The Bulwark Podcast - Sarah Longwell and Jonathan V. Last: Election Debrief
Episode Date: November 6, 2024Kamala's tailored campaign message and ground game didn't matter. Voters were unhappy with Biden and didn't want a 'regular' politician. They also didn't care about the infrastructure bill or the CHIP...S Act—but they do care about demagoguery and grievance. Sarah and JVL join Tim to take in the pain, but also to chart The Bulwark's next phase: doing everything we can to protect our country, our democracy, and our institutions.
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See kraken.com slash legal slash ca dash pru dash disclaimer for info on Kraken's undertaking to register in Canada. Hello and welcome to the Bullwork Podcast.
I'm your host, Tim Miller.
Well, fuck.
Usually we do a next level podcast on Wednesdays with my best friends,
Sarah Longwell, publisher of The Bullwork and JVL, the editor of The Bullwork. It felt
appropriate and right to just kind of make the next level the daily podcast today so we could all
hang out with you, those of you that could stomach it at least least and go over what happened last night and then we'll do
another TNL later this week.
Guys, Sarah, JVL, hi.
Hi.
Hi.
This is what I want to do.
I want to talk at first about our analysis of what happened in the campaign so we can
be a little bit, so we can be a little bit so we
can build up to our feelings and then I want to talk about going forward and then
and then we can kind of close by just talking about how how everybody's gonna
cope with this so the campaign itself I don't I guess why don't you just give
both of you give us the biggest picture after having a night to sleep on it what
what do you think happened what do you give us the biggest picture after having a night to sleep on it What what do you think?
Happened what do you think explains his victory at the biggest level Sarah? Why don't you go first?
Okay
Look, I think what we're gonna wrestle with here is the way in which this election was
Really out of the ordinary and then the ways in which it was pretty ordinary and the ways in which it was pretty ordinary
Were that you had and we've known this, right?
We've known this and this has been a little bit central to the conversation JVL and I
have over on the secret pod.
And then, you know, if you go back and look at the focus groups, it's all kind of there,
which is people did not think the country was in a good place.
They were unhappy with Biden.
They were unhappy with the economy.
The fundamental, they were unhappy with the state They were unhappy with the economy. They were unhappy with the
state of immigration. Trump was always outperforming her on the issues that voters said they cared the
most about. Joe Biden was very unpopular. His approval rating is lower than Trump's approval rating at its lowest.
And so like in a lot of ways, you're just talking about the fundamentals always being
against her and I think that or that she had a steep hill to climb.
And I think that sometimes people push back on the idea of the fundamentals because they
were like, well, no, the fundamentals of the economy are good.
And I was like, but nobody believes that the fundamentals of the economy are good. And I was like, but nobody believes that the fundamentals of the economy are good.
And so like, if you just, regardless of what is or isn't, the people who vote are going
to tell you how they feel about the economy.
And I think that they did tell us.
I also think, look, my theory of how she was going to eke out the blue wall states rested
on independence breaking her way at the end based on the fact that she was sort of able to not be the incumbent. That's the piece I feel the most
wrong about. Like people thought she was the incumbent. Like she was tethered to Joe Biden,
and people wanted change. And she was the incumbent, not Trump. Like, and I was always kind
of like, who's the incumbent?
Like, we don't know,
because they're both sort of incumbents.
But like, they decided she was the incumbent,
and independence did not break her way at the end.
The other numbers that have stuck out to me are things like,
of the people who thought Trump was too extreme,
or who thought they were both too extreme, right?
Trump won those voters massively.
So people who thought she was extreme and he was extreme
still preferred his version of extremism.
So anyway, I think that's what happened.
I think there's a lot of ordinary political analysis
in here that doesn't mean humans
are terrible and America is over.
These are the things that happened that we thought could be overcome because Trump was
a uniquely flawed candidate, that she could overperform those fundamentals.
She did not overperform them.
I just think one
other data point that's clear that I think a lot of people are going to be talking about
is just the Hispanic numbers, like the bottom fell out of the Hispanic numbers in ways that
I don't, I, everybody thought there was going to be some of that, but like, you know, a
lot of people really dislike the analysis of guys like Rui Tshara. And I understand why.
Sometimes it feels like I get a little bit frustrated by it too, but it's true. It's true
that culturally Hispanics now operate much more just like white voters. Non-college Hispanics
operate like non-college white voters and they broke that way in a
major way this time.
Yeah, we can talk about this a little bit more, I think, but there was a lack of willingness.
I mean, we can do recriminations on a million things.
So that's really not the point of this.
The point of this is just being eye-opened about what happened.
And there was a lack of willingness by a lot of people in our coalition
to just like accept the numbers that were staring us in the face on Latino voters and black voters.
And sometimes even in a shaming way. It's like if you talk about it, it's like, no, no, the real.
And it's like, you know, it's true. Like the white voters went for Trump the most, right,
out of everybody, right? So if you're doing the identity politics thing, but it's like, you know, it's true, like the white voters went for Trump the most, right? Out of everybody, right?
So if you're doing the identity politics thing, but it's like, I think that there was, you
know, a, as, as we talk about, oh, what happened with the Nikki Haley voters?
What happened with the, it was like, the gains to the extent there were any, like with that
group was just, just swamped by the losses on the other side
and not kind of accepting that those losses were happening potentially impacted kind of the way,
the strategic approach of the whole movement. So can I, I will say, I'm not sure that people
thought that it wasn't happening. I didn't think it wasn't happening. I thought you could make up those losses with
better performance from white voters, because
there are more of them.
Sure.
But like I'm looking at Wisconsin right now and
guess what?
Harris did do two points better than Joe Biden in
the wow counties, right?
She, she did overperform him some.
It still wasn't enough to offset that
slide because Trump did better everywhere else. It's because it's that slide, but it's also like,
it's the thing that I think the X factor is always like, does Trump have, is there more
non-college, are there more non-college white voters in the tank? And it turns out there were.
Every time, yes. There's a never ending supply of non-college white voters, it turns out there were. Every time, yes. There's a never-ending supply of non-college white voters, it turns out.
JVL, what's your top line thoughts?
Yeah, I mean, I fundamentally disagree with Sarah,
but only because of the results.
Like, there is a result,
there's a version of this result
in which I would absolutely buy her explanation, right?
If this was Harris 49.1, Trump 48.7, and the
electoral college just shook out the same way, I would say, okay, yeah, I
could see that. That's not what we just saw. Donald Trump just won the
largest vote share of any Republican presidential candidates since 1988.
He did this while his own campaign was basically running for the exits. We all read the Tim Alberta
story in the Atlantic in which Suzy Wildes and Chris LaSavita were talking about how terrible
the campaign morale was, how everybody
in the operation thought it was, you know, that the guy had just blown it all up while
he's like dancing at the rally and talking about Arnold Palmer Schlang.
And we also saw for the first time, Trump overperforming down ballot Republicans.
This is not, he's run behind down ballot Republicans
in both of his previous runs.
This time all of a sudden he's way out in front of them.
And in 2012, people didn't think the economy was great.
Objectively the economy was okay, it wasn't bad.
It was a slow recovery under Obama,
but people felt like it was very bad. And Obama did fine.
You know, he beat Mitt Romney pretty handily.
He got over 50%, his second consecutive majority.
I do not find a way to see any of this result
as anything other than an affirmative choice
for Donald Trump and all his works.
I mean, nobody cares about bipartisan legislation. Nobody cares that Biden did the Chips Act or
bipartisan gun reform. Nobody cares about the handling of Ukraine.
Nobody cares about any of that.
What they care about is demagoguery and grievance.
They care about the Haitians eating the cats and dogs.
We saw the debate, right?
We all saw the debate where she absolutely destroyed him, one of the most dominating
debate performances of the most dominating debate performances
of the modern era of television.
And for not only that to not matter,
but for him to then overperform
even what his own people thought they were gonna get.
And this is with no turnout operation, right?
Famously, this campaign outsourced all their turnout
to Elon Musk and a bunch of Tesla engineers.
And they won, the proof of this is that Elon Musk's
turnout operation didn't matter, is that in Iowa,
he's like plus 13 in Iowa.
Like he doubled his margin of victory in Iowa from 2020.
Can we just set on the campaign operation thing for a second?
Cause this was one of my things I just wanted to talk about before we get into
the more moral, big moral pictures.
Um, this is the third camp presidential campaign in a row actually, where the
winner did not have a meaningful ground operation.
Joe Biden was famously ran a basement campaign.
The Democrats were
concerned about COVID for good reasons, so they weren't doing the organizing that they did in
other elections in which he won. Donald Trump has had essentially no campaign both times. I guess
in 2016 there was an RNC ground operation, but even still it was very late to the game.
Like, I've been on this since 2015 and I just, like, in a presidential level, like, all of the money, all of the campaign strategists are basically worth nothing.
Like it just doesn't matter.
Like it doesn't matter.
And people don't want to believe that.
Some people don't want to believe it because it's part of their whatever, remit and mandate.
It's like the campaigns themselves are one based on the candidates' performance, are
one based on external factors, and one based on dominating the, what you call the meat
space of the news.
There's some things that can be done.
You probably have to give the Trump campaign credit, as gross as it was, for spending $100 million on the trans thing to make the trans thing an issue where it wasn't. Bill Kristol,
I was complaining about this sometimes with the Kamala ads, how they're very like gauzy and she'll
help the middle class. And it's like, you can insert something into the conversation with
$100 million, right? You can do niche things, right? Like you can do little things on the margins
Like I think that you know having outside groups target a particular group
Like what Sarah's group did like some of that makes sense
But that's a much smaller like the budget for that compared to these billion dollar campaigns like
Nobody just will accept it like and it's been 12 years now
And so just like from a political strategy standpoint everybody, everybody needs to realize we're in a different world.
And that does go to like the going into things.
I mean, Trump won for a million reasons.
So I don't want anybody to take me like, oh, this one thing is why she lost her.
He won this one tactic.
He won literally.
He did better with literally every group except college educated women.
So I can sound like, Ooh, if only the Hispanic outreach would have been better.
You know what I mean?
Like he, he, it was across the board victory.
But, um, but, but like the Rogan thing, like one of my regrets from the,
now from analysis is I got wrapped up a little bit at times and like watching
the Rogan thing and there'd be like three things that he says like, Oh, this is
crazy and we'll do a thing.
It's like, Oh, look at this crazy thing. He said, but like, if you watch the Rogan thing, and there'd be three things that he said, it's like, oh, this is crazy, and we'll do a thing, it's like, oh, look at this crazy thing
he said, but if you watch the Rogan thing
for the whole two hours, the people that were viewing it
were looking at him and they're like,
this guy isn't Hitler, this guy is just a guy
that can just shoot the shit, and that stuff matters now
more than the tailored campaign messaging.
Like we're in a new world where everybody knows
everything about each other.
We're all in each other's phones and the candidate
needs to be able to carry their own message
and go into places and talk and sound normal.
And Kamala, we all kept saying she ran a great campaign.
She did.
She ran a very solid, by the book, 2004, 2008 campaign.
Technical. Technical campaign, she did.
And she was faced with a lot of challenges because of the situation that she was put
in.
But it's like, to the extent that there's a 2028 campaign to talk about, to me, that
is the biggest... To just go through the motions again with inertia of, we're going
to run the Bush 04 operation, we're going to do a lot of ads and have a door knocking program.
It's all fake.
It's all for basically nothing.
Can we talk about the woman thing?
Well, hold on.
Let me just step on this point that Tim's making because I think it's a really important
one.
I think that one of the things we talk a lot over on the Focus Group pod is about this
thing voters say about the thing that they like about Trump is that he's not a regular politician.
And one of the things I kept worrying about Kamala is like, she sounds good to us, but
I kept saying, I worried that she's going to sound like a regular politician.
And I remember DeSantis being cooked when I heard the voters start saying, yeah, I like
him.
Okay, but he sounds like a regular politician.
And that's always been Trump's superpower, the not a regular politician, because we are
in a different era in terms of what people want.
It's the reason it's like the same things in our brain that make, I don't like TikTok,
but like the same thing that makes TikTok and its informality.
Frankly, the thing that makes us, you know, sort of better than cable news is
like the reason people aren't as interested in cable news and they're more
interested in personalities, the more interested in finding people they can
trust, they're more interested in having like an honest, like who's being
authentic with me, who's telling me the truth, who's given it to me straight.
And like, they'd rather take a politician who they think is telling them the truth and that
truth contains some really ugly things than a politician that they think is lying to them
just to earn their vote.
Except that Biden beat him like a drum.
Biden did not beat him like a drum.
He beat him by extraordinarily narrow margins in across a handful of states,
11,000 votes in Georgia, 11,000 votes in Arizona, 30,000 votes in Wisconsin. And it was like
slightly bigger in Pennsylvania and Michigan, but it was not big. We didn't beat him like a drum.
And we were in the middle of a pandemic.
What do you think explains then the difference? This is fine. This is a good thing to chew over.
What was the difference between 2020 and 2024 for you and JVL?
I mean, so we don't know the overall turnout, right?
We know that Trump is already at his 2020 number.
He's at 71 million votes.
I mean, as you said, like there are like two dozen
explanations.
One of them I think has to be the Democrats can never run
a woman at the top of the ticket again.
I mean, never is a very long time, but I mean, like not
in anything that looks like this version of America
because the again just the fact that he
overperformed her and
You know and overperformed down about Republicans like in places where Tammy Baldwin did okay
because people were okay with having a woman as senator and
They liked the Democratic woman as senator. they did not want a woman as president.
And I'm not saying this is all of it,
but I think it would be crazy to dismiss this
as being a significant part of it.
Maybe I'm wrong.
Yeah, it's not all of it, and it's not none of it.
If it was Walls Harris, just hypothetically,
I don't think the result is different, if it was Walls Harris.arris, just hypothetically, I don't think the result is different.
If it was Walls-Harris.
I agree with that.
That's right.
I agree.
Can I just say this as a baseline?
I want to hear you guys react to this.
My view is that there is no Democrat who could have beaten Trump this cycle because the voters
wanted Trump this cycle.
Do you guys agree with that or disagree?
I only disagree with it in the context stuff because who knows how everything shakes out but like
Hypothetically there could have been a process that would have let somebody win the differentiated from biden
I don't actually think that that would have happened though, right?
So I think my my real answer is no my hypothetical answer is yes, right because the democratic
constituency My hypothetical answer is yes, right? Because the Democratic constituency is basically JVL, right? Like they were not unhappy with Biden, right?
Like this was not really a time where like both parties were unhappy with the status quo,
and it was throw the bums out.
There were some parts of the Democratic coalition that were throw the bums out,
Muslim voters, you know, like working class, black and Hispanic men, right?
But like the coalition that elected Biden, older black voters, suburban
college educated people, they were happy with what they got, right?
So even if Biden had dropped out earlier and then Kamala ran a campaign, she ran
as good of a technical campaign as she did here, it's hard to see the Democrats
then going for like, I don't know, some governor that was running on, oh, the Biden economy
has been terrible and we need to go a new direction.
That might have worked actually, like I think a Democratic governor that did that, but I
just don't see how that would have ever happened in practice.
I mean, I've spent one second thinking about that, but that's my initial reaction.
Sarah, what do you think?
Yeah.
I certainly, I think that one thing that I won't do is be like, if she'd had Josh Shapiro
as her vice president, she would have won, because I don't think that's right.
I don't think it could have made, like, I always thought that Josh Shapiro as the number
two on the ticket mattered in like Pennsylvania.
She loses it by 9,000 votes votes and that was the tipping point state.
Then I get on my high horse about Shapiro.
I wouldn't in this scenario.
I do think if you'd had somebody, you know, like Shapiro,
who could have broken with Biden, but who still read,
like somebody who read as a moderate,
and this is going to be a big debate.
Like there's going to be a lot of people who are going to be like, don't tell me she needed to be
more moderate. She ran, you know, with Liz Cheney next to her and like an incredibly moderate.
That's true. But one of the ways you get the, hey, this person is just a regular politician,
is by people thinking you're inauthentic because your positions change between the times that they
see you. And I just, I think that that did hurt her.
And I think that Donald Trump in the swing States dropped a gajillion dollars
saying that she was a San Francisco progressive.
Um, she was his mind on abortion, which was a very high salience issue and it
had almost no effect, right?
And that like, it's a very recent change.
So I'm saying like all of these rules we construct,
they only hold for one side, you know?
Yeah, but this is, JBL, this is where I do get like,
on it is the tension between you're in my positions,
but I think that there is frustration that with the world
that as it exists and I can share that frustration with you,
but I think sometimes you try to demand the world be different than it is, as
opposed to like, it is what it is.
Like you wanted to, you wanted to demand, right, that voters accept that the
economy was good and I kept telling you they don't think it's good.
Like that doesn't mean she can't potentially overcome it by separating him.
They don't think that Joe Biden was a good president.
I agree with Tim that like a key part of the coalition thought he did a good job. And so like, running explicitly against him,
it seems like how would somebody have done that? I don't know. I can kind of think of ways somebody
could have done that. Because actually, people certainly, including in a big part of the
Democratic coalition, did not think he should run again. And I will say it is not super great to spend a lot of time picking apart,
um, everybody and pointing fingers at everybody.
Cause I, I do think we should as part of analysis, like figure out where the
flaws lie, but just like hurling invective at each other is not good.
But I will say Joe Biden deciding to run again was a catastrophic mistake.
And if he had said early on on he was going to be a bridge
candidate, right, and that he was not going to run again and let the Democrats have their primary.
That is a counterfactual we can't test. We have no idea how that would have turned out. Maybe they
nominate Bernie Sanders. Like, I don't know. Right. But like, I'm not saying Josh Shapiro comes out of that, but that is how this should have gone.
Because by the time you got through this election
with the challenge for her was just so enormous.
And it felt like she was meeting it.
It felt like she was meeting it,
but at the end of the day, it wasn't enough.
Can I agree in part and disagree in part?
Yes, of course.
I am now, you're gonna love this, Sarah.
I am retconning my Joe Biden, greatest living president.
And I'm actually gonna write this week about
how Bidenism turns out to be a catastrophic failure.
But on the subject of like me demanding the people agree and how this is
the wrong way to do it.
Isn't that actually how Trump's messaging always works?
Right?
And you say this all the time, like Trump would just go out and say, greatest economy
ever greatest economy.
And you just say the same thing over and over.
Like eventually people just say, Oh, I guess it was right.
What, why, why is it that he gets to do that?
And like Democrats are supposed to like put the twist of toe in the dirt and
apologize for like, no, no, we understand.
It's really bad.
Like just now create your own reality.
Sure.
But that, that requires, that requires somebody with, I think genuinely
Trump's salesman's ability.
Yeah. So, yeah. somebody with, I think, genuinely Trump's salesman's ability. Sociopathy? Yeah, but that sociopathy has led him to a salesman role that both understands what people
want and how to give them what they want.
He understands in a lizard brain kind of way how to get people.
Some of it is like the economy was good when Trump was doing it.
It wasn't that the economy wasn't bad, right? It was that, but he was willing to say all
day every day, he was relentlessly on message about how good the economy was when he was
the president, which is why and that stuck. And that's why when people looked back,
like when I say it's the economy, you're right.
People don't remember the pandemic.
They continue the pandemic to be an exogenous event
outside of them.
They remember the pre-pandemic time
and the pre-pandemic economy.
And he wrote a lot of that.
All right, we need to take a quick break for an ad.
We'll be back on the other side.
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Trump's sociopathy and willing to just be totally shameless is a cheat
code that we should just acknowledge.
Like very few politicians would be able to be like, yeah, if you are mad at the
Biden administration for being too nice to BB, you should be for me.
And also if you're mad at the Biden administration for being too nice to BB, you should be for me. And also if you're mad at the Hyde administration
for being too, yeah.
Like the opposite, like he was on both sides.
And it worked.
Yeah, it worked.
It worked Tim.
Yeah, I know.
He's on both sides of it and worked.
I have a question.
I want to chew over something with you guys
because I can't, there's part of this that's like,
we're in hell, we had bad luck, incumbents are being
thrown out everywhere, people hated the fucking post pandemic economy, there's nothing anybody
could do and Donald Trump and like Mitch McConnell not fucking convicting Donald Trump like and
letting him run again is really was really the curse of this and if not it would have
just been whoever came out the Republican primary would have won, like anybody would
have won. Like anybody would have won.
Like that's one way that I look at this.
And the other way I look at it is, I don't know,
maybe it wasn't that.
Like there is something fundamental,
this goes to JVL's point,
there's something fundamental about the country wanting this.
I look at, to me, the most jarring results
are not any of the swing states.
Illinois, New Jersey, Texas, New York.
Ellen, she lost by four in Illinois.
I, who knows, things will roll in.
It might end up being eight or whatever, but last night at 6 a.m.
when I was on fucking MSNBC and Steve Kornacki pressed the Illinois button and
she was up by four and a half points in Illinois.
Like it was in similar in New Jersey.
Texas went from six back to 14, 15.
Like these are the countries, this is not about finding more white working class voters, because he did that, but these are the country's biggest, most dynamic,
most diverse states and he won across the board victories in them in
places where the campaign wasn't really waged, right?
So it's like, it's not about the ads.
I mean, they got the national trans ads during sports and stuff.
So the campaign was aged a little bit, but like that, I just like that.
I mean, the hardest part of being a process is going to be segment two coming
up here where we talk about what comes next. But the hardest part for me to process of the looking back part is that, is just like
regular people across the country that were not targeted by the campaigns in any meaningful
ways, like across demographic groups, every group except college educated women were like,
yeah.
Yeah.
Which is why, which is why actually I think that the recriminations around like, what ads did they run or like, who was targeted, whatever, like,
we can do it. And like, it's actually an important part of the analysis for understanding how we do
things better in the future. But like, you can sort of see it happen everywhere, like everywhere,
it moved to the right, which meant that the factors were less about the
individual messaging and everything else and much more about broad factors that made people
who didn't usually vote for Republicans, like a lot of people move, Hispanic and black
voters.
Like there is a shift to the right that cannot be offset.
There's not enough college educated women to offset them.
Yeah.
I'm sorry, I started rambling and I didn't get to the nuts of the question, which is,
was this a contingent random thing, bad luck because of the economy and the timing, wrong
time, wrong place?
Or do the Democrats have a fundamental brand problem that must be fixed and that
my and that like or
Dude, does does Donald Trump have some special appeal to you know what I mean?
Like what like what are those things because I like I come to this and I'm gonna come to this over the next year
Like totally open like I like like obviously my natural prior is like the Democrats should have run a center left, whatever that I
like. But like, I don't fucking know. Like, I don't know. Maybe
they should have run a socialist. I don't know. Like,
I'm like literally open to any possible thing. It's maybe they
just need a culture warring. Maybe they needed like a tough
guy of their own who like codes as a cultural war. Like, so I
guess my question is, is it was it something that could have
been fixed about the brand? Or was it a contingent element of the post COVID economy?
Can I take this for Sarah?
Go ahead.
Um, I mean, I think it is very clear that one of the things that happened that
was a large driver was that Trump has been totally normalized and he just
added to his vote total each time.
And that suggests that people just got the sense that like,
yeah, now it's fine.
And it didn't matter that new facts and new things were happening about him.
Like, for instance, he attempted a coup or that he was convicted of a bunch of felonies
because just the fact of him having been on the ballot for the third time
just made it normal and built permission structures.
And so instead of like getting, instead of, it was like the opposite.
He, he dismantled the anti-Trump coalition simply by being there.
Right.
And the fact of him made him seem normal and allowed the Democrats self
implode their coalition.
So I don't think so because of again, the down ballot stuff, right?
And so down ballot Dems did okay.
Right.
I mean, not great, but they started actually by the way, like they could still
win the house of representatives, which is a key thing.
They could win the house of representatives.
It's going to be a very narrow.
It's going to be very narrow.
Right.
Tammy Baldwin held on.
I mean, there are Tammy Baldwin.
Hold on. I mean, there are Tammy Baldwin.
Listen, but Casey lost,
you know, Sherrod lost,
like all the places that are that are getting sort of redder
more red. Trump pulled those this time.
Like this time Trump had coattails and I don't know, man.
There was a lot of anti-incumbency bias.
This is if you listen to the Pennsylvania episode, one of the things that we were talking about is like how in the group that the swing
voters that went for Kamala, there were two people who were voting against Casey though.
They were like Kamala McCormick voters. And it was just like, there was just like this guy's been
here for forever. And we got the same thing about Sherrod Brown. Like there was this and you could
even get it somebody from Tammy
Baldwin. There was like a lot of people who were like, I like
Tammy Baldwin, but like she's been there a long time. And so I
think there's then look incumbents. So listen, just to
answer Tim's question in my own way. I think that number one,
incumbents across the globe are getting tossed, right? And that
has to do with the global post pandemic economic environment.
That is like the big, and big immigration patterns that people are unhappy about.
Those are happening globally.
They are having repercussions for political parties globally.
And it is, and we are living now in a, in a, in a time when.
Incumbency maybe helps you on a hyper local level, but the higher up you
go, like the more people are like, what is this person doing for me directly? And you like end up
actually getting more of the blame even when you're less close to the person's actual life. But
here's the thing. So to Tim's point about the Democratic brand and our Democrats imploding.
I think imploding is too strong a term for what just happened.
But I do think that Democrats have a big problem, which is that they are culturally out of step
with the vast majority, with the majority of Americans on a bunch of cultural issues.
And that this is where Republicans have been cleaning up and that Trump does it in a crass
way, in a horrible way.
But people are annoyed enough about a lot of it that they'll take his crassness.
And here's the thing.
I almost don't want to give Trump too much credit because I think Nikki Haley would have
also won this election handily. Like I think that if she had been the Republican nominee,
I also think she would have crushed.
And that's why I'm also a little bit on like the woman,
the brat, like I think that this has more to do
with Democrats and their brand and people rejecting
where they are, like their ideas on the economy,
which Kamala Harris said middle-class a, and that broke through to a lot of
voters, like that repetition.
They didn't have like a clear economic pitch, and they didn't, and they
certainly didn't have a pitch on immigration.
And immigration has been a vulnerability for a long time.
So I just, those things do matter.
And I do think that's why people, but like Democrats are gonna have to reckon with the fact
that the Republicans had, I think,
what was not actually in many ways a good nominee
did everything he could to self-sabotage
and that people still took him in large part
because people were rejecting the Democratic party.
But the Democratic brain did fine.
The Democratic brain did fine in 2018 and 2020 and 2022
So but here's the difference and this is this is important actually and I think we knew this
2018 was a corrective on Trump right from a bunch of people who were like didn't know what they were getting and frankly
I think something like that could happen in in in 26, right?
Because I think we still have elections and like the world moves forward
politically. In 2020, I think that Joe Biden, I think it's always been unclear which way the
pandemic cut. But it is possible that the pandemic hurt Trump enough to let Joe Biden win and that
Joe Biden not having to really campaign and Donald Trump being in everybody's face and people having this anti-incumbency
bias was enough to get rid of Trump.
Uh, and again, the margins were very narrow.
Uh, and then we entered a high inflationary period, which damns
candidates all the time.
It's like a surefire way to like kill a presidency is to have high inflation insuring it
Yeah, I guess my word
with the rest of our lives to talk about this but I think my final part of a point about the Democrats and I want
To move forward and what how to think about this is I want to say this
Because it is an admission against interest like the way in which I am a moderate is
Foreign affairs economic affairs not really social issues, right?
Like I'm not a cultural moderate like I'm I pretty much agree with Kamala Harris on every single one of her cultural issues
I'm sure I could think of one that we disagree on but do you believe in gender reassignment surgery for prisoners?
Because that seems to be a very big issue. Yeah, I don't think I would have paid. Yeah, that's I don't think that is how we do.
We have a number on how many prisoners have undergone gender reassignment surgery.
I don't think I would have given those two prisoners the gender reassignment
surgery taxpayer funded probably, but I actually don't know the situation.
So maybe I would have I don't want to say that the here's the thing, you can't just tell the biggest demographic group in the country,
non-college white people, they're like, you don't really care what they think about cultural
issues.
It's just not a winner, especially with the electorate.
I didn't end up being an electoral college factor.
And by the way, that non-college white group
now kind of includes non-college Hispanics too.
Like that's sort of, like they're being assimilated
into the American experience.
And, you know, it's just like,
I'm not saying that you throw trans people under the bus
to come back and win elections,
but there has to be an ability
to speak the language culturally and to try. And like, they just haven't really tried.
Like they'll say that they tried, they'll check this box and they'll be, you know, a
couple of lines in a speech.
But like, there still is a dominant feeling among that group that the Democrats look down
on them, don't care about them.
And is that unfair?
Should they be looked down on though, Tim?
Maybe. I mean, Tim? Maybe.
I mean, I'm sorry, I know this is unpopular, but like if it is true that there were two
gender reassignment surgeries for prisoners and yet these ads were wildly effective with
those groups, then why shouldn't they be looked down on?
Because that ad isn't-
You live in a democracy.
Well, yeah. Well, number one, we live in a democracy.
But also, but JBL, because that ad is a stand-in, right?
The stand-in, the gender reassignment surgery,
taxpayer-funded is a stand-in for all of the ways
that people believe Democrats are culturally out of touch.
Well, sure, but this is like all the ways
that people believe that crime is through the roof, right?
I mean, again, I understand that I'm demanding that the world be different than it is, and
I get that.
Yeah.
But I guess-
I don't have your answer.
I'm just saying, look, you look at the map.
Just look at it.
I'm not like the, oh, red, like land doesn't vote.
But like, if they, you know, we've said this before on this, if like working class white
people in rural America start voting like black people do, like by share a vote, like
we're going to live in a mega autocracy for the rest of our lives.
So just as a practical matter, like maybe they deserve to be looked down on.
Maybe they have views that are gross.
Maybe they have views that are wrong.
Maybe they're swimming that are gross. Maybe they have views that are wrong. Maybe they're swimming in disinformation. But like, that's just the facts of life.
And not trying to offer something to them is a mistake, as long as we're in this democratic
environment that I guess we're in.
Yeah, I just think it's gonna be hard to outbid a demagogue.
Like, I mean, what these people care most about is demagoguery.
That's what they want.
They don't care.
You can, I guess this is where I'm trying to, you could reach those people.
If you're operating in a world in which you believe that they are motivated by
reality and outcomes where you could say, we're going to do things that are
better for you, we're going to pass the Affordable Care Act, which makes it easier.
I'm saying actually, no, I'm saying no, actually don't try to sell them out.
I think that's what they've tried.
Right.
I'm saying like, you got to go and like hang out and like, and be like, oh yeah,
I am, I share your concern about whatever the thing is that you know what I mean?
That's what I'm talking about.
Bill Clinton.
Yeah, no, I think this is what I'm not going to say Latin X and I'm not
going to say birthing person.
It's like that stuff.
But Kamala Harris didn't say those things.
This is my point about it being a stand-in, right?
It's about Democrats broadly.
And could she have done-
I guess.
It's like unfalsified.
The people who run around saying Latinx didn't vote for her.
They voted for Jill Stein.
Nah.
We're going to have unlimited time to chew over that.
All right, hey, we have one more commercial break.
We'll be back on the other side.
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I want to do quick forward looking and then feelings. Um
We're taping this 11 30
Uh, comelers is going to concede
A little later than my taste but whatever she's going to do it. There'll be peaceful transfer of power. There are no democrats
That are right now. So I haven't I was on m MSNBC for hours. I didn't hear anybody say anything irresponsible about it.
I was with the people at the Bannon event last week and the MAGA folks truly believed
that the Democrats were going to try to keep him from power and that they were going to
do what they did.
That was a deep, true belief.
After the event was over in private, two of them came up to me and was like would they really let them win?
Like like they were they truly believed that the Democrats were gonna do what Trump did to them
Obviously, they're not going to yay for the Democrats for that
So I guess my question is on the forward-looking
What are what is I guess what is your top line thing that you're
worried about or that you're thinking about as far as the next year of Donald Trump assuming the
presidency again? Can I tell you mine if you want to think about it? Yeah. Okay, I'll start with mine.
I'll ask the first question to myself then. It's a host prerogative and then you guys can riff from
there. I said this a little bit at the end of the live stream last night.
I continue to think about it.
To me, I think that the aperture is extremely wide on what Donald Trump does and tries to
do.
I think he's a fickle human and I think it could range from bad, kind of a little bit bad to extremely bad.
But I think that the nature of what happened with the Senate, what happened
with the Supreme Court and what happened with Donald Trump as president,
I like the mindset of, I fucking, I'm not even going to say the resistance,
the mindset of the people that
are in coalition against this.
To me, it feels more like the mindset of what the opposition feels like in Hungary or Eastern
Europe.
That the job going forward is not really about stopping him or thinking about
like how the next 20 years more rights can be gained.
It's more about thinking about what can be protected, what can
be protected in the meantime, because he is a wrecking ball
that if left to his own devices, I could conceivably try to wreck
all of the structures that govern our domestic society, as well as our
international norms and alliances and the rule-based order of the world.
All of that could collapse in the next four years.
It's the worst case scenario.
Some of it could collapse in the next four years. It's the worst case scenario. Some of it could collapse is the median case scenario.
Just a little bit of it could kind of get rolled back
is the best case scenario, right?
And that sucks as a mindset to think about.
I understand why people might be like,
I'm checking out of that because my whole life
has been thinking about how are we gonna progress?
Are we gonna gain more rights?
How are things gonna become,
like that's just not the world we're in anymore,
at least for a while.
And so to me, like that is just what I keep noodling over
in my brain when I'm able to process that.
So anyway, you can riff off that
or if you have other thoughts on kind of what is up next, I'd be to to process that. So anyway, you can riff off that or if you have other thoughts on kind of what
What is up next? I'd be happy to hear them
Sarah do you want to go first or do you want me to?
I mean I can I'll start and then jvl jump in because I I do think
This idea which is a very bulwarkian perspective, right is that our job now
Is to focus on, I think, and I think we're doing some of that, right,
I think you have to understand the nature of the problem
clearly. I think we have to do the work to understand the
nature of the problem clearly, and not just fall back on it was
race, it was sex, it was people love fascism. I think we've got to dig as deep as we
can to understand what's happening in the country so that we can figure out how to push back against
it. Trump was running to stay out of jail. I believe that Donald Trump ran so that he wouldn't
go to prison. And now that he's president, what?
Congrats, Donald. Yeah, that's right. And instead of prison,
he'll be president. I think the question is, is like, what does he do with that?
And I think that there will be a lot of things that he and his team are going to do. Maybe they
won't do much, actually. Like maybe Donald Trump's appetite for the things that he said is like actually he's an old man who
just didn't want to go to jail and now he's kind of like, meh. Like now I can play lots
of golf and like you know piss into a microphone and I don't actually have the stomach for
real work and neither do any of these clowns that I'm surrounded by.
I don't think, just really quick, I don't think that's going to happen but that would have the stomach for real work and neither to any of these clowns that I'm surrounded by.
By the way, just really quick, I don't think that's going to happen, but that would be
the best way for him to be popular.
If he did nothing, like literally doing nothing would be the best way for him to be popular.
Yeah.
I do think though, when I think about what's about to happen, that's like the best case
scenario.
Maybe he just doesn't try that hard to destroy things because he's lazy and he just didn't
want to go to jail.
That the people around him are like Elon and there are a bunch of people who are just trying
to do things that enrich themselves.
Ultimately they're not massively damaging, they're just self-enriching and corrupt.
That's bad and we should fight against that. I think the bigger issues, the things I
worry about most are the international policy side of things. That Trump buddies up with all the
strong men, that he abandons Ukraine, that he abandons Taiwan, that maybe he pulls us out of
NATO just because that's a hobby horse of his and America's rule in the
world. This is not me being some kind of unrepentant neocon. This is about just abandoning allies,
dropping everything that we do that is around diplomacy and everything else. We just completely
retreat from the world. That scares me a, right, like these things will engender backlash when they
happen, right? If he does the things, like our job is to be there to fight them because just because
he was elected with this mandate does not mean that the things he does, if he does the worst
things we imagine, will be popular. Right? And so the way
and this is the world that we have lived in. And I think this
is what I've been saying to myself over and over again
today is like, I, the history is long. And you can look back and
see lots of times when one party shocked the country, right? And
you thought, well, man, it's over, but it's never over.
So it's another election. So there's new voters coming in and out of the electorate.
There's always, he will be the incumbent now. He will do a bunch of things that are unpopular.
It is our job to help voters understand why they are bad, right? To be better about our messaging,
because I do think that the reason that one of the reasons
Joe Biden was so unpopular, and I complained about this, like
literally all the years, was about how little they did to
promote the agenda that they had to talk about it, to make it
stick. Anyway, our job is to be the the bulwark as these things
happen and to make sure that voters understand when they're
bad, and to try to stop as many bad things from happening and then get a corrective in
the House in 2026.
Jonathan?
Three things.
The first thing is that Ukraine is fucked and that is regrettable and it will have very bad outcomes for Europe and the world,
but it is no longer America's problem. We do not have the luxury as a teetering democracy
to expend any political capital to help them anymore. And I'm sorry, but that's just the reality of it. When Trump tries to fuck Ukraine,
like, you know, Democrats should make whatever political hay they can out of it
and try to make Trump pay a price for it in terms of popularity,
but in terms of stopping it, don't spend any chits on that.
Like that, we just don't have the luxury of that anymore.
Number two is tariffs.
Tariffs are a thing that he can do quasi unilaterally.
And what tariffs really are is a mechanism
for bringing the entire business community
of the United States to heel.
Tariffs are the way in which he establishes an Orban-like control over the actual economic
base, the private sector economic base of America.
And that is going to work.
I think it's very clearly going to work.
Jeff Bezos tweeted this morning,
big congratulations to our 45th and now 47th president
on an extraordinary political comeback and decisive victory.
No nation has bigger opportunities,
wishing at real Donald Trump all success
in leading and uniting the America we all love.
That is now going to be the official posture for anybody at any level of business everywhere in
America. And once you own the business community, your hooks are really in deep to the political sphere as well.
Number three, his promise to deploy the military against protesters.
There will be an anti-Trump protest shortly after his inauguration.
I don't know what it'll look like. I don't know where it will be.
It'll probably be something like the Women's March.
And when that happens, Trump...
Yeah.
I agree with Tim here.
I'm not sure there will be.
There might be.
That's not a snarky, are you sure?
This is a genuine, are you sure?
Because I'm not sure.
Well, at some point, right?
Maybe it won't be shortly after the inauguration.
Maybe it'll be after he fires Jack Smith or something. I don't know. But at some point, right, maybe it won't be shortly after the inauguration. Maybe it'll be after he fires Jack Smith or something.
I don't know.
But at some point there will be a protest and Trump will see that as a dare to carry,
to make good on his threat to deploy the military.
And I would be surprised if he didn't do it because not doing it will look like backing
down and he always feels like he didn't do it, because not doing it will look like backing down,
and he always feels like he can't back down.
And once that's been done once,
I think the ability and willingness of people to protest
publicly at scale in America
is going to decline precipitously.
And I think that's just like all between now and March.
Those three things are all between now and March.
So I'm just going to sit on that because I don't know if I agree with that,
but I don't know if I disagree either. So I want to, we'll sit on that and, um,
we'll have more, we're going to do another next level here later in the week.
Is there anything else of substance you want to talk about before we talk about feelings?
No, I'll just say on this idea of sitting on it, I do think I've tried to, I spent the
night and then this morning trying to figure out what's happened.
I'm trying to make sense of it just like we all are. And I'm going to just say that like I have said the things that I said here,
and they're my takes generally because they've been my takes all along. I'm just now looking at them
with the knowledge of how the election went. But I'm going to reserve the right to be like,
we probably have a lot to learn here. I think this is sort of not a time for the hottest of hot takes.
We got exit polling, but we don't have good catalyst deep data yet.
And so I'm still trying to figure out exactly, you know, with the different demographics
and stuff, there's a lot we don't know that might sort of shift our thinking a little
bit.
But the big broad picture tells us sort of what we
need to know in terms of like, there was a repudiation of Democrats here across the board
and we're going to have to figure out what to do about that.
And I think people who want to spend too much time, as part of the analysis, we can sort
of say like this was a bad move or this was a bad move.
But I think like living in the recriminations is going to be unproductive and that people are
going to need to like take good hard looks, think about it for a second. Don't just react.
We're going to have to think about this for a little bit. And then we're going to have to
figure out how to reorient of movement going forward
to forestall the worst of what Trump might try to do and to build a different, more durable
coalition.
I agree with that.
The thing I agree with the most is that like really you will see on social media and on
cable, I already saw it last night, people that had gone out there and are like, really, you will see on social media and on cable, I already saw it last night,
people that had gone out there and are like,
it was Gaza, or it was race, it was this,
I don't wanna pick on the gospel, it was Israel,
it could be anything, right?
And it's like, it was neoliberalism, right?
Like I've seen all of that already, right?
And it's like, I don't know, he won a broad, again, I repeat, he won, he improved with every
demographic group except college, I just get women. I
and he
irrespective of whether it was advertising, any of those
things, he improved, he improved across the board. And so it's
like, what do the democrats need to do to ought to create a
majority coalition, like it might need to be very coalition? It might need to be very different.
It might need to be the same.
Maybe it should have just been the Tim Miller dream of Josh Shapiro, but maybe it really
shouldn't have been at all, and it should be something totally different than that.
I think that it's going to take time to think through it.
All right.
Feelings.
I guess I'll just start. You know what I'm looking for here. I
Just want to say like I know that some people listening are probably like can I was can I do this?
Like can I do I want to become a monk my friend Dan Savage tweeted
Like what is the liberal version of the Benedict option for people who don't know what the Benedict option is
that was like a far-right thing about like getting away from society and
Creating a you know a little religious sect in the woods
and I understand that sympathy or I understand that impulse and
I like woke up this morning and just you start to think about
Just the day to day of like
Trump picking cabinet people
and Trump doing Trump having an outrage.
And I just, it's gonna be very, just in candor,
I'm not a coal miner.
Like, you know, I'm not looking for sympathy,
but it's like gonna be very challenging
to have to care about that, right?
Like it's gonna be very challenging for me
to have to care about that.
I really dislike these people a lot.
I think that they're, you know that we can do the sober-minded analysis,
but they're a lot of like, a really good thing
happened to really bad people.
And that's tough.
And I spent a lot of time not on a podcast
between 2016 and 2018 in yoga and therapy,
like dealing with that before I started doing commentary.
And it's like the notion of having to spend this transition talking about it all out loud
is tough, but I'm going to do it.
It's important to do.
This mission has felt good, even though it was not successful.
And there are things about that are going to suck. And if people don't want to tune in for a little while,
I get that. But there are going to be other people that do want
to tune in and want to kind of talk it through and want to
think about it and want to, you know, process. And I think it's
important to be a part of that processing. And then important
to be a part of what Sarah just talked about, which was how we
can make a difference on the margins as far as protecting the being a bulwark against
the real threats that are coming.
So as I laid in the fetal position this morning, that was what was going through my head.
So I just wanted to see if you guys have any additional feelings on that or anything related
that you'd like to share?
Javier.
I mean, I will echo Sarah's that we have a lot to learn, but for me that primarily takes the form of,
we allowed ourselves, I'll just speak for myself.
I allowed myself for the first time since 2016 to suffer from a failure of imagination.
And 2016 was me suddenly discovering things about America that I never knew.
Maybe other people did know, but I didn't.
And I made a real concerted effort over the next eight years to not let that
happen to me again. And this is why I, you know, like we joke about how like, yeah, I just, you
know, pick the worst possible outcome and it always turns out to be right. And with this race,
I didn't allow myself to envision the worst possible outcome, right? I was happy to envision Trump winning. I kept saying,
yeah, I don't know. Look, is it a better even chance that he's going to win? I said this all
the time, that Harris isn't doing enough, doesn't look good. And then for the last three weeks,
it looked a little better and we got the Selzer and the time Sienna polling.
got the, the Selser and the Times-Siena polling that was good.
But I, you know, I, I thought he could win.
I never imagined that he could wind up getting the second largest, no, I'm sorry,
the largest Republican majority of the vote since 1988.
That is not an eventuality, which I ever considered to be possible.
That is a failure of imagination.
And I am determined not to allow that to happen again. But I will say this, and this is where Sarah and I will disagree. Sarah's gift is to never suffer failures of the imagination
is to never suffer failures of the imagination
about how things could be better.
I don't have that ability.
My gift is to never suffer, hopefully,
for another eight years I can learn this,
not suffer from failures of the imagination
of how things can be worse.
And so I am going to try to... to be very vigilant about myself on that.
Yeah. Because I, I mean, I think everything is on the table, right?
Maybe like, I wrote this like six months ago, before Biden dropped out.
I was like, you know, look, here's the best case scenario for a second Trump
term. And I basically did what you did, Sarah, like, you know, look, here's the best case scenario for a second Trump term. And I basically did what you did, Sarah.
Like, you know, maybe he just gets in there, he's tired,
he just wants to stay out of jail.
And like, it's all basically fine.
And that's one possible outcome.
But another possible outcome is Hungary, right?
That is not-
Worse than Hungary is possible.
That is not a thing which is off the table, right?
Worse than Hungary is possible, actually.
Yeah, worse than Hungary is, but Russia is possible.
Maybe Russia isn't likely.
Maybe Russia is much more unlikely than Hungary, but, you know, like it's,
it's there. And, uh, I think, you know, for people, I don't know,
I got dunked on for saying like, if he wins in 2028, a hundred or 2024,
a hundred percent chance he runs again in 2028.
People like, you know, like attach for you're like,
oh, his brain is broken.
It's not possible.
Last night was again, another like,
don't tell me that it's not possible.
Don't tell me that some little piece of paper
that says 22 at the top of it
is gonna stop this from happening.
You know, like we've got a client Supreme Court,
he will have appointed at least five members of it
by that point.
And the 14th Amendment said it wasn't possible
for an insurrectionist to run either, right?
Don't suffer from failures of imagination and all this.
And don't blind yourself to how bad it could actually get.
Those are my feelings.
It's not great feelings.
Sarah?
Yeah, I mean, I guess JBL's right a little bit about me
in the sense that it's not that I'm blind
to how bad things are gonna get.
I just don't see any other alternative,
but for us to figure out what to do about it
and then to do it and to try to get.
That's your gift.
I didn't mean to say that you were blind to these things.
No, no, no, I know you weren't.
I'm being very sincere.
I know you weren't.
I will say though, it's interesting,
was just just thinking about blind spots.
I, one of the things I've been wrestling with
just for myself is that if you go listen to
the focus groups, it's all in there.
My analysis, I was trying to think about, and I'm a little sheepish about even talking
about pundit accountability and was my analysis right?
How is it wrong?
Because that's about me and so it's a little bit stupid.
But I am trying to figure out, I started doing the focus groups because I wanted an answer
to how Trump happened in 2016. And so like, I can't help but look back and be like, okay,
I saw all of it in the groups. I did Hispanic groups and played them for people. They were, and people here will tell you how, you know, oh no, like they were, they were
uh, rip shit about immigration. And, and I'd said in the thing, I remember Rui was on, people hated that episode.
It was Rui to share it. They hated that episode. But I think if you go back and listen to it, all the stuff about
Hispanic men is in there. Right? It's just, it is. And if you um, look at the swing voters, which we really focused on,
the thing that I said is like, yeah, in every group, you're losing one or two people. They're
backsliding to Trump. You aggregate that in a way like, and you can't, they're not numbers. You
can't treat it like that, but you could see it there. The flags were there. You ask people how
things are going in the country, which is the opening question every single time, and
they say bad. And they talked about immigration, they talked
about crime, and they talked about the economy. And our
intellectual impulse to say, well, that's wrong. You know, I
think there's, there's this question of like, how do you, how
do you make people see reality for what it is,
or how do you meet them where they are,
is like a thing we have to grapple with.
But I just, what I hope for people who listen to this,
like who are bullwork people,
I want you to come to us for two things.
One, like we're gonna do our best
to be honest with you all the time.
We don't have any,
I don't know, there's nothing like we're trying
to protect for ourselves.
Like we're just-
Pre-determined outcome.
Yeah, I think we want to figure out what happens
so we can be part of the solution.
I think if you want, I was watching the live stream last night and JBL was characteristically
bleak pretty much from the outset and I was trying to be like, hey, let's wait, let's
wait.
But it was true.
It was going south and people were so mad.
They're like, I'm signing off.
You guys are too negative.
I think it's important for people to know who are part of this community, which
is an amazing community.
And last night was open to everybody.
So it's like kind of hard to know who's like a subscriber versus people who just like casually
or whatever.
But like know what you're getting with us, which is like we're going to go through this
moment by like really grappling with what is going on and we're going to go through this moment by like really grappling with what is going on.
And we're going to put everything on the table and we're going to try to turn it over so that we can figure out what really is going on.
That's why I do the focus groups.
And I want to make sure that we're looking at it hard without a lot of prior so that we can then figure out how we can best stop Trump from doing the worst damage that he
can.
Us sitting, like we can speculate how bad or not bad it might be, but the fact is our
role is to do the analysis, but also, and this is why it's different from everybody
else.
Our role is also to do everything we can to protect this country and the democracy and the institutions
that undergird it from somebody who wants to burn them to the ground.
And like we can't do that without being really clear-eyed about what's happening right now.
And so like if you want to be part of figuring that out and then doing the work to stop Trump,
this is a good place for you.
You should come, you should come with us.
But like if you're somebody who's going to be like, well,
you guys are too negative, or, you know, I don't I will breach
it's it's it's racism, sexism, anybody who says anything else,
you know, I don't want to listen to, like, then we're not good
for that. Because, like, maybe you can get some of that on MSNBC
or, you know, some other like, we're going to try to figure
this out together, and do something about it,
because that's who we are.
God, I love you, Sarah. You're the best.
My only nitpick with that is the word stop.
He's not getting stopped anymore, but slow, control, contain.
I don't know. We can think about words, but.
Well, that's what bulwarks do.
Yeah, sadly that. Yeah, exactly.
All right. I've got one final thing, or if you have a final thing, the final thing, that's fine.
We got no shortage of time.
All the time in the world with Donald Trump.
Um, I do feel cursed about that.
Sam last night was talking about how there was a part of him that felt invigorated by
this and like, I don't just like in candor, I don't at all but part of the reason why I don't feel invigorated
by this is like it is just insane to me that I'm going to spend the prime years of my life having
to spend time thinking about the stupidest most disgusting fucking person in the entire world
like I just it boggles the mind it's like I do feel like I'm cursed kind of it's like I could this is a curse and there was a witch
And like I just I could it could be a there could be it could be anybody
But it's him and that is awful and I'm very uninvigorated by that that's it
Ben Rhodes have some plenty of policy disagreements on, but wrote a book after 2016 where he was
really going through his own processing.
He went and interviewed the people that were doing, that were fighting for freedom in Hong
Kong and Kiev and Hungary.
I forget who the other characters were.
Some of those people are fucked fucked which really sucks for them but like that is the little note of invigoration
that I have right like there was like those people have real purpose and it's
a different purpose than the purpose that we wanted for this life probably
but they did have a real purpose and it was inspiring to read about
them.
I think that we're kind of in their shoes in America right now.
We're kind of in our own Hong Kong or Kiev or...
Well, all three of those groups are going to wind up on the losing end of those historical
struggles, so let's hope not.
Right. I mean... Well, no. So let's hope not.
I mean, well, no, no, no. Well, you know what though?
I gotta say, like, I think it's okay for us to take a beat and feel like, you know, to
take in the pain of this, right?
And what it means, because I always said this election, it wouldn't be what it said about
Donald Trump.
It was going to be what it said about us.
And like, we're going to grapple with that.
And it's going to be hard to do.
And it makes me sad.
It does.
Like it makes me sad.
Um, but like, this is why we do this is because, and I presume the people who
listen to this and they say that they were in it to preserve democracy, that
means they care deeply about the country.
And if we care deeply about the country,
we just have work to do.
That's just the truth.
It's our job and we care about it,
and we are in a position to be people
who are rallying people to fight.
So it's okay to be in our feelings for a little bit
and to figure out what happened,
but also it is, and to figure out what happened, but also like, it is our
job to figure out how to get people motivated to get back in the game. Because if everybody
checks out, then we are fucked. Excuse me.
JV, you looked like you had a final thought.
No, no, that's perfect to end on.
We're going to keep your final thought in your head for this time. All right, guys. Well, for those of you that made it an hour plus through this podcast, kind of good, okay
show, sad show, long show.
How about that?
Sad show, long show.
I'll be back tomorrow for another edition of the Bullock Podcast.
I don't know when me and Sarah and JV are going to get back together for the next level.
We owe you, but we will do that at some point as the week goes on.
And thanks for sticking with us.
We'll see you on the other side.
Peace. is sorrow, sorrow
You're acting funny, spending all my money
You're out there playing your high class games
sorrow, sorrow
Sorrow You never do what you know you wanna
Something tells me the devil's starting
Sorrow
Sorrow Oh, oh, oh
I try to fight it but I can't resist it I never knew just how much I missed it
Sorrow, sorrow With your long blonde hair and eyes so blue The only thing I ever got from you was sorrow
Sorrow
Oh
Oh
Oh
The Bullork Podcast is produced by Katie Cooper with audio engineering and editing by Jason Brown.