the men who had most closely emulated Alexander's charismatic leadership style. Tempering their harsh rhetoric, they pleaded with Perdiccas, Ptolemy and the rest to lay down their arms and to cease fighting. Meleager, seeing his troops stop their attack, followed suit, probably reluctantly. Relieved, Perdiccas agreed an end to the palatial clash. Swords were sheathed, the first fight of the post-Alexander period was over, but it was merely a ceasefire.

Well, it's around here that I should start wrapping up for the episode, because otherwise my editor, our producer, will go crazy with the length of this episode. So I'm now going to wrap up the story of these immediate days following Alexander the Great in Babylon because it is such an amazing story. Now, as mentioned, swords were sheathed, but this was merely a ceasefire, this scuffle, this deadly scuffle that broke out in the room where Alexander the Great had died barely roughly 48 hours earlier. Tensions still remained between Melieger and the veteran infantrymen on one hand and the generals, the likes of Perdiccas, Ptolemy, Leonartus and so on, on the other. These tensions go to such an extent that soon enough the generals are forced to

leave Babylon. They flee. They don't trust Meliega in particular. They flee to outside the walls of Babylon where they gather with the rest of the royal army. It's important to note that although the veteran Macedonian infantrymen, while they were an important part of Alexander's royal army, they were only a small bit of it. of Alexander's royal army, they were only a small bit of it. By 323 BC, Alexander the Great's Asian battalions, horsemen, infantry, javelinmen, bowmen, but also Asian units of phalanx-wielding soldiers such as his elite 30,000 strong epigoni, 30,000 Asian soldiers who had been trained for 36 months or so to fight in the Macedonian manner, to form the Macedonian phalanx. Well, all of these battalions had stayed loyal to the generals, as had the elite Macedonian cavalry,

the Companions. And so when Leonartus, Perdiccas, Ptolemy and the rest of the generals fled Babylon, they regrouped on the plain outside the city with these parts of the royal army and greatly outnumbered the Macedonian veteran infantry led by Meliega within the city. And with this huge force of soldiers, of veteran soldiers themselves, they laid siege to Babylon. Babylon, within a few days of Alexander's death, was already theoretically under siege. Fortunately for them, the siege would not last long because the soldiers, the infantry within Babylon, well they start getting quite disillusioned with Meleager's leadership. This is in part thanks to Meleager's indecision-making himself. According to our sources, for two or three days he makes no decisions. He retires from the world

almost completely. He does not act like a leader. But it's also partly thanks to allies of Perdiccas who had remained within the city itself. Figures such as Perdiccas's brother Alcataz, who led one of the Macedonian infantry battalions and was working on Perdiccas's behalf. But also thanks to the figure of Eumenes of Cardia, Alexander the Great's former personal secretary, who, according to Plutarch, who writes a biography of Eumenes, was portraying himself as a neutral figure in the crisis because he wasn't Macedonian. He came from the Hellenic city-state of Cardia, near the modern-day Dardanelles, but in fact, although he was portraying himself as neutral,

Eumenes was actually working on Perdiccas's behalf and he was starting to undermine Meleager's authority. Now this ultimately all had the wanted effect because the soldiers, they send emissaries to the generals outside Babylon. The discussions don't go quite according to plan. The infantry do threaten to keep resisting even though they know that they will ultimately lose. But ultimately, according to Justin, Perdiccas enters the city and he calms down these differences and they are able to reach an agreement. The infantry and the generals are able to reconcile. They agree a compromise where Alexander's half-brother Philip Aridaeus would retain the crown, but they would instate a regent, a man who would take the title of prestates.

The title of prestates was one that you do see in Macedonian history a couple of times, and it's always when the king, the incumbent king, is incapable of ruling without help. So effectively the title of prostates was regent. Now although he wanted it, Perdiccas could not be the new regent. There were still too many elements hostile to him becoming regent and so the compromise focused around another figure becoming the prostates. And this was the highly respected and revered figure of Craterus. But this wasn't the end of the compromise. Perdiccas's persistence, his role in the compromise and the reconciliation was rewarded. He still had a lot of respect amongst the Macedonian veteran soldiers

to such an extent that they asked that he become the commander of the army itself. He was still subordinate, of course, to the king and to the regent, but they named him as Ciliac, as the leader of the army. But what is even more interesting in this compromise is who was to be Perdiccas' second-in-command, Perdiccas' lead adjutant. Because in the spirit of compromise, Perdiccas' lead adjutant because in the spirit of compromise they agreed that Perdiccas' adjutant was and you may well have guessed it to be Meliega. So Meliega a man who had until very recently been openly hostile to Perdiccas had said these damning speeches of Perdiccas had even tried to have Perdiccas assassinated in the meantime when Meleager was now Perdiccas' highest ranking subordinate according to the compromise. And as you may have also already guessed,

this compromise doesn't last long. It's doomed to fail. What's so remarkable is how quickly it fails. Now in the days following the agreement of this compromise, Melliega notices, he hears word that there are certain parts of the army that are discontent, that are angry that he's assumed this new prominent role in the regime following his pretty horrific self-serving acts in the days before when he almost led the royal army, this center of the Macedonian empire, into a focal point of civil war, of complete stasis. And so Meliega went to Perdiccas and he demanded that these troublemakers, that they be dealt with. And Perdiccas agrees and he says, okay, well let's have a great reconciliation ceremony. Let's get the whole army outside of Babylon for a ritual, for a purification

ceremony to show that we are now friends, that we are putting the trouble behind us. And so Meliega agrees to this and they lay the foundations for this great reconciliation event outside the walls of Babylon, where you have the huge, almost almost all if not all of the royal army assembling outside Babylon for this incredibly significant event. Meleager believes that it's to deal with these troublemakers who are angry at his new position in the regime. He couldn't have been more wrong. Now as the Macedonian infantry are led out onto the plain once they are all arranged on the plain we have all these other parts of the army there too which greatly outnumber them. You have

horse archers, you have the Asian infantry battalions, we have the Asian cavalry battalions and you have the Indian war elephants. More on them in a bit. Meleager watched on from amongst the other generals from the cavalry from probably near Perdiccas and King Philip Aridaeus III but not importantly with them. He watched on as Perdiccas and the king approached the Macedonian infantry as Perdiccas singled out figures from the Macedonian infantry to be dealt with. It would have then dawned on him what the real reason for this reconciliation event was. Because rather than those troublemakers who Meliega thought Perdiccas would be dealing with

with the king at this reconciliation event, he watched on as Perdiccas drew out from the infantrymen Meliega's leading supporters, Meliega's leading supporters in the preceding crisis in Babylon. He watched on as they were placed in the centre of the plain. He watched on as Perdiccas and Aridaeus had the Indian war elephants brought forwards as he saw his friends, his lackeys, be trampled to death under the feet of these elephants. Truly horrifying. Perdiccas had orchestrated the whole thing. This reconciliation event wasn't to purge the army of those troublemakers who were causing dissent trouble with Meleager's new position. It was to purge the army of Meleager's supporters.

Meleager could see the writing on the wall. He had been outplayed by Perdiccas and the rest of the other generals. He knew that he was next, that he was next on the list of people to be killed by Perdiccas. And so he flees from the reconciliation event. He flees back inside Babylon. He gets to a temple. He seeks sanctuary within a temple, hoping that this will save him, but to no avail. Perdiccas and the rest of the generals are determined to have Meliega put out of the way. They're determined to have Meliega killed. Perdiccas sends his lackeys, they storm into the temple and they slay Meliega. It's really interesting because a few days before, at the height of the crisis,

Meliega had sent his own band of lackeys to assassinate Perdiccas. But they had failed. Perdiccas had rebuffed them with a very powerful speech. He had cowed them to such an extent that they had fled. And now the failings of Meleager and his followings really bared fruit, and ultimately ending with the deaths of many of Meleager's lackeys, and ultimately the assassination of Meliega himself. I hope you can see now why I find this period in engine history so fascinating because it is so

turbulent and so chaotic so quickly. But what follows Meliega's death? Meliega is now out of the way. Perdiccas is now very clearly the winner, the lead figure, the man who first of all orchestrated this great compromise, this great reconciliation between the infantry and the rest of the army, and now the man who's done away with the troublesome Meliega and his supporters. And now, Perdiccas being the top dog, he now gathers the rest of the generals and they decide somewhere probably in the royal palace of Babylon near the body of Alexander the Great what is going to happen next. What follows is an event called the Babylon settlement where new positions are assigned across the length

and breadth of Alexander's empire. Let's start with Perdiccas first. Perdiccas is rewarded for his prominent role in this reconciliation. He does ultimately receive the prize that he had been seeking over the past few days because he is named as the new regent, the new prostates. He will remain with the new king, Philip Aridaeus III, and he would remain with the royal army in Babylon for a year or so following this settlement. You also saw here the division of what the Persians called satrapies, what we'll call governorships, the governorships of Alexander the Great's empire, amongst many of the generals that had supported Perdiccas in the preceding struggle. And these included troublesome figures such as

Ptolemy. Ptolemy, who had shown that he was quite averse to Perdiccas receiving the position of regent, but had ultimately supported him in the wake of the coronation of King Philip Aridaeus III and the rise of the very troublesome Meliega. But Ptolemy demanded a reward for his loyalty to Perdiccas, and Perdiccas has no choice but to provide it to him. Ptolemy receives the province of Egypt, this rich wealthy area of the Macedonian empire in the southeast corner of the Mediterranean. He would ultimately go on to forge the Ptolemaic dynasty which would ultimately end with the famous Cleopatra VII. But that is for another story. Other prominent figures who

received positions in the empire include Python, another of those bodyguards. He received a large portion of Media, a wealthy, fertile land east of the Zagros Mountains. Leonartus received the pretty small but incredibly significant region of Hellespontine Phrygia, the area near ancient Troy near Hisalic which controlled this important passage between Europe and Asia which was of course the Hellespont, the modern-day Dardanelles. Lysimachus received control of Thrace, largely ancient Bulgaria which was in the midst of turmoil and so on and so forth. The key point to take away here is that following this crisis in Babylon, the generals are the victors. And this crisis in Babylon is only the beginning. It's an extraordinary microcosm for the great chaos, for the turmoil that would erupt across the length and breadth of Alexander the Great's empire in the years ahead. From more than 20,000

Hellenic veteran soldiers trying to make their way back to Greece from ancient Afghanistan, to in the west in modern day Greece, the city-state of Athens leading a great revolt against Macedonian rule in a war that would become known as the Lamian War. But these great external threats, though they were many, they would ultimately pave the way for the first great civil war between these Macedonian commanders, these former brothers in arms who had all served under Alexander the Great. It all culminates in the first war of the successors fought between the likes of Perdiccas and Ptolemy, culminating in a great clash along the banks of the River Nile in 320 BC. That is all to come. Babylon, this extraordinary crisis in Babylon in the immediate days following

Alexander the Great's death, is just the beginning. But there you go. I could talk on and on and on about this, but I'm not going to. I'm going going to end it here if you'd like to learn more about this chaotic period then I'm going to do some shameless self-promotion here because I find this period so fascinating and I wanted to write a book looking at all the details that we have and to create a narrative about it because it's so interesting and I wanted to bring this story the story of the first three years following Alexander the Great's death, to the fore. If this interests you, if you'd like to learn more of this period, then please buy the book. It's called Alexander's Successors at War, The Perdiccas Years, and I do really hope you enjoy it. As mentioned, I wanted to write a book which focused

on these first three years following Alexander's death, which really shined a light on this horrific, on this extraordinary aftermath, and to explain why Alexander's empire started to implode so quickly. Why figures such as Perdiccas and Ptolemy were extraordinary, horrific, brutal figures, and why their stories deserve their time in the limelight alongside that of Alexander the Great, alongside that of more famous figures such as Julius Caesar. So if you are interested in this period of history, if your interest has been sparked by this explainer, then I do really hope that you buy a copy of the book and I do hope that you enjoy. But that's enough from me. I hope you've enjoyed the episode today, this special explainer. If you'd like more Ancients content in the meantime, well, you can of course subscribe to our weekly Ancients newsletter. Each week I write a bit of a blurb for that newsletter

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