The Breakdown - De-Globalization vs. De-Nationification: Which Trend Wins?
Episode Date: July 8, 2021Today on “The Breakdown,” NLW explores what he calls “the shifting tectonic plates of the global social order.” On one side, he argues, are the forces of de-globalization, with nations turning... inward and focusing on economic sovereignty. Part of that is states exerting more control over corporations and Big Tech. On the other is a process of de-nationification, where powers previously reserved for states – such as printing money – are increasingly in the hands of new internet-based networks and corporations. This shapes the larger context of crypto disruption and puts a lens on understanding the growing regulatory debate. -- Enjoying this content? SUBSCRIBE to the Podcast Apple: https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1438693620?at=1000lSDb Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/show/538vuul1PuorUDwgkC8JWF?si=ddSvD-HST2e_E7wgxcjtfQ Google: https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9ubHdjcnlwdG8ubGlic3luLmNvbS9yc3M= Follow on Twitter: NLW: https://twitter.com/nlw Breakdown: https://twitter.com/BreakdownNLW The Breakdown is sponsored by NYDIG and produced and distributed by CoinDesk.com
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Welcome back to The Breakdown with me, NLW.
It's a daily podcast on macro, Bitcoin, and the big picture power shifts remaking our world.
The breakdown is sponsored by Nidig and produced and distributed by CoinDesk.
What's going on, guys? It is Wednesday, July 7th.
As I say at the beginning of every show, the breakdown is about the big picture power shifts remaking our world.
I've been reflecting across some of the news stories I've covered,
and wanted to address over the last few days
and found a curious tension
in the underlying trends I think they represent.
In many ways, these stories of Binance,
of China, of big tech
show two separate forces
that are both exerting themselves
on the global landscape
and competing to shape the future.
Those forces are, one,
a de-globalization and retreat
from an integrated global economic and political system,
and two, a denationalization
or maybe better put a de-emphasis on the nation-state as the locus of global power.
It's fascinating and probably not accidental that these two trends are happening in parallel,
and I think in many ways they represent the tectonic plates of global social order.
Let's discuss de-globalization first.
Globalization as a force arguably precedes the modern state.
Take, for example, Columbus's voyage to the new world.
He was a Genoese merchant who used connections with other Genoese,
to win royal backing for his expeditions. The most famous, of course, came in 1492,
and that particular trip was backed by Queen Isabella and King Ferdinand of, well, not Spain exactly,
but the newly combined, thanks to their marriage, kingdoms of Aragon and Castile.
It was the global connections of the proto-Italiant Merchant Network that got financing
for an expedition from the leaders of what would become Spain to go on a journey that would
eventually lead to the colonization of North and South America. The point here is that money and
networks and political power have been intertwined for a very long time. Still, that's not usually
what people refer to when they're discussing globalization. Instead, they're usually discussing
a post-World War II process of global economic integration, and especially a post-Cold
war process that organized the world around the access of exclusive American political,
economic, and military hegemony. This is the globalization of the 1990s in 2000s, and institutions
like the World Trade Organization and the World Economic Forum and the like.
This globalization has, we might say, a mixed record when it comes to people's perspectives.
On the one hand, it has undeniably made the cost of consumer goods the world over come down.
On the other hand, big swaths of America have had to deal with structural changes in their
employment and their lives that have come with a set of unintended consequences.
One might say we traded cheap flat-screen TVs for the opioid crisis.
That, of course, is absurdly reductive for a process so-com.
complex, as well as reductive to the benefits that integrated global trade bring in terms of
global conflict, cultural accessibility, and more. But there is another part of globalization
consequences that were more acutely on display last year during the coronavirus crisis.
To use another reductive framework, although this one I think is a little more apt, part of the
bargain of globalization was trading resilience for efficiency. Just in time supply chains that
don't have to care about the politics of geography are incredibly efficient, but they're also
very fragile. This was on clear display as the COVID pandemic hit, and we were unable either to
source nor produce personal protective equipment for frontline medical professionals. In fact,
the two biggest moments of the global shift away from globalization were the great financial
crisis in 2008, 2009, which convinced many around the world that there were hidden downsides
to global economic integration, specifically around cascading financial risk, and COVID-19,
which made people reconsider seriously what was made where and how.
Last year, it took almost no time to make this connection, and of course, the Chinese origin of the
virus was part of it. On February 27, 2020, still weeks before the first lockdowns and stock market
tremors in the U.S., the economist published a piece called COVID-19 is teaching hard lessons about
China-only supply chains. At the very least, an emotional decoupling is underway. Two days later,
Bloomberg published how the coronavirus is accelerating de-globalization. A few months later, the Peterson
Institute for International Economics added some numbers to the narrative. They used a measure of
global trade called the Trade Openness Index, which is a measure of world exports divided by world GDP.
They called this a, quote, reasonable proxy for economic integration. From 1945 to 1980,
that grew from 10.1 to 39.5. From 1980 to 2008, it grew from 39.5 to 61.1. Since then,
it has declined to 53.5. There are a variety of reasons people point to to
explain this broader trend. The stall of liberalization of China is one. Reconsidered economic values
of domestic politics in key countries like the U.S. is another. See the America First idea
popularized under President Trump. In this context, COVID just added fuel to the fire.
President Emmanuel Macron from France has said that the coronavirus would, quote,
change the nature of globalization, with which we have lived for the past 40 years, and said that
it was, quote, clear that this kind of globalization was reaching the end of its cycle.
There were countless examples of these types of statements last year.
Scott Morrison, Australia's prime minister, said in a speech before Parliament there,
quote, open trading has been a core part of our prosperity over centuries,
but equally, we need to look carefully at our domestic economic sovereignty as well.
This year, I think we've seen another dimension of the de-globalization story, though,
which isn't just about countries withdrawing from one another.
It's also about national governments trying to re-exert power over other types of institutions,
particularly corporate institutions that they see as infringing on their territory.
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We've seen a little bit of this in the U.S.
There is a distinct return of antitrust sentiment on both sides of the aisle when it comes to big tech.
Both Google and Facebook have been subject to major federal antitrust lawsuits,
and this type of thing feels like it's starting up rather than winding down.
The U.S., however, has nothing on China when it comes to the battle between government and big tech.
This had been happening for a while but culminated last fall when China forced
Ant Financial to withdraw its IPO, one that likely would have been the largest in history.
Over the next few months, Ant was forced to completely restructured to be regulated in a way that
kept them much more in sync with other state-owned banks and state-owned enterprises.
Just yesterday, we discussed how a few days after DD's IPO in American markets, the ride-sharing
company, which is China's biggest, was delisted from app stores at the heast of the CCP,
citing security concerns. This is a massive power projection moment for the Chinese
authorities. Anthony Scaramucci went on CNBC and called it, quote, a direct assault on global capitalism
and, quote, a form of political terrorism. But really what it's showing is that China is now in a new
phase when it comes to what it will and what it won't allow domestic companies to do. A Bloomberg
piece yesterday showed that it is also unlikely to be an isolated action from the Chinese government.
They published a piece called China considers closing loophole used by tech giants for USIPOs,
and how it works legally is actually interesting. Quote,
pioneered by Sinakorp and its investment bankers during the 2000 initial public offering,
the VIE framework has never been formally endorsed by Beijing. It has nevertheless enabled
Chinese companies to sidestep restrictions on foreign investment in sensitive sectors,
including the internet industry. The structure allows a Chinese firm to transfer profits to an offshore
entity, registered in places like the Cayman Islands or the British Virgin Islands,
with shares that foreign investors can then own. While virtually every major Chinese internet
company has used the structure, it's become increasingly worrisome for Beijing as it tightens its
grip on technology firms that have infiltrated every corner of Chinese life and control reams of
consumer data. Basically, China is now working to close this legal loophole that allows these Chinese
companies to operate an IPO outside of their purview, and if it happens, it will sever one of
the strongest ties that has bound the modern globalization enterprise together. That is the tie
between Wall Street and big Chinese firms. However, I said this show is about two competing
forces, and so far I've only discussed the de-globalization side, not the denationalization side.
Not exactly. The reason that governments like the U.S. and China are acting so aggressively
towards corporates and more specifically towards big tech, is that big tech represents a new force
competing for state-like power. There are so many dimensions through which this is playing out.
As highly politicized and partisanized as they are, debates about social media censorship are
in the U.S. on a more fundamental level debates about who has the power.
to determine the public square and the boundaries of free speech.
Up until a decade or so ago, that wasn't a question.
It was just the state.
But now, Facebook has more users than any global country has people.
That creates enormous latent power whether those platforms wish to have it or not.
Twitter's Jack Dorsey is clearly someone who, from his public statements
and his pushes to build a decentralized engine for Twitter and Twitter-like things,
wishes that platform didn't have that power,
although given that they do, he's not unwilling to use it.
And speaking of Dorsey and Zuckerberg and Tech Power versus National Power more broadly,
news is that former President Trump is planning on suing them for banning him,
so that will be another test of this tension.
And yes, by now, you're probably guessing where this goes next.
What's another form of state power that was never really in question about whether it was
only states who had that power that is now having that paradigm upended?
Creation of money, of course.
In many ways, crypto is the most dramatic example of the new competition states have from
non-state actors, and specifically non-state networks, around authorities that they used to take for granted.
When you look at it this way, China's actions cracking down on Bitcoin don't seem all that strange.
They seem like a state that has already shown that it will not countenance the introduction of big tech
firms as a competing power in their jurisdictions.
They seem like a state that views permissionless global peer-to-peer currencies as a threat
to the state-operated surveillance money they're currently testing.
Why then would a different state, the United States, for example, make a different choice?
Don't cryptos threaten the U.S. national governments authority just as much?
Well, remember, states bring with them different types of values.
In the U.S., there is value placed around innovation, and something that comes with that is at least
some amount of comfort with change.
The U.S. also values market choice over central planning.
Cutting off people from exerting free will to buy a new asset strikes many, even those
with power, as fundamentally un-American.
Finally, I think there is some recognition here that the question isn't really about
cryptos. It's about the internet. The great disruptive force that is roiling state power and authority
the world over is the internet itself. Or more specifically, the global networks facilitated by the
internet that allow people to exchange ideas, content, values, and yes, now value, globally, without
intermediaries and without respect for national boundaries. In that light, there are likely to be
two polls that national governments will land between going forward. On the one end of the spectrum
will be those that see threat in every new startup, be it a corporation or a Dow, and we'll do
whatever they can to clamp down and try to keep the next century looking like the last,
with state-level governments as the sole rulers of the roost. On the other end, will be governments
who see the internet's transformative power as inevitable, and who spend their time instead
trying to figure out what the world looks like later, after that transition has more fully sunk
in, and what the governments and jurisdictions that are most successful at that time will
have done. Will they have tried to cling and claw and scrape and scrap for every morsel
of control? Or will that only lead them to having prevented their citizens from enjoying the benefits
that the new technology brings. Will they, on the other hand, have set themselves up to be the
beneficiaries of new trends and new patterns? For example, the global mobility of workers and
corporate organization, and consequently, the global mobility of tax revenue and economic dynamism.
I think it's probably pretty clear from these descriptions what I think, but the point of the show
today is to provide a framework and a lens to see all the news that's happening differently.
When you see stories like Binance temporarily halting payments from the EU's SEPA, single euro
payments area, it's more than just about
finance having a rough week.
So hopefully this paradigm, this framework of
de-globalization versus denationalization
will be a useful tool as you read future news
and listen to future shows.
For now, I appreciate you hanging out
and indulging this rather meta episode of The Breakdown.
Until tomorrow, guys, be safe and take care of each other.
Peace.
