The Breakdown - A Better(?) Approach to Fixing the Broken Global Trading System
Episode Date: April 27, 2025A reading and discussion inspired by https://www.foreignaffairs.com/world/global-trading-system-was-already-broken Sponsored by: Crypto Tax Calculator Accurate Crypto Taxes. No Gu...esswork. Say goodbye to tax season headaches with Crypto Tax Calculator: Generate accurate, CPA-endorsed tax reports fully compliant with IRS rules. Seamlessly integrate with 3000+ wallets, exchanges, and on-chain platforms. Import reports directly into TurboTax or H&R Block, or securely share them with your accountant. Exclusive Offer: Use the code BW2025 to enjoy 30% off all paid plans. Don’t miss out - offer expires 15 April 2025! Ledger Ledger, the world leader in digital asset security, proudly sponsors The Breakdown podcast. Celebrating 10 years of protecting over 20% of the world’s crypto, Ledger ensures the security of your assets. For the best self-custody solution in the space, buy a LEDGER™ device and secure your crypto today. Buy now on Ledger.com. Enjoying this content? SUBSCRIBE to the Podcast: https://pod.link/1438693620 Watch on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/nathanielwhittemorecrypto Subscribe to the newsletter: https://breakdown.beehiiv.com/ Join the discussion: https://discord.gg/VrKRrfKCz8 Follow on Twitter: NLW: https://twitter.com/nlw Breakdown: https://twitter.com/BreakdownNLW
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Welcome back to The Breakdown with me, NLW.
It's a daily podcast on macro, Bitcoin, and the big picture power shifts remaking our world.
What's going on, guys? It is Sunday, April 27th, and that means it's time for Long Read Sunday.
Before we get into that, however, if you are enjoying the breakdown, please go subscribe to it,
give it a rating, give it a review, or if you want to dive deeper into the conversation,
come join us on the Breakers Discord. You can find a link in the show notes or go to bit.ly slash
breakdown pod. All right, friends, well, it will surprise you not a lot of
all, that the discourse continues to be squarely focused on Trump's tariffs, and today we here at
the breakdown have done the impossible. We have found a piece that sort of strikes a middle-of-the-line
tone around them, or at least extrapolates out and talks about the larger context rather than just
focusing on the numbers themselves. The piece is by well-known thinker and Carnegie Endowment
Senior Associate Michael Pettus. It's called the global trading system was already broken. Now it's
subtitle, but there's a better way to fix it than a reckless tariff regime, gives you a sense of where
Michael is headed, but it still gets at some important points. So let's turn it over to an AI version of
myself for this fairly long read, and then we'll come back with a quick wrap-up.
The sweeping tariffs announced by U.S. President Donald Trump on April 2nd, along with the
subsequent postponements and retaliations, have unleashed an enormous amount of global uncertainty.
Much of the world's attention is on the chaotic short-term consequences of these policies,
wild stock market fluctuations, concerns about the U.S. bond market, fears of a recession,
and speculation about how different countries will negotiate or react.
But whatever happens in the near term, this much is clear.
Trump's policies reflect a transformation of the global trade and capital regime that had already
started.
One way or another, a dramatic change of some kind was necessary to address imbalances in the global
economy that have been decades in the making.
Current trade tensions are the result of a disconnect between the needs of individual economies
and the needs of the global system.
Although the global system benefits from rising wages, which push up to the economic
demand for producers everywhere, tensions arise when individual countries can grow more quickly
by boosting their manufacturing sectors at the expense of wage growth, for example, by directly and
indirectly suppressing growth in household income relative to growth in worker productivity.
The result is a global trading system in which, to their collective detriment, countries compete
by keeping wages down.
The tariff regime Trump announced earlier this month is unlikely to solve this problem.
To be effective, American trade policy must either reverse the same,
imbalance in the rest of the world, or it must limit Washington's role in accommodating it.
Bilateral tariffs do, neither. But because something must replace the current system,
policymakers would be wise to start crafting a sensible alternative. The best outcome would be a new
global trade agreement among economies that commit to managing their domestic economic imbalances,
rather than externalizing them in the form of trade surpluses. The result would be a customs union,
like the one proposed by the economist John Maynard Keynes at the Bretton Woods Conference in 1944.
Parties to this agreement would be required to roughly balance their exports and imports
while restricting trade surpluses from countries outside the trade agreement.
Such a union could gradually expand to the entire world,
leading to both higher global wages and better economic growth.
Keynes' plan failed to carry the day at Breton Woods,
largely because the United States, the leading surplus economy at the time, opposed it.
Today, however, there is a chance to revive and adapt his proposal.
To understand what ails the global trading system, consider how wages shape an individual economy.
Higher wages are usually good for the economy because they boost demand for businesses
while increasing their incentive to invest in efficiency.
The result is a virtuous cycle.
The growing demand spurs increased investment into ways of producing more,
with fewer workers, raising economic productivity, which in turn drives further increases
in wages.
individual businesses, however, have different incentives. They can boost profits by suppressing wages.
The problem is that although lower wages can benefit an individual business, they reduce the
profits of others. In an economy in which business investment is mainly constrained by whether
there is demand for more production, if businesses collectively suppress wages, either household
and fiscal debt must rise to replace the lost demand, or total production and business profits
will decline. Although this phenomenon, sometimes called Mikkel-Kalecki's paradox of
costs, name for the economist who first proposed it, mainly describes businesses, it also applies
to countries in a global economy. If suppressing wage growth can make manufacturing in one country
more globally competitive, it can generate faster growth for that country by subsidizing and boosting
manufacturing exports. But if all countries suppress wage growth, growth in global demand is reduced,
and all countries suffer. In a highly globalized world where some states are more successful
than others at suppressing labor costs, the result is an asymmetry in the demand for and supply of goods.
Because businesses do not have to make products in the same places where they sell them,
local labor costs become crucial to the competitiveness of manufacturers.
Businesses that shift production to countries where labor costs are lower relative to workers'
productivity can produce goods more cheaply, making their products more attractive globally.
In any given state, wage suppression puts downward pressure on domestic consumption
while subsidizing domestic production.
This results in a rising gap between production and consumption, which, if it remains within the economy,
must be balanced by raising domestic investment, which can further exacerbate the gap between
production and consumption.
Otherwise, the gap invariably reverses either via raising wages or by cutting back on production.
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But in a globalized economy, there is another option, running a trade surplus.
This allows the country to export the cost of the gap between consumption and production
to trade partners.
This is why, in 1937, the economist Joan Robinson referred to the trade surpluses that resulted
from suppressed domestic demand as the consequences of Beggar My Neighbor policies.
It is also why, at the Bretton Woods Conference in 1944, Keynes opposed a global trading system
that allowed countries to run large, persistent trade surpluses.
a system that accommodated these surpluses, he said,
would encourage countries eager to expand manufacturing
to subsidize it at the cost of domestic demand.
The result, Keynes explained,
would be downward pressure on global demand
as countries fought to remain competitive
by suppressing wage growth.
The country's most successful at doing so
would become the winners of global trade.
Their share of global manufacturing would expand
while that of their trade partner's contracts.
Keynes instead called for countries
to learn to provide themselves with full employment,
by their domestic policy. In such a world, he argued, there would not be important economic forces
calculated to set the interest of one country against that of its neighbors. At the time that Keynes and
Robinson were writing, the cost of Beggar Thy Neighbor policies came mainly in the form of
higher unemployment, as higher exports, unbalanced by higher imports, undermined manufacturers
in trade deficit countries, and forced them to lay off workers. But after the world abandoned
the Bretton Wood system in the early 1970s, government,
including the U.S. government, learned to allay the costs of unemployment, either by lowering
interest rates to encourage consumer lending, or through unrestricted deficit spending. The United States
thus disguised the employment consequences of running a consistent trade deficit, but it did so
through surging household and fiscal debt. The link between the internal imbalances of one country
and those of its trade partners has implications that economists sometimes fail to fully understand.
In every economy, internal and external economic imbalances must align, just as each country's external
imbalances must align with the external imbalances of the rest of the world.
This means that countries able to control their internal imbalances will at least partially
drive the internal imbalances of trade partners.
It is why in any globalized system, as the economist Donnie Roderick has explained,
countries must choose either more global integration or more control over the domestic economy.
Within Roderick's formulation, there are at least two very different ways of understanding globalization.
In the one most analysts assume describes the world,
major economies all chose to give up broadly the same degree of control over their domestic economies
in favor of more global integration.
Global trade is thus generally balanced as market forces reverse government policies that create
internal imbalances.
If a country runs large, persistent trade surpluses, for example, its currency will appreciate
or its wages will rise, making its goods more.
expensive. That will, in turn, cause the trade surplus to shrink as the welfare of domestic households
expands. In the other model of globalization, one that better describes the world as it is,
some major economies exert less control over their domestic economies in favor of more global
integration, whereas others choose to retain control over their domestic economies, perhaps
by controlling wage growth or determining domestic prices and allocation of credit, or restricting
trade and capital accounts. To the extent that the latter set of states intervene to prevent their
domestic economic imbalances from reversing, they effectively impose their internal imbalances
on countries that retain less control over their trade and capital accounts. If they choose
industrial policies aimed at expanding their manufacturing sectors, for example, they are also
implicitly imposing industrial policies on their trade partners, albeit ones that result in a relative
contraction in those partners' manufacturing industries. This is precisely. This is precisely.
precisely the kind of globalization that Keynes and Robinson opposed. It is the kind of globalization
that allows governments to pursue Kaleckian strategies that are expansionary for their economies,
but contractionary for the global economy as a whole. If globalization is to thrive,
the world must revert to a kind of globalization where countries export in order to import
and where a country's production, consumption, and investment imbalances are resolved domestically,
not foisted onto trade partners. The world requires, in other words, a new global trade regime
where countries agree to restrain their domestic imbalances and match domestic demand with domestic
supply. Only then will states no longer be forced to absorb one another's internal imbalances.
The best way to achieve this kind of globalization is to create a new customs union,
along the lines of what Keynes proposed at Breton Woods. States that join would agree to keep trade
between them broadly balanced with penalties for members that fail. But they would also erect
trade barriers against countries that don't participate in order to protect themselves from
imbalances outside the customs union. Trade would not be expected to balance bilaterally, of course,
but rather across all trade partners. Its members would have to commit to managing their economies
in ways that would not externalize the costs of their own domestic policies. In that system,
every country could choose its own preferred development path, yet it could not do so in ways that
inflict the costs of domestic imbalances on trade partners. Smaller, less developed economies
might receive some limited exemptions from the union's rules. Many countries, especially ones that
have structured their economies around low domestic demand and permanent surpluses,
might initially refuse to join such a union, but organizers could start by gathering a small
group of countries that make up the bulk of global trade deficits, such as Canada, India,
Mexico, the United Kingdom, and the United States, and bringing them into it. These states,
would have every incentive to join, and once they did, the rest of the world would eventually
have to participate. If deficit countries refused to run permanent deficits, after all, surplus
countries cannot run permanent surpluses. They would instead be forced to raise domestic
consumption or domestic investment, either of which would be good for global demand, or they would
have no choice but to reduce domestic overproduction. If the world created such a customs union,
international trade would cease to be, as Keynes wrote, a desperate expedient to maintain employment
at home by forcing sales on foreign markets and restricting purchases. The reason countries
maximize exports would no longer be to export the cost of subsidizing domestic manufacturing,
but rather to maximize imports and household welfare. If such a customs union isn't possible,
however, the most likely outcome is the beggar-thy-neigh-neigh-neighbor game, predicted by Robinson,
in which states endeavor to throw a larger share of the burden upon the others, as she wrote.
As soon as one succeeds in increasing its trade balance at the expense of the rest, others retaliate,
and the total volume of international trade sinks continuously.
That seems to be the condition into which the world has been heading.
It is what has delivered Trump's tariffs, along with rising trade complaints from people around the globe.
Until policymakers change the incentives for economies, international trade tensions will not abate.
All right, back to Real NLW here, just for a very quick wrap-up.
There are really two points being made in Michael's piece.
The first is a specific policy remediation and something he'd like to see, which is a return
of some version of the customs union that was proposed by John Maynard Keynes at Bretton Woods
back in 1944.
Michael shared some specific arguments for this type of thinking and this type of remediation
for this global trade problem.
But the second part, which I think in many ways is more significant, is the acknowledgement
that even if the cure has been or felt in some ways worse than the disease, an acknowledgement
that Trump didn't come in like a wrecking ball to a highly functional system. He came into something
that was creaking, bloated, problematic, with issues both discreet and comprehensive, where something
had to give. Now, we can and will continue to debate the scalpel versus shotgun strategy here,
but I think that the more that we can have conversations, particularly around this president,
that start with being able to acknowledge the context in which he's operating, the better off will be.
For now that that's going to do it for today's breakdown. Appreciate you listening, as always,
and until next time, be safe and take care of each other. Peace.
