The Ancients - The Scythians
Episode Date: February 13, 2025Known as the barbarians of the north, the Scythians were expert horsemen that roamed the great steppe of Eurasia more than 2,000 years ago. But how much do we know about them?In today's episode of The... Ancients, Tristan Hughes is joined by Dr Owen Rees to explore this infamous nomadic culture who wore trousers, wielded bows and arrows and boasted Amazon-like warrior women who may even have fought in battle. Along the way Owen explains the fascinating story of the Scythian settlement of Bilsk - a great hulking Iron-Age mega-town fortified with miles and miles of winding walls on the edge of the Great Steppe in southern Ukraine.Presented by Tristan Hughes. Audio editor is Aidan Lonergan, the producer is Joseph Knight. The senior producer is Anne-Marie Luff.All music courtesy of Epidemic SoundsThe Ancients is a History Hit podcast.Sign up to History Hit for hundreds of hours of original documentaries, with a new release every week and ad-free podcasts. Sign up at https://www.historyhit.com/subscribe. You can take part in our listener survey here: https://insights.historyhit.com/history-hit-podcast-always-on
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Listen to the new Audible original podcast The Un Unusual Suspects, with Kenya Barris and
Malcolm Gladwell. Go to audible.ca slash Unusual Suspects podcast and listen now. Barbarians of the North In the ancient Greek mindset, no group of
people epitomised this term more than the Scythians. They were the classic Other, these
horse-loving peoples that roamed the great steppe of Eurasia more than 2,000 years ago.
They wore trousers, they wielded bows and arrows on horseback,
movement was central to their way of life. Their women boasted much more freedom and may have even
fought in battle. It's no surprise that the Amazons of Greek mythology may well have a
historical basis in Scythian culture. So what do we know about the Scythians?
How reliable is their portrayal by ancient
Greek writers? Why were the Greeks so fascinated by the Scythians?
It's the Ancients on History hit. I'm Tristan Hughes, your host.
Joining me to talk through the story of the Scythians and their interactions with the
Greek world, I was delighted to interview Dr Owen Reese from Birmingham Newman University.
Owen has been on the podcast several times before, to chat topics varying from dogs in
ancient Greece, to the March of the 10,000, to the story of ancient Greek colonisation
in the Black Sea, and the fascinating city of Olbia that was founded in what is today
southern Ukraine.
Now Owen's back to explain the story of the Scythians and
a massive archaeological site called Bylsk, an ancient megatown home to Scythians, Greeks
and others that features in his brand new book exploring the peoples and cities often
overlooked that's lived at and beyond the edges of the ancient Mediterranean world.
Let's get into it.
Owen, it is a pleasure to have you back on the podcast today. Hello! Mediterranean world. Let's get into it.
Owen, it is a pleasure to have you back on the podcast today. Hello. Hi Tristan, thanks for having me back.
We've done largely the ancient Greek world in the past, but this feels we're going a bit beyond it,
but still you can bring the Greeks heavily into it. The story of the Scythians, or Skydians,
first of all, let's clarify this. How should we say the word Scythians or Skithians? First of all, let's clarify this. How should we say the word
Scythians? There is no hard and fast rule on this. Scythian is more Latin-based in its pronunciation.
Scythian with a hard K is more in keeping with the Greek wording and pronunciation. We'll stick
with Scythian. It's what most people who have come across the name will say and it's also how many
English readers will naturally read the word. But I should probably apologise in advance, Tristan. I'm an ancient
Greek historian. Scythian might come out a couple of times.
For the Greeks, when they're talking about the Scythians and where they lived, and I'm guessing
it's true with the Romans as well, they saw these people living almost at the edges of the world.
Yeah, it's precisely that. If you look at the earliest Greek descriptions of the
Scythians, that's going to happen every time, the earliest description from the Greeks,
from the Greek writer Herodotus, father of history, he very much builds the story of the
Scythians. The further north you move, the more and more fantastical this culture becomes.
So he starts quite close to a city you
and I have talked about before on this podcast, Olbia, a Greek town just by Crimea. He describes
Scythian groups around there and they're, for want of a better word, normal to him. They're
sort of agricultural, a little bit of nomadism, nothing too spectacular. And then as he moves further and further north
in his description, they suddenly become like werewolves and immortal beings.
Werewolves and immortal beings.
Oh, we will get to that, Tristan, don't you worry. But it's the idea that the further
you move away from the Greek world, the way I think of it is you move from reality into
almost myth. And we see this in the Greek and the Roman writing,
with Greek in particular. So the further north, the further east we go, the more fantastical and
the more mythological the Scythians become as a people.
Toby So to kick off our chat, maybe just a general overview first of all. Who exactly were the
Scythians and where did the Greeks label that they lived or where actually did they live? If we stick to the Greek perspective, we can talk about the Scythians as a group.
Archaeologically, we cannot. We'll talk about that in a minute. The Greeks very much saw the
Scythians as a group, but made up of little, one of the better word, tribal groups. What they're
describing are the nomadic or semi-nomadic groups north of the Black Sea and moving east
to, I mean, they didn't know about it, the Greeks, but you and I would go as far as Siberia.
So that's how far east we're kind of looking.
There's also names associated with the Scythians through other cultures as well.
So I think you've done a podcast on the Sakha.
Or the Sakha. So I think you've done a podcast on the SACA. Yes, this is the great step, isn't it? Ukraine, Russia, Kazakhstan,
maybe all the way to Mongolia and Siberia, as you said.
And also brings us down into sort of Persia and Iran. That's the group that are talking about the
SACA. So that kind of geographically gives you an idea. But in terms of names, in terms of who we're
talking about, we're talking about the SACAians, we're talking about the Sakai, we're talking about another
group that gets talked about are the Chimerians. All of these are loosely associated with this
big label of Scythian, which really means foreign nomadic group to the north and east
that we don't really know a lot about.
ALICE And given this huge geographic area and Greek
interactions with the Sidians, I'm guessing it's not over that whole area as you've highlighted
there because it's such a massive landscape. What sources do we have? How many sources
do we have that talk about the Sidians? I mean, do we have Sidian writing themselves
or is it largely just from the Greeks and where they interacted with the Sidians?
STAN In terms of writing, most of our evidence
comes from external groups to the Sidians. So yeah, you're right, the Greeks, Romans
to an extent. They're our main sources describing the culture because they're fascinated with
it. It's a real other culture. So they tell us a lot. We've got to kind of wade through
that and see what's a bit exaggerated and what's plausible and piece-turning-together.
But also we have evidence from Mesopotamia and the two and two together. But also, we have evidence from
Mesopotamia and the Persian Empire as well. The various large inscriptions from Darius the Great
and Cyrus and all these kind of people, they make mention to these groups as well. So we do have
different cultural perspectives on the Scythians, but always from the sense that they are the other,
that they are the different group, and that they are being judged accordingly to that.
Do we also have lots of archaeology too from the Great Steppe? Let's say in the world where
the Greeks would have interacted with the Scythians, maybe in Ukraine or Russia in that
area.
Yeah, we do. Ultimately, with any conversation about the Scythians, if you get a historian like me,
you'll get a lot of conversation about how the Greeks and how the settled world, shall we say,
that kind of city building, urbanized cultures, how they view the Scythians. An archaeologist
would give you a very different story. They would focus on the archaeological evidence,
which is far superior in understanding that culture.
I'm going to try and mix it. I'm going to give it a go. That's obviously a big part of the research
I do, blending these things so we can try and understand it within both contexts.
But we do. We have a lot of evidence. A lot of evidence comes from the burials. We have
burials from Ukraine right through to Siberia and the Altai mountains with amazing
levels of preservation, especially further east where the cold climate really helps.
We have pazarik burials where we have surviving skin from the buried men and women. We have
hair, lots of hair, hairstyles. We can literally show you a plaited ponytail from the fourth century. That's how well
it's been preserved. The British Museum had an exhibit a few years ago with a couple of these
items and they're just horrific and beautiful and odd and you're not quite sure how to react to what
you're looking at because of it. But because of it, we can show you an ancient tattoo on their skin.
We can show you hairstyles.
We can talk about the food.
We can talk about what's buried around them in amazing detail.
It's always difficult without words and without narratives and without stories to piece together,
but we can at least start to confirm or analyze what was important to them.
So important that they're buried like that.
Absolutely.
I will try once in a while to bring you my own experience of going
to East Kazakhstan and seeing Kazakhstan's Valley of Kings and Beryl and cold conditions.
These great kurgans or these great burial mounds high in the Altai Mountains and they've
uncovered the remains of these noble Saka or Pazurik of a Scythian semi-nomadic group, these high elites
in their burials with their art and their horses and their food and so on. So I'll try and bring
a bit of that in when we can. That's just on that. That's a really key point, which is,
you did it, I've done it, everyone does it when we talk about the Scythians. We go quite vague
and start throwing lots of labels around in fear of inaccuracy. And it's because Scythian is as much an archaeological culture than it is a
real one, for want of a better word, by which I mean the reason why we call all these things
Scythian is because of certain commonalities. So we have no proof that they are actually
innately connected by a cultural bond
that you and I would associate with a single ethnic group. We don't have enough evidence to
really show that. They talk about the Scythian triad, which are the three items that we're
looking for in a burial, in a site, in an archaeological context. That kind of goes,
yeah, okay, this might well be Scythian or Scythian-like.
You mentioned a few of them. So it's the distinctive animalistic art style,
where it's sort of semi fantastical with the beautiful swirling geometric shapes built within
the design of animals, often like the swirls in the ears and things like that. And it is absolutely
beautiful. We have the specific weapons. So the Scythians are always renowned for the bow, the very distinctive type of bow. The Greeks in
particular associate them with a particular type of axe, very long handled axe. So we've got the
art, we've got the weaponry, and the other one is the horse bridle, a very distinctive type of bridle.
So if we see those three, that's when the name Scythian will be comfortably
associated with the site. But we've always got to be a little bit careful because we don't
necessarily know if it's because they were Scythian, because they held these items in great
esteem, what quite the relationship is there. So yeah, it's just something to keep in mind
whenever we talk about the Scythians, especially further east and the more vague it becomes.
Is it an overarching name that's been given to those kind of horse-loving groups north of the
Black Sea and along the Great Steppe by Greek historians and writers? That's what we should
probably get a sense of with the word Scythian from the off.
Absolutely that. This is why I was sort of throwing around some of the names. We've also got the
Sarmatians, the Saramatians. These are names you might come across, especially in Roman history.
Syracuse, yep.
Yeah. And then you've got the other nomadic groups that come after them,
the Alans and things like that. Sometimes they're still called Scythian, sometimes they're not.
Scythian is, like you said, it's an overarching name they give to talk about a collective concept.
Often, when they want to be specific, they start talking specific names, so they
start using these specific titles. Herodotus does this. He talks about Scythia, and he
talks about the Scythians, and then breaks them down, group by group, by name. So even
he acknowledges they're the same, but they're not.
So shall we explore Herodotus now, because he feels crucial to understanding how the
Greeks viewed the Scythians. So Owen, take it away. First of all, who was Herodotus, and what does he say about the Scythians. So Owen, take it away. First, who
was Herodotus and what does he say about the Scythians?
Owen So Herodotus is often considered the father
of history. Well, Cicero, the Roman writer, famously called him the father of history,
he is the first in the lineage of what we would consider the writing of history. So
what I mean by that is not the recording of events of the past, that's chronicling,
and that's been going on since Egypt and before. So there's a long heritage and history of that,
but history itself is supposed to be an inquiry. You're supposed to be asking questions, trying
to answer a question rather than just recording facts and recording information and recording
events for whatever reason. This is what Herodotus
was trying to do. Herodotus was exploring the causes and the outcome of the Persian
Wars. That was the great Persian Empire in conflict with the tiny polis of Greece, the
various polis of Greece, and basically why the Greeks won, why this conflict even occurred,
and things like that. So he's interested in all that. What I love about
Herodotus and the purity of what Herodotus was trying to do was he wanted to understand all the
cultures involved in this, to his mind, global conflict. So Persia was a big empire that included
lots of different areas of the world within it, a lot of cultures within it. So Herodotus explored
those. One of those groups was the Scythians.
So he has an entire section of his history dedicated to Scythia, the land of Scythia,
and the peoples within it. He's not only a historian, as you and I think of it, he's
also a bit of an ethnographer, like he's fascinated by culture. And he's also somewhat of a geographer.
So he's also interested not just in the Scythians,
not just Scythian land, but also his concept of a world map. So where does Scythia end? What
is beyond it? He's trying to build a world picture as well as doing all these other things. So this
is why I love Herodotus. And if you read his section on Scythia, it is a meandering, tangent-filled, glorious piece of writing that I absolutely
adore. And you're just going through things where you're like, I wonder if he even believed
this. And I bet he believes that bit. Okay, he seems to agree with this bit. And then
he's very honest about what he can and cannot say and what he can or cannot prove, but he's
also not afraid of giving an opinion, which I really I really like so that's herodotus so whilst he's exploring the
sithians that's kind of context of what he's doing.
Do you think he ever met do you think he would have ever met sithians or did he
venture near sithian territory on his travels when he's writing to the do you
think he would have had conversations with actual sithian people.
I reckon he would have there is a bit of a debate as to his travels. He does seem
to have travelled extensively for his research. He does seem to have gone to the Black Sea.
But you wonder, would he have gone past the Greek cities?
CB Yeah, but even then, there's no reason he wouldn't meet Scythians there. And there's
no reason he wouldn't be able to communicate or have ability to communicate with them. So what we then do as historians to try and work this out
is we start to look at what he says and what can be verified. So for instance, his description
of certain Scythian groups living with basically carts that are houses. There is some archaeological evidence to support that
possibility in certain groups. He also mentions the use of cannabis in a ritualistic context,
basically like a steam tent, for want of a better term. Obviously, cleansing and those rituals that
we associate with many different cultures, not just with cannabis, but he mentions it and the archaeological record supports that.
So alongside the obsession with horses, alongside the cultural importance of the bow, all of
this is confirmed, all of this is verified.
So does that mean he's gone and lived with Scythians?
No, I don't think we can quite go that far.
But he does seem to be getting his information sort of from somewhere and there's
no reason to constantly assume he's wrong. A. Should we talk briefly about Scythian women
as well and how Scythian women were viewed by the Greeks? Because I feel we're going to get to the
word Amazons in a bit too. R. We certainly are. Yeah, so the image of the Scythian woman in Greek and Roman thought is one of fear. So Scythian women are portrayed as
quite independent, holding prestigious positions, leaving the house, riding horses, and in some
contexts we also hear them, especially young women, so sort of young adult women, in the context of
battle. So the reason why this causes fear in the
Greek and Romans is because this is the exact opposite of what the Greek or Roman male writers
think a woman should be doing. There's a couple of things here. One is our alarm bells should be
ringing because it's a bit of a cliche. At the edges of the world, the order of things is
reversed. Men stay at home, women go to war, things like that. So this is quite a common trope.
However, going back to the burial evidence we have, they have found female burials where the
bodies bear all the hallmarks of combat. Not violence, as in literally they've clearly
been subject to a violent attack and that's what's killed them, but the hallmarks of a
combative body. That if it was male, we'd have no question we're looking at someone
who's experienced war. For a long time, it was always explained away. There must be another
reason, even to the point where they just assumed they were male bodies, things like
that. But over the
past 30 plus years, there's been a lot of research going, no, this does seem to verify what we're
hearing, which is that young women in particular may well have seen battle or combat or raiding
or whatever it be that they did. So this is also where you can start to see the links to the Amazon myth. So this culture of a female warrior group that bans men from its society
on horseback with the bow, we can see the Scythian imagery coming in. And they are the great foe of
so many Greek heroes, whether it be Hercules, Theseus, whoever it be. So many of the Greek
heroes have to fight the Amazons at some point. It's almost like this sense of asserting patriarchal control over this embodiment of everything the Greeks fear,
the Independent Woman, basically.
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So to summarize this first part with you Owen, it's almost as if the Greek portrayed of the Scythians, there is an agenda there to portray them as, you know, kind of the classic barbarian, the completely opposite way of life and people to the Greeks based on where they live in the world, as you say, living far to the north, near the edges of the world.
near the edges of the world and yet despite that evidence agenda in the writing.
There is a degree of historical basis for many of the things that people like herodotus right about the city.
Yeah absolutely and it is revealing really cause what we're not talking about is some bogeyman has been created.
We're actually seeing a Greek cultural reaction to a culture that is the opposite of itself or what it perceives to be the opposite
of itself. And sometimes it elicits fear and sometimes it elicits intrigue and sometimes it
elicits respect. So we also see early on in some of the stories of Herodotus as well, a cliché of writing
like this throughout history, which is the idea of the noble savage.
So sometimes the Scythians are presented as a pure way of living, a simpler way of living,
and they have that kind of wisdom that's supposed to come from that.
They understand without the drive for money, the drive for power, the drive for this, that, and the other, that they can just live a simpler way with nature and
the way we're supposed to be. So we do also see that as well. So it is interesting that, as you say,
at the basis of this, we're not seeing an entirely fictionalized presentation. But again,
we've got to be a bit careful as to where we assume Herodotus is still being
right, where we assume that the Hippocratic writings are still correct, things like that.
CB. Before we move on, what's also this thing with headhunting?
RL. Headhunting. Another cliché, I'm afraid, that we get of the northern tribes or northern
cultures from Rome and Greece. Headhunting is like the antithesis of, shall we say, civilized life. It's the idea of
going around and actually hunting people down specifically to take trophies and things like
that. It was for a very long time assumed again that this is just, like I said, a cliche. However,
one of the sites we're going to talk about, there is actually potentially evidence, possibly,
evidence, possibly, of human skulls being worked to transform into drinking vessels, which is a story Herodotus tells us that the Scythians do. I say, allegedly, this is not
accepted across the board by all scholars. It is a bit debated, but it just becomes more plausible,
and ultimately, they are headhunting. That might also explain a lot of the cultural fear that goes with it.
Again, it's that idea of where reality and myth blend and where they are actually
distinct from each other.
So, you know, the bogeyman suddenly becomes a lot scarier.
Well, let's move on then towards that settlement that we're going to be talking
about as you hinted at there, Owen.
And I feel the good question to lead us in towards that is, we
always think, well you've already used the word nomadic or semi-nomadic to describe these small
Scythian groups roaming the Great Steppe, but did they have towns? Did they have urban areas too?
Yes, no. It's basically the answer. Ultimately, we have found evidence. We have found sites where clearly
Scythian culture exists in a stationary state, shall we say. So the site I'm going to talk about
is a place called Bilsk, which is sort of Northern Ukraine, which is a massive wooden fortification.
Nothing we'd associate with nomadism, nothing we'd necessarily associate with the Scythians,
as we're told about them. It's not uncommon for nomadic or pastoralist groups to have
temporary settlements they go to as they move around and have set camps they go to.
Again, Herodotus tells us this. What's different about Bilsk is just how big it is, and it is an
enormously enclosed space where we have evidence of certain
areas where people are living. But the reason why I'm cagey about this is because there's so much
evidence for so many cultures. We're not 100% sure if the Scythians are staying there, but they
clearly use it. So yes, and maybe no. Well, let's delve into Bilsk now.
So you've highlighted that it's northern Ukraine, but set the scene, the geography, the topography
for us, Owen.
So a massive settlement, but why is it positioned in that area?
Describe Bilsk to us, what the archaeology seems to have revealed.
Okay.
So in terms of where we are geographically, we're at an amazing crossroads between the
steps as we kind of think about it. There's large plains that go all the way east and
the Ukrainian steppe and then we associate with along to Mongolia and all these kinds
of places we've already talked about. But there's also the forest steppe where it's dense woodland and Bilsk is around where those two points meet.
So clearly an important moment of where different lifestyles are blending. So the nomadic,
horse-based life of the plains meeting the more agro-pastoralist life elsewhere. But it's also connected by the river systems that
cut through what is now Ukraine. So in terms of transport, it is an amazing place to link north
beyond Ukraine, east towards Siberia, west towards central Europe, and south to the Black Sea, which
takes you to the Greek lands, which takes you to the Greek lands, which
takes you to the west coast of the Persian Empire, which takes you down to Egypt. So
in terms of a single place that links so many different ways of life, so many different
markets and so many different trade cultures, it is just fascinating. And as a result, it
becomes this amazing melting pot of all of this going
on at the same time. So that's the kind of location we're talking about. That's the
significance of this location. And in terms of the archaeology and the history as a historian,
it brings together cultures we don't read about coming together in the history books.
So again, it allows us to really fill out a picture of more global history beyond just the Black Sea beyond just Greece and Rome and things like that. So it is an amazing insight into that in terms of the size of this thing. You cannot overstate.
How big this place is.
talking, it's just wooden walls. Nothing particularly fancy in its design, but the wooden walls stand about nine meters tall. So it's tall, but we're talking large in terms of height
surrounded by ditches though ditches are like five meters deep. There's a massive undertaking
to create this hill fort perimeter actually is the combination of more than one small
fort that then gets connected. Okay. And the overall perimeter is about 33 kilometers long.
33 kilometers.
Wow.
It creates sort of like a triangle shape.
It actually connects three smaller forts with one big wall.
And so 33 kilometers, that's put that in context.
You know, that sounds big.
How big are we talking?
The Aurelian walls of Rome, that we're looking sort of third century AD, the walls that got
built were in Rome, around 19 kilometers.
Wow.
Yeah.
In terms of footprint, it's something like, it's just under 5,000 hectares, which is like
double the size of Imperial Rome, five times the size of Babylon.
It's about the size of Manhattan Island with a
little bit of wiggle room.
For a London-based one, the wall circuit by Septimius Severus in the early third century
AD is just two miles long. So this in comparison, or three kilometres long.
Even five kilometres.
Well, exactly. Yeah. So that's three kilometres long. So compare that to Bilsk and Bilsk is absolutely gigantic compared to the
area of the city of London, let's say. It is absolutely enormous and this is why it's so
unexpected. It's also why it's so important. The most interesting thing for me is most of the
centre of it is empty. You've got all this space and there's nothing seemingly in it. It's not
like they filled it with houses, they filled it with loads of buildings, they haven't built a city
as such. This is why we're archaeologists are really trying to piece together what is this space
for. One of the theories, and it is just one theory, but I quite like it, is one reason you'd have such a large space is to home a large nomadic group with their horses
and everything with it for periods, and then they move on. So whilst we have static life there as
well, what you and I might think of as urban life, what we have with this massive gap is potentially
is this to accommodate nomadism or pastoralism. Maybe that explains why
there's such a large empty space. In terms of man hours, in terms of the effort to build this,
in terms of all these things, it doesn't make a lot of sense on its own.
It's interesting though, isn't it? You've also highlighted though, although there are those great
almost empty areas. There are specific areas for industry,
is there a specific area for agriculture, another one for ceremony. So within you still have those
specific areas within the larger emptiness within this great wall circuit.
Yeah. And this is why scholars and archaeologists and the researchers looking at places like bills could really try to look at it in terms of not this is a one cultures.
Place this is their city this is their fortification they look at it in terms of different groups using it.
So we do have evidence of the city culture so we have the triad i mentioned so in the burials around bills we havek, we have the triad, we have proof of it. We even have evidence of industry there making things as part of that Scythian triad. So they're
making some of those artifacts on site. So clearly they're producing for the Scythians
as well. But we also have evidence that shows that the original forts were made by migrants coming
from more central Europe who have come east and possibly from around maybe the northern Balkans.
It's hard to entirely map out exactly where they've come from, but they seem to be coming
from those sort of regions and have come and done it. And Interestingly, it's one of the few Scythian groups
that Herodotus describes as autochthonous, so indigenous. He describes the group who built
a city called Golanus, which may be Bilsk, we don't know. Could be Bilsk, seems to sound a bit
like Bilsk, but he describes the people who made it as autochthonous, as of the earth, so they're born where they live, which of course goes against the whole idea of nomadism. So we do have evidence of that group,
we have evidence obviously of the Scythians, we have evidence of Greeks possibly even living there,
we have not just trade items, but what we might call quite mundane day-to-day items like lamps and
torches basically to help see around around. We also have evidence of
the Hallstatt culture, which is sort of proto-Celtic, which we associate with slightly further west.
You preempted my question there because you mentioned before. No, absolutely, that's fine,
because we're on the right track. We're thinking parallel on this. You mentioned earlier the word
hillforts. You immediately associate, and I was thinking of somewhere maybe like Maiden Castle with those huge ramparts and ditches.
You can imagine a great wooden wall being atop Maiden Castle in Dorset, one of the biggest
hillforts in Britain.
But what also really interested me was when you mentioned the interior and large areas of it
being empty and then special areas for manufacturing and industry, but then tombs outside,
you can almost imagine the tombs lining up, you up, so people would see them on their way in.
And that, weirdly, there seems to be big similarities with a particular place in Britain called
Colchester.
I'm not suggesting any- Of course not.
They know Iron Age, Chemiludinum, Iron Age, Colchester and Bielsk, but this link there
that I find fascinating
is surrounding Colchester, you don't have kind of a wall circuit, you have these dikes, these great dike systems which seem to funnel traffic in. But the interior of Cameludinum of Iron Age,
Colchester was the same. There was areas for industry, areas for agriculture, manufacture,
but large areas of it was empty. So it's a fascinating
parallel. And that was kind of the Iron Age British culture, in
the fact that it was a very different style of settlement to
that which a Greek or Roman would define as a town as an
urbanized center as urbanism. So it's a fascinating example of how
urbanism is different. It's different in the minds of people beyond the Greek and Roman
worlds.
RL Yeah, absolutely. And if you wanted to bring it back to the Greek perspective on
all this. So we're talking about, this is fascinating, this is interesting, what's actually
going on here, nomads with static fortifications, what's happening. Herodotus had the same problem.
So he had the same question, which is how can there be this massive city up in the north somewhere
with nomads? So in his own explanation for it, he basically describes a wooden city that looks
remarkably like a Greek one. He even describes Greek temples and pillars and things like this
being built out of wood. His explanation
is it's not possible that the Scythians did it, so they must have had Greeks with them.
So the Greeks did it for them, and then the Scythians could live alongside them. So that's
almost his way of explaining away this confusion. But of course, we know. Well, we don't need
to explain that away. But yeah, it is absolutely fascinating. Of course, there is no direct link between these things. I know there is a radical conspiracy that the
Scythians made all the way to Ireland. There is no proof to that, but beyond exceptionalism.
But yeah, there is no connection here between them. So it is just an interesting thing where
humans are doing similar things to solve similar problems when they're not connected, which is a major thing which I became obsessed
with writing the book of Adum, where human ingenuity solves problems as they come to
a various society or a culture. Sometimes they solve it the same way, sometimes they solve it
a different way. But what's so amazing and the reason why we love history so much is because humans are so alike and yet so different. And it's just fascinating
to see how different people dealt with the same problems.
Well, let's move on to the far-reaching contacts of Bilsk when the Siddians are there,
but Greeks seem to be there as well. So how far-reaching were the contacts that Bilsk, when the Scythians are there, but Greeks seem to be there as well. So how far
reaching were the contacts that Bilsk had with the outside world? Does it get to the
Mediterranean? Does it get beyond the Mediterranean?
The most amazing discovery I came across from my research was a burial just outside Bilsk
of a woman, presumably an elite woman. We don't know her standing. We don't know
her role. She could be a priestess, she could be a leader. We don't know, but she's clearly an
elite woman because it's a very ornate burial and she's buried with some amazing items such as an
ornate headdress, bronze mirrors, jewelry, and all these sort of things that you can associate.
There's even a sacrifice goat in there, so clearly there's rituals going on in the burial, things like that. But for us, the most interesting thing at this point is the
decorative beads that have been found, which you wouldn't necessarily focus on when you're looking
at it. It was part of a necklace made from faience, which is an item usually associated with Egypt.
We also have an amulet in the shape of a scarab,
an item and a design you'd associate with Egypt. The scarab, we don't have the blue glaze on it
now, but you can still see the remnants of it. And on the bottom of it, it's inscribed with two
hieroglyphs. Again, the written language of Egypt. And the two images are a cobra and a scorpion,
two creatures that at this point
were not indigenous to the region at all. So you have ancient Egyptian script found
in a tomb, in a rich tomb outside Bilsk in northern Ukraine.
2000 kilometers away from Egypt itself. Yes we do. That's how interconnected the ancient world
can be. It doesn't mean anyone in Bilsk is really aware can be. It doesn't mean anyone in Bilsk
is really aware of Egypt. It doesn't mean anyone in Egypt is particularly aware of Bilsk.
What we've got is an interconnected marketplace and trade network that spans thousands and
thousands of kilometres that allows Egypt to appear in northern Ukraine. We don't even
know how it got there. It may have come via Greece,
it may have come via Persia and their trade networks. It might come through another trade
network we don't know anything about. What is just fascinating is one, an Egyptian set of items
appears there and two, that someone who is not Greek living in Bilsk, presumably Scythian, wants this and wants that artifact,
those items from Egypt. So they clearly hold some sort of prestige to it, probably because of how
expensive they would have been. And so if we've got the Greeks stretching, they've got cities and settlements in the
Black Sea, there are contacts with ancient Egypt. Let's say it was a Greek trader, if
we focus on this particular object, who was coming from the Mediterranean world, or maybe from Egypt, and
he's got these Egyptian goods with him. And he ultimately
wants to reach Bilsk. How would a Greek trader get to Bilsk? I
mean, from the Black Sea, it still seems a long way from the
Black Sea to reach Bilsk.
Yeah, it's that river network I was talking about. That's how
things travel so quickly and so effortlessly north through it.
As I said, BILSK is perfectly situated to combine so many different trade networks around
Eurasia.
So it would actually have been quite simple, whether it be by boat or carts.
I personally wouldn't do that.
I would get on the water and do it quicker.
Of course, Greek traders, this is what they do. This is all they ever do. They know how to go around environments. They know how to find the best marketplaces. They know how to sell their
wares to people. This is why we see Greek objects such as fine pottery, such as wine and foray,
much further beyond the cultural boundaries of the Greek world.
It's very easy for us to think, oh, well, it's because Greek culture is so enticing,
everyone wants it. Whereas really, some of this has to come down to the fact that the Greeks are
really good at pushing their stuff. They're very good at convincing everyone you want this.
So it would not have been difficult for them at all.
We're obviously talking about the more foreign goods to the Greeks as well with these Egyptian
items, but also wine. The pottery I was talking about, fine pottery, this is all found in and
around what is now Ukraine. I mean, so much so, wine is a really interesting one because the Scythians
don't produce wine themselves, so all the wine
they have comes to them from Greece and possibly Persia as well. Yet the Greeks consider the
Scythians heavy drunks, so they drink wine wrong. They drink wine without water added to it. Greek
wine is made to a particular strength. Not that strong to be fair we're talking maybe nine to twelve percent.
As it is now but in ancient greece you have water so i'm the amount of water you have in kind of determines the sort of sophistication.
What what's going on and the satians were renowned for drinking without adding water and And so you get this description in Greek writing
as drinking Scythian wine, which is basically unwatered down. So you're going to be a drunken
sod. You're going to basically get one of a better word in English vernacular. You're going to get
bladdered. And I just find it really interesting that it holds this reputation as a society,
that they can't drink
properly, they're barbaric, look at them, and it's an item, it is a drink given to them by the Greeks.
ALICE Completely pissed Scythians, look at that. But it's interesting, isn't it? Because I know
also one of the key aspects of ancient Greek culture is the drinking party, it's the symposium,
and the person in charge of one of these drinking parties
would determine how watered down the wine would be for the event, depending on what kind of event
you want. You can imagine if some elite Scythians at Bilsk, they get the wine in and they hear about
the drinking party culture and then they try to reenact that, but they decide we're not going to
put any water in this, any drinking party that
they went to, they're just going to get absolutely hammered because it is full-blooded alcoholic wine
that they're importing and they're not watering it at all. Yeah, this is ultimately it. So this is
also why we've got to make sure we're not looking at everything entirely through Greek eyes.
So it might well be that they are drinking it without watering it down. But as
I just said to you, this wine is not like 20% or plus, we're not talking spirits. And we would
be considered drinking a wine that was way too strong for the Greeks now. So context and a little
bit of realism into this conversation as well. I was going back to also what you were saying about
how the Greeks, there's a historical basis for
much of what they say about the Scythians, but then they kind of breed up to 11 to define them
as the antithesis, as the opposite to civilised Greeks. So wine is something that, evidently,
the Scythians buy from the Greeks. And as you say, it's replicated elsewhere in the world where the
Greeks meet with barbarian peoples. I think in
southern France with the Gauls is another example, isn't it? But what about the other way? What did
the Greek traders come into somewhere like Bilwisk? What goods were they after that the Scythians were
renowned for? I suppose the key ones is all the Scythian cultures, especially around the Black Sea,
are renowned for their metalwork. And if you ever just Google Scythian art, Scythian cultures, especially around the Black Sea, are renowned for their metalwork. If you ever just Google Scythian goldwork artifacts and just look at what was being
made, it is beautiful, intricate work.
Precious metals, precious metal goods, absolutely.
Around the Black Sea, there does seem to be one of the key areas for grain.
Not the only one, but it is a key area for grain. So,
again, they'll be trading in grain and food goods and things like that. But also, they seem to be
getting quite a lot of enslaved people via this trade route as well. So, we see Scythians appear
in Athens as slaves and things like that. So, there's clearly a trade link there via those roots.
But we also get the blending of things. So, you wouldn't necessarily say it's Scythian items, but we do see Greco-Scythian art styles appear, where you get
the more naturalistic human forms of art, but with the craftsmanship and the skill of Scythian
production. So we get this lovely blending of artifacts as well, or blending of artistic cultures going on throughout. So yeah, those are the sort of things that
you're getting from Scythia predominantly.
That blending of art cultures is interesting because, so are we talking, if it's the animalistic
art of Scythia, but the Greeks, it's like the pottery or wall paintings. Do you kind
of see that kind of mix in artistic depictions? Are there more
horses visible? What is that unique blend that you get with the Sidians and the Greeks?
So from the region around the Black Sea, one of the things you get is a, like I said, what we
what you might describe is more naturalistic art. So it's trying to look like the world as it is,
rather than the fantastical world of the animalistic style I was talking about earlier with the swirls and the beauty and things like that where it looks almost fantastical.
So we have artifacts of Scythian men just sorting out their bows and arrows. So it has,
I wouldn't describe it as mundane, I don't think that's fair, but that kind of normal life that
the Greek art forms are really interested in depicting
that we associate with the pottery of Athens and the like, where they're showing normal,
everyday things going on. So we have that, but it's in gold, so like combs made of gold plated
and things like this. And it's just amazing to see. Flip side of that, in Athens itself,
amazing to see. Flip side of that, in Athens itself during this period of exposure to the Scythian world, especially as Athens' empire is building in the fifth century, we start to see
cultures from around the Black Sea starting to be depicted on Greek vases,
and they're most notably identifiable by tattoos. Because tattooing culture is not an Athenian culture. They only tattoo for crime,
more than anything else, or really the enslaved. That's who they're tattooing. Whereas North,
the Thracians, the Assyrians, they tattoo themselves culturally for very different reasons,
for artistic reasons, but also for cultural reasons as well. As the 5th century
goes on, Greek art starts to depict these tattoos in greater and greater detail. They go from
wobbly lines on a leg that clearly just look at this foreign person, isn't it weird? Then by the
sort of beginning of the 4th century, they painstakingly depict very different tattoos on a single body to show the variety of what's
going on.
So I also love the idea that not only are they trading with the Scythians for food and
for slaves and all these things, they're also sharing artistic trends and ideas are coming
back and forth as well.
And we see that in the art.
So it's not just a movement of physical goods, it's also ideas as well, which is fascinating.
So alongside furs, metals, enslaved people, as you say, there's also these ideas and people
travelling as well. I mean, so was it not just enslaved Scythians who came back to the
Greek world? Should we also be imagining mercenary soldiers, Scythian archers,
philosophers? Do we know much about what types of Scythians ventured to the Greek world?
RL We do have a few stories. You're absolutely right. If we talk about Scythians moving into
the Greek world, the most common thing we would think about is mercenaries and slaves.
In Athens, there's the Scythian police force. ALICE Oh, the Scythian archers from Aristophanes's
Lycistra to play and all that kind of stuff.
STAN So, what that actually meant in terms of it,
we've got Scythians in Athens being depicted, so they're clearly about. But we do have examples.
We have one example of a guy called Anacarsis, who is a Scythian prince who does come and
travel the Greek world.
He is depicted very much as a philosopher, and he's traveling the Greek world to learn
all the knowledge bases that the Greek world have, but from the perspective of an outsider.
I mentioned to you earlier that sometimes the Scythians are depicted as this noble, savage
figure, and he is a classic example of that. There's one story where he meets Solon, the
legendary lawgiver of Athens. Solon is talking to him and explaining his new plan for his new laws
that are basically going to create democracy in the long run. And it would become
that foundation. To the Greek mind, this is a pivotal individual who gave the very essence
of Athenian democracy its early shoots, its beginning. Anacastus is beautifully blunt,
and he's beautifully laconic with his words. He's told the laws and he describes
them as being like a spider's web, basically saying, what you're doing is you're creating
a spider's web around the people of what would be Athens. He says, they would hold the weak,
that is, the web itself would hold the weak and delicate who might be caught in them.
So the weakest and the poorest would be caught up in
these webs, but they would be ripped apart by those with power and money.
So from the very early fledglings of democracy and outside Scythian philosopher went,
this is only going to control the poor and the rich will always find a way to break through it.
If that's not a relevant story to today, I don't know what
is Tristan. But this individual's legacy within the Greek world is he's often named as one of the
seven sages of the ancient world. So this list of the great philosophers of the Greek world,
alongside people like Solon, he sometimes appears on that list. That's how he's remembered,
but only through the Greek tradition.
We obviously have no evidence whatsoever of a Scythian tradition of him.
We don't even know if he's necessarily even real, which is quite frustrating.
But I like to assume he is.
I mean, what a nice story and a nice character, a Scythian character to finish this on Owen.
I think that about wraps up our chat today.
We've covered a lot of ground exploring the Scythians, the Greek view towards the Scythians and touching a bit on
the archaeology too, whether it supports it or not. Owen, last but certainly not least, tell us
a bit about your new book and how the story of the Scythians and particularly Bilsk fits into this new
book. So Bilsk is a chapter from my latest book, The Far Edges of the Known World.
And it sits within a series of chapters
that looks at life at the edge
or beyond the edges of the ancient world
as it's normally taught.
So the world of Greece, the world of Rome
and the world of pharaonic Egypt.
I wanted to kind of look at what life was like for
everyone else. So, you know, what was life like as a Greek living so far away from Greece,
places like Olbia, places in Ukraine, but also I wanted to get the other cultural perspectives
as well. So actually, what is actually going on in Scythian land when we don't necessarily
just listen to the Greeks. So it sits alongside other
towns, whether it be Naucatus, a Greek city in Egypt, or Hadrian's Wall in the Roman life up in
Northern England, but also places like Taktila, which is in Pakistan, and Kholowar, which I know
you've had a fantastic podcast on as well, in ancient Vietnam. So it really looks at life
at the edge and beyond the edge of
the known world as the Greeks and Romans perceived it.
It's an incredibly important book and one that shines a light on these often overlooked
areas of the ancient world. So Owen, it just goes to me to say thank you so much for taking
the time to come back on the podcast today.
Thank you so much for having me Tristan.
Well there you go, there was Dr Owen Reese talking you through the story of the Scythians and their interactions with the ancient Greeks.
I hope you enjoyed today's episode.
If you want to learn more about the archaeology of the Scythians, these various groups that roamed the Great Steppe in antiquity,
then you can listen to three further episodes we've done on the topic.
Two of them have a particular focus on the archaeology of ancient Kazakhstan, Gold of the Great Steppe
and Kazakhstan's Valley of Kings. The other episode is with the one and only military
historian Mike Lodes exploring horse archery by the Scythians. That was one of the first
episodes I ever recorded, so if you want to listen to that one, well you're going to
have to delve deep into the Ancients Archive.
Do go and check out those episodes if you want to learn more about the Sibians.
Thank you once again for listening to this episode.
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