The Bulwark Podcast - Bill Kristol: The Musk of it All
Episode Date: October 7, 2024Do not sleep on this: The billionaire tech bros are on board with the authoritarian project so they can capture the regulatory state. They are showering Trump with money to win his favor and using Van...ce to lock in control of the Republican Party. Plus, Kamala unveils her media strategy, and the damage Israel has done to terror groups since Oct. 7 is significant. Bill Kristol joins Tim Miller. show notes Gifted Nate Cohn piece on the state of the raceÂ
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Visit betterhelp.com today to get 10% off your first month. That's Monday, so I'm here with the editor-at-large of The Bulwark, Bill Kristol.
He's also a longtime member of the Daddy Gang, which we're going to be talking about here in a little bit.
How are you doing, Bill?
I'm fine. I'm fine.
If I knew what the Daddy Gang was, I would rebut that.
Maybe it's a good thing to be a member of the Daddy Gang.
We'll dig deeper.
I should be honored to be thought to be such.
Absolutely. You should be honored.
We have to start with some seriousness.
It is the one-year anniversary of October 7th. I mean, just like the horrors of
that day are still kind of hard to really comprehend. I hate to say it, but without
kind of knowing the exact contours of what would happen in the ensuing year, it's hard to be
surprised that like we've landed in a place a year out where there is still dramatic fallout, where
there's still active military operations, both in Gaza and around the Middle East. So I guess I'm
just curious on your big picture thoughts here, one year following the attack. Yeah, I mean, the
scale and type of atrocity was so horrible that it's honestly hard to even think about. I thought
about writing about it today, and I just thought, you know, I have nothing to say that others haven't said better. So I would also
say that, unfortunately, about here on this podcast, I mean, in terms of where we are a year
later, and let's say geopolitically, on the one hand, it's been a rough year, a lot of people
have been killed and wounded, and a lot of damage has been done in Gaza, but also in Israel and now Lebanon and elsewhere.
And from the beginning, Hezbollah joined on October 8th.
A lot of anti-Semitism around the world, which is very unfortunate.
I would also say, if I can, it's not the right topic to be upbeat on, but an awful lot of friends of mine predicted a much bigger war much more quickly with Iran or even in
Lebanon, real ground war, and that hasn't happened yet. It's a good reminder that these things,
there are surprises on the, I don't want to say upside and downside, but surprises that things
get worse than you expect and also things that can be contained a little more than you expect.
In some ways, you could make just a hard-headed argument that the terrorist groups that most
threaten Israel have been pretty badly damaged.
Israel probably can feel maybe somewhat secure.
Iran's a whole different question.
But leaving Iran aside, which is a big thing to leave aside, you know, maybe the Middle East isn't quite as unstable as one expected it would be after a year of fighting.
It really is kind of astonishing. Most of these wars in recent times, well, really all the Israel wars, have been short or constrained or made short by the U.S. or by other allies.
This one is very much ongoing.
But who knows?
We could be in a totally different situation tomorrow.
Yeah.
We talked about this a little with Michael Weiss last week.
But we would have been in a totally different situation talking about this a month ago. And in the last month, I think there's been just a meaningful positive change on the Israel side of the equation, just as far as the way that Hezbollah has been degraded, the failure of the Iranian attack.
And so, you know, it is a dynamic situation, to say the least.
Yeah.
And Iran, I mean, there's a lot of demagoguery on Iran, you know, from,
I guess, both sides to some degree. Trump messed it up. Obama messed it up. They probably both
messed it up some. I do think Obama was very wishful about Iran. I mean, it's not an easy
thing to know what to do about it. And that remains just a huge problem. You know, it's a
good reminder. I mean, regimes that are messianic and dictatorial in this case inspired by kind of
religious messianism obviously a hatred of israel death to israel but this same would be true in a
different way from a certain kinds of putin-like dictatorships or chinese-like dictatorships
which have their own dynamics they're not just terrible to their own citizens this is where the
isolationists and the america first people I think, are just so wrong.
They're dangerous to the world.
They are a source of instability, a source of, in this case, of terror, and requiring
responses, which then can lead to further instability.
So a good reminder that we can't turn our back on any of these situations.
And where we can deal with them earlier rather than later, it would be nice to do so.
Con was on 60 Minutes tonight, and I want to talk a little bit about kind of her broader
media strategy in a second. But they put out a clip of her response to questions,
a series of questions from Bill Whitaker about the administration's relationship with Bibi,
the way that Bibi has gone rogue, I guess, or not been aligned with what
the Biden-Harris administration would have wanted him to do. And I was interested on a couple of
her points in the exchange. So we're going to play a little bit of a longer clip than we usually do
from the 60 Minutes interview. Let's listen. We supply Israel with billions of dollars in
military aid. And yet Prime Minister Netanyahu seems to be charting his own
course. The Biden-Harris administration has pressed him to agree to a ceasefire. He's resisted.
You urged him not to go into Lebanon. He went in anyway. He has promised to make Iran pay for the missile attack, and that has the potential of expanding
the war. Does the U.S. have no sway over Prime Minister Netanyahu? The aid that we have given
Israel allowed Israel to defend itself against 200 ballistic missiles that were just meant to attack the Israelis and the people of Israel.
And when we think about the threat that Hamas, Hezbollah presents, Iran, I think that it is
without any question our imperative to do what we can to allow Israel to defend itself against
those kinds of attacks. Now, the work that we do diplomatically with the leadership of Israel is an ongoing pursuit around making clear our principles,
which include the need for humanitarian aid, the need for this war to end, the need for a deal to
be done, which would release the hostages and create a ceasefire.
And we're not going to stop in terms of putting that pressure.
Do we have a real close ally in Prime Minister Netanyahu?
I think, with all due respect, the better question is do we have an important alliance
between the american people
and the israeli people and the answer to that question is yes i thought her little bit at the
very end there was pretty deft on on talking about you know not really wanting to weigh in
on one side of the bb equation or the other like she didn't really want to undermine bb in this moment and this thing is airing on the one year anniversary of october 7th she also
didn't want to give him her full endorsement and she pivots this to this statement which is well
regardless of of our you know relationship between the leaders like we have an alliance with the
israeli people and i thought that was very clear and i thought well put in pretty stark
contrast with the caricature of her that you hear from the you know more hawkish elements of the
right i don't know what you thought about the exchange you know i agree and she is the sitting
vice president so she just can't just pop off the way a candidate can i mean they have to deal with
bb for the next however long the administration is still in power what would it it be, about three and a half months? Three months. Assuming he's
still in power. There's no reason for them to prop him up. He doesn't have the support of most
Israelis right now. He has a government, obviously, but there's a very patriotic and strong opposition
which could take over. So I thought she said the right thing. I'm leaving aside the political
deafness, which I agree with. I actually think it was the right thing to say if you're a vice president or president of the United States.
You know, it's not about one person.
I'm not going to criticize him, you know, not gratuitously, but I'm not going to identify with him.
And I'm just going to reiterate the bond, she says correctly, that the American people have with the Israeli people.
And the broader American government, she could have put it this way too, has with the Israeli government, if you want to get into that, which she doesn't quite there, I guess. You know, you could talk about defense cooperation, intelligence cooperation, and so forth, us defending Israel at the UN, etc. But that's kind of implied in out in the wash is she in the sour spot a little bit where it's like only the
bulwark people are satisfied with that answer you know maybe that clip is going around on tiktok
and that has a negative impact among younger you know people that are more hostile towards
israel than she is and and she gets no credit from anybody that's like one tick to our right that is just so dug in on the
fact that this administration is impossibly anti-Israel, like no matter what they do to the
contrary. But maybe there's just no way around that. It just might be the situation that they're
in on this issue. Yeah, I think so. I mean, the far left, if it's really anti-Israel, I mean,
they're presumably not going to vote for either
Trump or Biden and vote for Jill Stein, I suppose, or something. And on the Trumpy pro-Israel right,
which I mean, I'm distressed by the degree to which people have talked themselves into believing
that Trump would be better for Israel than Biden. I don't think that's the case. I think that's an
argument that can be made on policy terms. A lot of it is more a matter of affect and it's just
kind of, you know, Trump says a few belligerent things or Trump supporters
do, and everyone thinks that's great.
And I mean, I've probably participated in such mistakes in the past in a sense of, you
know, you like having the psychological reinforcement, but you do need to be hardheaded about this,
I think, as the Israeli government is.
And I think in practice,
a Biden administration and a Harris administration with their overall view of the world and their
overall view of the Middle East and their overall view of Israel is much more reliable, much more
of a solid partner with Israel and a solid supporter of Israel than a Trump administration,
which Trump personally has some relations with Jews and vaguely is pro-Israel in some kind of personal way, but the idea that Trump's foreign policy,
that an America first foreign policy shaped in part by J.D. Vance and the Secretary of State
and National Security Advisor, those types who are going to come in with Vance's informateur,
the idea that that would be good for Israel, not so. I used to get annoyed in the Clinton years,
I was on the other side of
this then. Clinton really has, you know, he flew over to Rabin's funeral and he took many American
Jewish leaders and Clinton had a real affinity. Clinton was Clinton, right? So he was good at
being very sympathetic and empathetic with Israel. And I would say, look, I mean, that's nice,
but really the policy matters more than the empathy. But here, I do think Biden and Harris, they're pretty empathetic, honestly, but it's just hard. I mean,
it was such a traumatic thing to be fair, October 7th. And the right has demagogued it in a pretty
big way. They're soft on this, they're soft on that. What really, what's exactly, what alternative
thing would you have done that the Biden-Harris administration hasn't done? I guess showing no sympathy for the humanitarian victims in Lebanon and Gaza, I guess. Not
showing sympathy at all, I guess, which Donald Trump doesn't really do is what they want. But
unclear what the policy ramification of that is really. Related to this is one of the other big
topics is Trump also, in addition to having the American
first foreign policy also surrounds himself with anti-semites and for some reason this doesn't
bother Jews on the right and at his rally in Butler over the weekend he had Elon Musk who
maybe himself is not an anti-semite I don't know but who has unleashed a torrent of anti-Semitism into the public sphere.
I mean, I'm a Gentile, and I'm like daily assaulted by people on the Internet
now calling me slurs related to Jewishness, I guess because me and you hang out.
I don't exactly know why, but if I'm getting it,
then certainly actually Jewish people are getting a lot more anti-Semiticate now.
It runs rampant on the platform.
There's no attempt to control it. And he was given a spot of influence, of honor at the Trump rally
in Butler. And so I think that these things kind of relate. But I'm curious, you wrote for Morning
Shots today more broadly about Musk's pernicious role and talked about this the oligarchic arrogance
has teamed up with a demagogic populist nativism that seems like a bad combo to me but but talk
about the musk of it all for me yeah so struck of course by musk coming up to the stage and
that that stare he exchanges with trump and then the jumping up and down idiotically and all that
but i say in morning shots that i or i say we and I think this is true of you and me and Sarah and really
a lot of us, and not just at the Bulwark, but in Never Trump World, we were right about Trump.
There's a reason we were Never Trump, right? It wasn't that we didn't like the tweets or we didn't
like the little bit of protectionism and trade policy, it's that we thought he would do great
damage to American politics and really to American society, ultimately, if you unleash that level of demagoguery, especially if he won, which he did,
unfortunately, and that's been four years making things worse. And now it's been another four years
making things worse because the Republican Party didn't have the nerve to shut him down after
January 6th. So we were right to be Debra Trump. But I say in the piece that the one thing I didn't
really expect was some of the super wealthy turning Trumpy to the degree they have.
I always expected a lot of them to accommodate.
That's what they do.
You know, they're not going to pick fights necessarily.
They weren't going to be pro-foss and courage.
They weren't going to be Liz Cheney any more than a ton of Republican elected officials were going to be Liz Cheney.
But a few more had been there.
But, you know, the super wealthy have done very, by definition, have done very well in America in the last 10, 20, 30 years. One would expect, out of basic sociological analysis, that they would
be a conservative force in the old-fashioned sense of conservative. They would be nervous about
too much craziness, too much populism unleashed. It could turn on us. Maybe we should calm things
down here. Downside risk. Yeah, anti-risk. So they
would have their relationships with Trump. They wouldn't be like us, God knows, but they would
sort of be a moderating force on Trump. I just really miss the degree to which this, especially
a new generation of tech bro types, but it's more than tech. I mean, it's Musk and Thiel and all
these people really have internalized a kind of wish for authoritarianism,
dislike of democracy, dislike of liberalism in the broad sense.
And they're not just going along with Trump to try to keep him in line.
That was kind of the first term Republican doter types, I would say.
They are totally on board the authoritarian project.
And that's very dangerous because they have a lot of power.
And Musk's power remains one of the most underrated and underreported stories in america i think i mean and uh so the
one story i do say in warning shots is a story i tell quickly is i had lunch recently with a
political analyst who worked with labor has worked with organized labor most of his life and i was
talking we were talking about the vance pick the pick pick of J.D. Vance. And I was saying, sort of giving an ideological, you know, kind of analysis of why this really embedded Project 2025 and America First thinking in a second Trump term, if there is to be one, and presumably the Republican Party for the future.
It's more of an important pick when you and I discussed this than a lot of people thought.
And he sort of laughed at me.
He said, that's true.
But, you know, you're being a little naive.
But I said I thought it was a risky of people thought. And he sort of laughed at me. He said, that's true, but you're being a little naive. But I said, I thought it was a risky pick for Trump. I mean, the people I knew,
both voters, Republican voters, but also Republican donors, would be nervous about such a pick. He
said, you're talking to the Republican donors who were Republican donors 10 years ago.
Thiel and Musk want Vance. They can lock in their control on most of the Republican Party with J.D. Vance and through
Vance with Trump, who's not entirely reliable.
And Trump, incidentally, knows what he's doing.
Trump's going to get, he said at the time, this was a little while ago, hundreds of millions
of dollars from these people.
You know, and that I think has turned out to be true.
And that was not much, if you think about it, I don't think any of us really focused
on that when he picked Vance.
That was not simply Trump being Trump.
He's overconfident and all this.
That was Trump thinking, you know what?
If Teal and Musk give me a couple hundred million dollars each, I can make up for whatever
slight deficiencies Vance has as a candidate.
But again, the melding of that kind of the wealth and the ideology is very dangerous.
Yeah, there's a lot there.
I want to just pick out just the part about how on board
they are with the authoritarian project, you know, because this ties into one of my obsessions,
this manifesto from Mark Andreessen. Mark Andreessen was kind of us, right? He was like
a center-right, like more Republican, but, you know, moderate, was center-left in the Obama years,
you know, and I kind of took on the technocratic you know side of silicon valley
that that obama played into a little bit probably would have been a huntsman man in 2012 if he did
better like this is who mark andreessen is he writes his manifesto about a year ago that is
radical you know that is talking about what is coming with ai and like the limits that small liberalism and that having a system
like of government is putting limits on what they see as some whatever you know utopian or dystopian
future however you want to look at it right like they they want to be able to be unrestricted with
their ai investments they want their crypto bitcoin investments to not be regulated like the regular
part of the banking system and so in order to get
that like they need a trump right like they need an autocrat is somebody that they can buy you know
somebody they can deal with that that that will just regulate foes right like it will just regulate
the woke corporations like not them like i don't think that they have like a secret plan
like a project 2025 for tech in place where they're going to install so and so but just like
directionally the tl musk andreessen they they've bought in with trump because they kind of want the
lawless element of it because they feel like they'll be on the right side of a lawless exchange
and that is like that's super dark like that takes us to a place that is
extremely you know that's not just kind of like ideologically extreme but that is extreme about
like the whole change of how like an american system of government works i really think that's
right i mean i quote rosa fdr who criticizes his acceptance speech in 1936 the convention
democratic convention the economic royalists of his day who he says something like it's natural
and human once you've in fact made all this money to also want to control government
but we have to stop them from doing this and i i think that's true of these guys too that you know
they see all they've accomplished a lot by being pretty
rough in their business tactics and but fine maybe it was all for the good and competition and so
forth and we have all these good products as a result but then they see the next frontier so
to speak and for that they do need government to be not just fair or even favorable they really
want it to be an instrument of theirs right but i think here it's even beyond the kind of big oil, the big businesses whom FDR is attacking or Teddy Roosevelt attacked as the malefactors of great wealth back in the early 20th century.
It's sort of even beyond the normal capture of regulatory agencies by big companies because it is an authoritarian.
Revolving door stuff.
Yeah.
I mean, it's not just a kind of you
know we don't want to be regulated too much and and some of that went in a pretty bad direction
right i mean people died as a result of their lobbying not to have safety and you know other
kinds of laws obviously but regulations but still it this is a little different level because of the
authoritarian character i would say of of the current trumpist project so you really do have
something a little more like europe in the 20s and 30s, where a lot
of the rising new businesses actually did end up on board with authoritarians and fascists
of different kinds, because they saw that cooperation with them would ensure they would
be left alone from hostile regulation, but also some of them got personally enthusiastic
about the project.
I see that very much personally, don't you, with people like Musk and Thiel? Yeah. hostile regulation but also some of them got personally enthusiastic about the project i i
see that very much just personally don't you with people like musk and teal yeah and if these
parallels to the 20s and 30s just kind of get your blood going just wait till tomorrow's podcast and
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quince.com slash the bulwark. There are two clips from the rally i want to play back to back that take us
to a different a different side of the coin as far as the darkness of the trumpian authoritarian
project that is the violent side of it trump is in butler you know which was creepy in its own way
for him to go back there and there's you know i guess there's something to be said for it you know going back to the the scene of the crime if you will and overall i just on balance obviously we're
grading them on the lowest of bars i had expected them to do more bloody shirt waving and more
allusions to vengeance and all of this in the past couple months since butler at the convention
and elsewhere and they weren't as bad as i thought, which is a rare, pleasant surprise from the MAGA world. But there were a couple of lines from the rally in Butler
that have me a little concerned. So I want to listen to Elon. This is after he did the jumping
where you could see his belly fat. And then he got to the microphone. And let's listen to Elon.
You must have free speech in order to have democracy. That's why it's the First Amendment. And the Second
Amendment is there to ensure that we have the First Amendment.
I don't like that laugh.
President Trump must win to preserve the Constitution. He must win to preserve democracy in America.
So the evil nerd chuckle after talking about how the Second Amendment is there to protect the First Amendment is disturbing to me.
And then this whole dystopian Orwellian notion, like it's Trump
that's protecting democracy. I don't know, Bill. It's creepy. I mean, certainly I would say it's a
normal personal reaction, but it's dangerous. He's the wealthiest person in the world. I mean,
and he's saying that in effect, he's justifying, basically, it's a Flight 93 justification, not by an obscure guy, Mike Anton,
writing a paper for Claremont's website, but by the wealthiest person in the world who controls
one of the most important media platforms in the world. Incidentally, what does it say about the
next month? If Musk believes what he says he believes, and we have no reason to think he
doesn't, what is going to happen on Twitter over the next month? And how much disinformation is going to be promulgated? And, you know, you read about the disinformation,
you read about it with the hurricane and stuff, and then you think, well, hopefully people can
get on top of it and stop it. And I don't even know how to stop it. And I kind of hope it doesn't
have that much effect. But I don't know. I mean, I think a combination, one way of thinking about
it is Putin wants Trump to win, and Elon Muskk wants trump to win and they are both people who will not stop at any normal boundaries of what
they will do to help trump to win that's a very bad situation and you would come on a different
place to it than than where i was because i think that's true i worry about the vigilante side of it
right again put yourself in the mindset of somebody that is in butler that loves donald
trump that has come there trump was
almost killed there they probably haven't are in a bubble where they haven't learned that like the
shooter was just one of these disturbed teens who's a 20 year old but it was who was looking
to shoot any famous person it seems like based on what we know so far with the fbi but they probably
don't have that information they assume that they're an agent of the left or whatever and so
they're at this rally the blood is pumping right just the energy is probably this rally and
then you have elon musk who this this you know they look up to who's up there saying the second
amendment is there to protect you right to the first amendment and democracy is on the line if
donald trump loses and if then they're going to try to keep donald trump from losing i don't think
it takes a wild imagination to think about like what kind of impact that could have on somebody. And it's just, it's just completely irresponsible.
And then there's Trump doing a similar thing. Let's listen to Trump talk about the Kamala voter.
Is there anybody here that's going to vote for lion Kamala? Please raise your hand.
Please raise your hand. Actually, I should say, don't raise your hand.
It would be very dangerous.
We don't want to see anybody get hurt.
Please don't raise your hand.
I wouldn't even say to that.
It'd be dangerous?
Yeah.
You know, you can't even imagine that happening at a Democratic rally.
Like, don't raise your hand and admit you're a Trump supporter.
It would be dangerous for you. Some of my supporters might be so unable to control themselves that they would
shoot you or hurt you. Yeah. And if someone did speak up on a democratic rally, if there were a
heckler, obviously that at some point you'd say, well, let the speak and go forward here, would
you please leave? But before that people would say, if some people started to attack that person,
I believe this has happened in real life, like with Joe Biden and John McCain and other people who believed in liberal democracy.
They've tried to tell their own supporters, hey, wait a second, no violence here.
Being in the majority doesn't justify violence, but it does for them.
And this is one thing, you feel foolish if you complain every time Trump alludes to violence, every time there's bullying, every time there's a kind of anti-liberalism, let's call it, in their rhetoric.
But it does add up.
It does add up.
There's a trivial thing that I saw that just struck me this morning.
I think someone at Deloitte, the accounting firm and consulting firm, I don't know, released text messages that he had had, I think it was a he, with J.D. Vance.
I have no idea what the legality of that is. And propriety, it's not the nicest thing in the world to release private text messages that he had had, I think it was a he, with J.D. Vance. I have no idea what the legality of that is and propriety. It's not the nicest thing in the world to release private text
messages. Maybe there's a reason for it, but whatever. But that's, okay, it's just one employee.
It's nothing to do with Deloitte. I don't even think it's on his work email, but maybe it is.
But it's clearly not part of work. It wasn't. And there's all these calls to boycott, and not just
to boycott Deloitte, which I guess citizens have a right to do if they take their business elsewhere but for the government to strip Deloitte of contracts and
prevent them from competing so this is this just routine now to assume that it's if there's
something that happens that you don't like if an employee of some company does something even as a
private matter and a private citizen that you don't like the government should come down on
that company and that is literally what happens in authoritarian.
I mean, that is literally Hungary, and it's literally Italy and Germany. And that's kind
of the definition of illiberal or anti-liberal political economy. And I don't know, do we have
any confidence? This is where I really think people are underestimating still the second term.
Do we have confidence that Trump and J.D. Vance won't act on that, and that the appointees they
put in there won't act on such instincts and urging? It goes back to your riskiness. Like,
why take this risk? I cannot fathom it. I cannot fathom why take this risk. I want to do one more
clip from the Trump rally. I apologize to the listeners. He says the kind of aversion of what
I'm about to play a lot, but I just refuse to be beaten down by it and to ignore it because it's so appalling.
I just also think in the context of being in Butler and of this vengeance and retribution
and what we've been talking about, I think it's important to listen to this clip in that context
as well. So let's play it. The enemy from within, the crazy lunatics that we have, the fascists,
the Marxists, the communists, the people that we have that are actually running the country, country not her she's not running it and biden's not running it either and you all know that
those people are more dangerous the enemy from within than russia and china and other people
i mean again what do you say like the layers of this like he just kind of ducks in a little
conspiracy about how there's a imaginary people you know puppeteers behind the curtain i
do wonder for people that don't think trump dabbles in anti-semitism who he thinks who he's
talking about there who exactly are the people behind the curtain but but then on top of it just
this notion that there is within our fellow citizens some cabal some enemy cabal that is
even more dangerous than putin who is bombing cities and kidnapping
children. It is without precedent to have a presidential candidate saying something like this.
Now, as you say, it's an invitation to violence, to vigilantism, which I think is a real fear,
both for election day and for that period right after the election, I guess conceivably before
the election too, incidentally, but also obviously if Trump wins.
I mean, that's, again, something people haven't focused on.
It's not just that the government's going to be authoritarian.
It's going to reach out to find authoritarian allies and helpers out there in the country.
Armed citizens here need to prevent this-
Constitutional sheroes.
From frustrating our dear leader's plans.
And suddenly you're into a really, really dark scenario.
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All right, we got waylaid going down this path.
I want to go back to the Kamala interviews. She's on 60 Minutes tonight, but yesterday they published a podcast with Call Her Daddy, which I know you've been a longtime fan of. It's nice that we got Doug on the blog podcast. Loved to have Doug. Had a great conversation with Doug. But, you know, I don't know. It maybe feels like a little bit of reverse sexism that Kamala got put on Call Her Daddy. Maybe we can do an inverse next time.
It's good that Kamala's out there.
I'm a little bit annoyed with there's this meta-media conversation.
Everybody analyzes every interview Kamala does.
Is this a smart thing?
It's like, she should do all of them.
She should do all of them.
She should do 60 Minutes.
She should do Call Her Daddy.
She should do local media.
She should do the Breakfast Club.
She should do the Bulwark.
She should do whatever.
She should do it all.
It's good that she's out there and that they seem to be turning up the intensity.
But there's a clip I want to play from it.
But first, do you have any kind of broad thoughts on, you know, the more offensive Harris campaign?
No, I think it's good.
I actually listened to much of the Call Her Daddy.
It's not like, you know, Tim Miller at the bulwark or something that I have a regular
listener to. But it was interesting. She was good, you know, Tim Miller at the Bulwark or something that I'm a regular listener
to, but it was interesting. She was good, I thought, though. I sent you the link to it,
which you had already listened, since you're a member of the daddy gang. The questions were
good, I've got to say. I mean, all this, the idea that only professional political commentators have
the wit to ask intelligent questions of a presidential candidate is so ridiculous. You
know, her questions were fine. And were and i thought some of harris's answers
were actually interesting and more interesting than you would have gotten on a on than you're
probably going to get on 60 minutes she was super interesting and i want to play the abortion quote
but she was interesting on just kind of speaking about like her experience as a prosecutor and
dealing with victims of sexual assault, I thought was super interesting.
Because she's just very comfortable talking about that because of her experience.
And so I thought that was eye-opening in a way.
She's a lot more comfortable in these settings, I will say, honestly.
And she was very comfortable in the, what was it, all the smoke interview with the former NBA players, you know,
talking about her racial identity,
talking about sports,
talking about the Bay area.
And so I think that it's,
it's good that,
that she's doing this stuff.
And I encourage people to listen to the full interview,
even though I guess,
I guess Alex is kind of a competitor.
People should listen to it,
even though she is a competitor,
but you know,
if she tries hard,
she might catch up to you,
Tim.
There's a fame and
fortune the clip i i thought was very it was being a child of divorce actually which is a she's not
very personal a lot of the time and i don't begrudge her that i people are entitled to have
their private lives even if they're public officials but she reveals a little more about
herself and i i thought it was but i thought it was very thoughtful and sort of uh didn't seem
staged at all and impressive actually actually, as a human matter.
I also agree with that.
I'd encourage people to listen to the whole thing.
I will say when I texted you this one clip, it's kind of a sultry photo of Alex Cooper on the front of this.
I was hoping that Susan wasn't looking over your shoulder and thinking I was sending you anything untoward.
So if she's listening right now, it's all good.
It's just, you know, it's a little bit more R-rated
than I think the usual fare that I'm texting you.
But the clip isn't R-rated.
I thought this was interesting.
Alex, for people who don't know Alex Cooper,
she started with Barstool.
And I do think, like, the Democrats sometimes
look down their nose, like this kind of,
the more culturally conservative,
but not, like, politically conservative,
but, you know, more bro-y, cultural, you know, more comfort talking about non-PC type stuff. And so, Alex,
I kind of came out of that barstool world, and I did not realize this about her, but she talks
in the interview about how she grew up Catholic and was pro-life. I thought that this was
interesting to hear how the two of them discuss the abortion issue through that Catholic context.
And you know what's interesting, Alex, to your point, what I'm finding as I travel,
people who before two years ago, before Roe v. Wade was overturned, people who felt very strong
about that they are anti-abortion, anti-abortion, are now seeing what's happening and saying,
hmm, I didn't intend for all this to happen.
And I think that's also why in state after state,
so-called red states and so-called blue states,
when this issue has been on the ballot,
the American people are voting for freedom
because ultimately it's about, look,
this is not about imposing my thoughts on you in terms of what you do with your life or your body.
It's actually quite the opposite.
It's saying the government shouldn't be telling people what to do.
I think that, unfortunately, we have these real life names.
We have these horrific moments that these people are losing their lives, right?
We have a woman named Amber Thurman
who died in Georgia
because the abortion bans in that state,
the doctors were too afraid to treat her.
Kamala continues to be very good at this.
It's talking about abortion
in a way that appeals to people
that consider themselves personally pro-life and talking about
the fallout. I just think this lands with me. So I think it lands with people talking about the
fallout since the Dobbs decision of what we've seen in some of these states and how there have
been a lot of instances that really are outside of the pro-life ethos, right? Like that where
women's, the mother's life is being not
respected and being put at risk, frankly, and how they're not being supported and how the babies
aren't being supported. And I like it. And I'm happy that she has this conversation with somebody
like Alex, right? Because it puts it in a different context than if you're talking to a pro-choice
interviewer, a liberal interviewer, you know, that might take the conversation in a different
direction. So anyway, to me, I thought that was the most noteworthy exchange of the interview. I don't know what
you thought. No, I thought that was interesting. And it happened that this today is the day of
the Supreme Court comes back first Monday in October. So reasonable day to think about,
get more political for a second, the next president is going to appoint a lot of federal judges,
including maybe one or two Supreme Court justices,
and a very legitimate issue about not just Dobbs and its own implications in terms of how it's played out at the state level. And there's a ton of things that are unresolved, as we know.
Some of these travel bans and other kinds of things are being challenged in federal court,
district court, and we don't know how that will actually be interpreted at the Supreme Court
level. But of course, all other things that go beyond Dobbs and abortion itself in terms of the right to privacy.
And I do think, honestly, of all the issues she has, it's both a totally legitimate issue.
I mean, there's foreign policy, which for me is extremely important. Economic policy is important.
The differences are pretty great. But at the end of the day, as we've seen in the last seven,
eight years, the American economy seems to be able to chuckle on and off a lot of different mistakes and different kinds
of foolishness in some ways, not to minimize economic policy. And there's foreign policy,
which is really real, I think. There's preserving democracy, which is really real. And then I do
think abortion is like right up there. Maybe it's number three, but it's not. For me, it's an actual
matter of what matters, you know, and what
would distinguish a Trump and a Harris administration.
I think it's very high on the list.
And I think she's totally entitled to close on this issue in large part.
If she does it in the way she did on that podcast, I think it'll be effective.
I wanted to get into some of the disinformation around Helene, but, you know, I feel like
we've been in the muck a bunch.
And I talked about this on YouTube with Sam Stein, so people should check out our YouTube feed. So I just want to close with you
just on just politics, politics. What are you feeling? How's Bill Kristol feeling? We're one
month out. There was an interesting Nate Cohn article today, which might make people feel
better or worse. He digs into the different polls and it gets super nerdy. But like the takeaway from it is in polls that are that are waiting towards the 2020 vote, you're getting a different result than in polls that states, which to Cohn kind of states that like, we are
having this realignment that is happening. And maybe that maybe it will turn out that the
electoral college and popular vote gap won't be as wide, because Trump's starting to do better
in California and New York, you know, and Kamala is doing better with white voters that over index
in the upper Midwest swing states. So it's an interesting
piece. I'll put it in the show notes here for people that want to nerd out. But I'm wondering
where your head's at on the state of affairs. I don't know. For reasons I couldn't put my
finger on, I'm slightly more optimistic maybe than I was a few days ago. I think the Vance
Walls debate was not a highlight, and therefore I maybe was a little too worried about that. I
think it's now faded into the obscurity that all vice presidential debates fade into and i think
her coming out maybe it's just cheered me up a little bit more that she's doing all these
interviews she'll get beat up on one or two things but i think it makes it easier to tell people look
i mean she's competent and here she is talking to everyone and trump does a lot of stuff i guess but
it's almost entirely with super friendly interviewers right i mean fox basically and then a couple of other things yeah he does these kind
of random youtubers and like milk brothers and streamers and stuff he does like favorable
you know alternative media but favorable alternative media right right so i think
she gets some credit for that and i agree about the nate cohen piece which is i mean just feel look every i mean who knows but basically there are
very few polls almost no polls that have trump ahead in the national popular vote and the range
of which is behind is anywhere from about one to four or five i'm just going to think that she wins
by two or three points at this stage in the national vote and which seems also to be confirmed
by some other evidence that the gap between the Electoral College and the popular vote is shrinking back
to something closer to what it was before 2020. That's got to help her. And she seems in pretty
good shape in Wisconsin and Michigan. And then she needs Pennsylvania or Nevada and Georgia or
Nevada and North Carolina. I don't know. They could all go south, obviously. I mean, but the
key is going to be the Bulwark tour,
the Bulwark as it combined with Republican voters against Trump.
Yeah, the Bulwark tour next week, the 17th in Philly,
and the 18th in Pittsburgh, and the 19th in Detroit.
So come on by and hang out with us, bulwark.com slash events.
Keep an eye on that for tickets.
They should be on sale here in the next 24 hours or so.
Yeah, I've got a wedding that weekend, but I'm going to make it at least to Philly.
And I'm saying if Pennsylvania comes through,
it's the bulwark.
It's the best tour.
I mean, of all the things that have happened,
could anything compete with that tour
as a game changer, you know?
I don't think so.
And I think people should come
if you're from out of state.
I know I have friends who are from out of state
or here in Louisiana or in Colorado
that wanted to go and help on the march.
That's a good excuse.
Come hang out with us in Pittsburgh,
do a live podcast,
and go door knocking the next day
or earlier in that day
and put some of the nervous energy to use.
So I do think that's right.
And I guess I'll close with,
if you ask me why the vibes have shifted,
why it feels a little more nervous
than it did for Kamala two weeks ago,
my answer to that is that
we were in a period of just growth,
like unprecedented really growth for the Paris like ballot, you know,
both in her favorability and the ballot with Trump,
how far down the ticket was when Biden was in.
And then she has this good convention and good debate.
And it's like,
there's this feeling of positive momentum and we're just into the trenches
now, you know?
And so like,
it feels different just because it feels better to be growing than to be stagnant. this feeling of positive momentum and we're just into the trenches now you know and so like it
feels different just because it feels better to be growing than to be stagnant you know and i think
that that kind of explains the vibe shift if you will and it is a little close for comfort but um
i i kind of concur with your assessment there it's close for comfort but uh we're it's still
harris still in slightly better position. All right, Bill,
any final thoughts from you? No, just on the polling, her favorability, unfavorability in
almost every poll is better than Trump's. And I continue to think that is a core thing that people,
voters come back to at the very end, especially in a way, less ideological voters who aren't
voting on some checklist of issues, but they just like Harris better. And if that holds up, I feel
somewhat, somewhat optimistic. And, you know, it's been, it that holds up, I feel somewhat optimistic.
And, you know, it's been a good week to be optimistic.
The Mets come from behind on Monday night.
They come from behind on Thursday night and then on Saturday night.
Kind of an amazing week for the Mets.
And Vanderbilt.
And Vanderbilt.
What about your SEC?
That was fantastic.
And showing the Nick Saban clip there on the scoreboard after the game,
that was amazing.
It was beautiful.
A beautiful win for Vandy.
And it's beautiful to live in 2024.
I took my daughter to dinner and I was watching it on my phone.
You know, you can watch the final minute on your phone now
when you're walking down the street on Magazine Street.
And technology is wonderful.
The victory was wonderful.
I was happy for the Vandy kids.
And yeah, the SEC is crazy. Everybody has a loss. technology is wonderful the victory was wonderful i was happy for the vandy kids and um yeah the
sec is crazy every everybody has a loss lsu's oh she's undefeated in conference like it's
that was just terrible this year i think it's supposed to be a down year and who knows maybe
i hope springs eternal for the mets and the tigers i guess my only disappointment was that i didn't
get to have caitlin collins alabama fan on after the al the Alabama loss so that I could have you know
kind of been a little more smug and trash-talking her beloved Crimson Tide but such is life all
right now on that note I want to revise and extend my remarks on something that Caitlin and I got
into on the podcast last week so I'm gonna let you go Bill thanks so much we will see you next
Monday as always and then next Thursday in Philadelphia.
For everybody else.
All right.
I want to break the fourth wall a little bit because I got some feedback about an exchange
that Caitlin and I were having at the beginning of the podcast.
I think it's worth getting into a little bit more.
We were kind of joking around at the beginning, and she was talking about how she doesn't
want the election to be over.
And I was saying, I kind of agree thinking about the prospect of the post election of having
either Trump or having a more boring coconut time with Kamala.
I just kind of want to expand where I was coming from.
Like for starters,
I got me and Caitlin don't actually know each other that well.
And so when you have a guest who's like more of a serious news person,
I'm trying to,
I'm trying to loosen them up at the start.
You know,
we're trying to make sure we're having cool, casual convo because of a pod guest person i'm trying to i'm trying to loosen them up at the start you know we're trying to make sure we're having cool casual convo because if a podcast sounds like they would sound
on cnn like i have failed you that's not the point of this platform right to have kind of a talking
point convo and so you know i have a lot of people on here who are friends of mine but when there are
other folks you know you're trying to get everybody comfortable. And in this context, we were
getting comfortable. And that like notion, right, I think, giving the stakes of the election,
us cheerily kind of talking about how much we're enjoying the election, I think did rub some people
the wrong way in a way that I get. And so, to explain what we meant a little bit more, to me,
I think about this election as like the sword of Damocles. And it's kind of comfortable when the sword is hanging over
you because it's just there. It's been there. And for us, it's been there for like almost a decade.
And so it's just like sitting there and we are getting to kind of live in our political life
and get comfortable knowing that it's up there. And so, I shouldn't really be surprising
that two people who really love politics, who have daily politics shows, are enjoying the moment of
high political interest. But that said, when the sword is now up there and you know that there's
somebody with scissors coming, and the scissors are coming in 30 days, that brings a little bit of restlessness.
You know, knowing that we're either bucking up for four more years where I'm going to have to be
like a voice resisting a lawless president. That sounds scary and it sounds intense.
Or the other option is that the sword drops, it doesn't fall on us, and we're at the end of an era.
And there's something really gratifying about that and like this exhale.
But at the same time, like for me, that's also like scary in a different way, right?
Of the staring out into the abyss, you know, because there is Trump has been my nemesis now maybe a one-way nemesis for
like nine and a half years and this is this is a story as old as time it's like ahab and the whale
like you need a nemesis sometimes like to keep you going and for people who haven't like listened to
me talk about this when jeb lost after jeb lost i had three hours at the beach i went to the beach
with a book and i sat there and I was
there for like three hours. Then I got a phone call to be asked to be the spokesperson for the
anti-Trump PAC. That was in spring of 2016. It is now 2024. I was unmarried and without a child.
So it was that long ago. And throughout that entire period, the constant has been fighting this asshole.
All right?
Fighting him and trying to beat him.
And the end of that, because I think if we beat him this time, it would be the end.
It will not be the end of the threat of MAGA or the threat of authoritarianism, but of Trump.
Like the notion of Trump winning at age 82 after having lost twice.
Never say never.
JVL is listening to this right now going no Trump will be
back in 82 you know but it will feel like an end of sorts and that like in itself is something that
like gives you gives me a feeling in my pit of my stomach like okay well there's there will be first
the relief and like the sense of accomplishment and And then there will be, okay, now what?
Right?
There'll be like an emotional crash that's related to that.
And while I would trade literally anything to have that emotional crash, besides my family,
I would trade anything.
I would love it.
I love, this is like the first world of first world problems.
Please like let Trump get annihilated.
Let him go away.
Let him go into the dustbin of
history and let us figure out what we are going to do in a world where Kamala is running against
a normal Republican Glenn Youngkin I would love for that to be the case I don't really think that
was going to happen but I would like in the sense that I don't think that there'll be a period of
unrest within the Republican Party that does not land on somebody like Glenn Youngkin but
if I could just you know throw a penny into the well and have that be the outcome,
I would throw the penny. Please let that be the outcome. But if that happens, like then
there is this question of, okay, everybody's exhaled. We've defeated the nemesis. And that's
like, what's next? What do we do? You know,
in a way that's that is a little scary. It's also exciting. I think that there will be a lot of challenges, all of these disinformation things that we're talking about with AI,
the MAGA conservative media versus going anywhere, JD Vance versus Ron DeSantis,
how Kamala handles the presidency challenges coming from the left, there'll be tons of shit
to talk about. We are cursed to live in interesting times. But the the prospect of it, and of having this like decisive
moment, after 10 years of struggle, is in a way, a little bit a little bit nerve wracking. I'm sure
you're all feeling some of you are feeling those nerves as well. And so we're sort of doing a
little casual banter, where I was talking about how like there is an
ominousness to the post-election and the pre-election as stressful as that is is in some
ways preferable and so we're doing a little bit of banter about that and i can understand why some
people are like no jim what the fuck are you talking about no this is awful let's beat him
let's move forward into the happy times and i hear that i hear that i really
do but it also is it also is nerve-wracking and it's also an end sometimes i struggle with the
ends of things and i do better than with the beginning so we would hopefully in december
well now december unfortunately because we'll stop the steal hopefully in january we'll be
turning the page to a new spring we'll be working through this all
together in a way that is very exciting but that that's like where my mind was when I was having
that exchange with Caitlin I want you guys to kind of really know where I'm coming from and
how I'm thinking about all this and then the days where I get nervous about it sometimes I think
about all these great ideas I have for stuff that we're going to be able to do here together in
January and February and March so there is cool coming. And the thing that makes me the most
happy when I think about that era is if Kamala wins, we might be able to have the Trump trials
with Ben Wittes back. And that would be something that bring all of us some joy. So I appreciate
you all for listening. We have we have a doozy tomorrow. So buckle up. We'll see you all back
here then. Peace. Daddy, daddy, daddy, daddy, daddy, daddy I'll never be alone, daddy
I'll never be alone I'll never be alone, daddy, daddy, daddy, daddy, daddy, daddy
The dot The dot connector
The dot connector connector, the dot, connector, the spot, corrector
I say, I love you, you say, whatever
It must be the lifestyle time, but I sweet love you got me round
Fuck heaven thoughts right now, only her two hands can let me down
I'm finna walk with you, the one that was so much that got me through The Bard Podcast is produced by Katie Cooper with audio engineering and editing by Jason Brown.