The Bulwark Podcast - Tom Nichols: This Is What They Want
Episode Date: November 7, 2024The American people made their choice, and the fight to preserve the global democratic coalition against the global authoritarian movement continues. But maybe letting those voters see unadulterated T...rumpism in the White House, without the baby bumpers—at least for a little while—is how we save America. Plus, the price of eggs v fascism, and Trump is going to inherit a great economy and take credit for it. Tom Nichols joins Tim Miller. show notes Tom's most recent Atlantic Daily newsletter Derek Thompson's piece mentioned by Tim (gifted) Nick Catoggio's pieceÂ
Transcript
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Hello and welcome to the Bulldog podcast.
I'm your host, Tim Miller.
We're bringing in friends and fam this week.
That's the only way to deal with it.
So I've got Tom Nichols, professor emeritus at the Naval War College, he's staff writer
at the Atlantic and author of the Atlantic Daily Newsletter.
Tom, what, what should we do?
What do you want to say?
What happens?
I mean, what we should do is be on a beach somewhere
right now, and just with a couple of my ties,
but what do we do?
You get up in the morning and you square your shoulders
and take a deep breath and say,
okay, four more years of this crazy shit. And I think as long as he doesn't bumble us into World War III,
you know, we just kind of get up and do the work every day
and try to hold this administration to account the way we would.
And, you know, criticize and discuss and write about them the way we would.
Look, Tim, the saddest part, American people made their decision
and 51% of the American people made their decision.
This is what they want.
Okay, so we're all strapped into the same rocket
and we're just gonna have to deal with it.
That's all we can do.
Yeah, they're gonna get it good and hard,
as many people have sent me lately at the HL Minken.
They just don't believe that that stove is hot and they've decided to touch it three
or four or five or 10 more times.
Well, I want to talk in a little bit more detail about what actually the next steps
look like for practically, but I want to go back first.
So you wrote for the Atlantic this week saying Trump voters got what they wanted.
But in the article, you kind of talk about the various explanations and the various excuses
and recriminations that are happening.
And I guess you have a more, you have a different view.
Why don't you talk about what you think?
Well, first of all, as you know, I was never part of the, yeah, she's going to make it
chorus. I said, I hope she makes it. She's running a good campaign, doing the right things. She's not
taking Trump's bait. She's doing all the stuff she needed to do. But I always had this kind of
sick feeling in the pit of my stomach that if Trump could win the Republican nomination,
and this country had not shunned him and driven him out
of the public space, then he was going to win.
I mean, Biden couldn't have won.
Let's get that.
Let's just stop all that right now.
There's no way Joe Biden had the energy for the kind of schedule she was on.
I don't understand a lot of criticisms of the Biden first term.
People say, well, she should have run away from the Biden record.
His first term was awful.
Maybe it's the former Republican me.
I keep, I keep looking at his first term and going, that was a pretty good term.
That's a term, that's a term most people would have run on, you know, hands down.
Oh, she's got to talk about the economy because people are suffering with, you
know, full employment and two and a half percent inflation.
I just couldn't get my arms around what she was supposed to do there.
So I think a lot of the recrimination and the what ifs and I think he was just
going to win because, and this is the part that's hard to say, Tim, she was
going to win because that's who most of us are now, that millions of people
have become, they're not accepting of Donald Trump.
They have become like Donald Trump.
They identify with him and that means that he was just going to win.
But now with that said, I think if the Democrats are having a come to Jesus moment about the
baggage that she had to carry with her, some of which she packed herself earlier in her career,
you know, then fine, have that argument,
you know, about how far left.
Just this morning before you and I started talking,
I saw the numbers for Dearborn, Michigan.
Okay, you're gonna have that kind of, you know,
loss in Dearborn.
First of all, I think the tweet was from Jim Manley, who basically said to
the Arab voters of Dearborn, good luck now that you've got Trump and Netanyahu. Okay, I guess,
wow, you showed them. But if you're going to lose a place like Dearborn, a place that you used to
win handily, and you want to have a discussion about whether college students ought to be
driving big chunks of the Democratic Party. Great, have that conversation.
But I don't think it was going to matter that much in 2024.
I think the American people, a lot of the American people, especially in the swing states just said, still believe
presidents have the magical ability to do things and Trump especially plays into that, right?
You know, I'll make gas cheaper, how?
You know, Jedi mind trick.
I just can because I'm magic, because I'm Superman.
But also the other thing that he did is he said, basically, and I take a lot of static
about this, he said, I'm not boring.
I'll bring back the drama.
I'll bring back the reality TV show that you all love so much and
They got what they voted for I'm torn about this I mean that's undoubtedly true
and I'm torn about the response to it because I have I've like I have the two wolves inside of me in response to
that and the one is
Fuck the rubes these people are gonna get what they want. Like you want it. Good luck. We'll see
Let's see how that goes.
I can afford those tariffs.
You can't.
Yeah.
Right.
And the other, the angel inside of me is also says, you know, the Dems actually didn't really
do a good job of trying to care, trying to show that they care.
And that's hard, right?
Because at one point you're like, what?
You're supposed to show that you care about their deep-seated concerns about transgender
reassignment surgery in prison or whatever the other thing is.
But it's like, I don't know.
To me, if there is any recrimination and you look back, it's like there's a big part of
the country that rightly or wrongly feel like the Democrats
don't care about them. And I know it's the Republicans who are like, facts don't care about
your feelings. But you know, we're in politics. This is politics. The whole point is to win
campaigns. And if you have 42% of the country that their impression of you is that they is that you
think that they're racist and stupid and idiots and you want to make fun of them and look down on them, then you're already starting from a pretty low base of
achievable vote, especially when some of these people had voted for Democrats in the past.
So I am genuinely torn. This is a genuine question. I'm wondering what you think about
it.
Okay. I think three things. First of all, there's an irony here because nobody hates
the kind of rural working poor as much as the Republicans
do. You know, you and I know this. I mean, Trump hates them. Most of the people who represent them
hate them, don't want to be around them, don't want to have to visit those community centers
and schools. I mean, look at the links to which so many of these Republican legislators go not to
live in their own districts. But the sense that
there is a big chunk of the Democratic Party that just doesn't care is true. But let's
split that into two things. First of all, maybe the anxiety about, you know, like prison
transgender reassignment. But you know, something the Democrats, I'm going to say the Democrats
helped to bring that on themselves. I mean, at one point there was a really revealing moment when Kamala Harris was getting prodded
about this by Brett Baer and in kind of frustration, she said, why are you focusing on something
that affects such a small number of people?
And I was watching this and I wanted to say to the screen, because you did, because your
party does, you know, because you've made this a kind of simple.
And I was watching the day after I was on Morning Joe, and just before I, you know,
my hit time came up, you know, you can watch the show.
And I think it was Donnie Dwight saying, look, you know, the Democrats have to not be, they
have to move to the center.
And one of the panelists said, the center.
So we don't care about trans people.
And I was like, oh, there it is again.
It's like, why is everybody so obsessed about trans?
Well, because if it's the first thing you think of
when someone says you need to move to the center,
then maybe you're playing into that.
But the problem that I have in joining those Democrats
who don't care, when people say,
Tom, you don't care enough about how people are suffering in this economy
because eggs are five bucks a carton.
Yeah, they're five bucks a carton here in Rhode Island where Trump increased his share
here in Rhode Island too.
He lost the state.
But I have a hard time with the typical American who complains about $5 eggs, driving the big
truck and spending the money that we spend on gambling and sports and all the other stuff.
There is a part of me that says the very poorest people in this country, nobody seems to care
about except the Democrats at this point who have always been there to say,
we need to have free... The Tim Walsh Democrats, right?
We need to have free lunches for hungry kids.
But that other argument about you're supposed to really empathize with the suffering of
people who are living in half million dollar houses and driving big trucks who just happen
to be pissed off because eggs for a year or a year and a half
Have been a couple of bucks higher even as all the other stuff cools off. I admit it
I have that same problem of saying you know what I give up
I don't know how to talk to you and when Trump starts, you know dumping tariffs on things
Here's the part that really worries me if I can just jump from that subject to the thing that the popcorn Colonel really stuck in
My teeth. Yeah, Trump is going to inherit a great economy. I can just jump from that subject to the thing that the popcorn kernel really stuck in my teeth.
Trump is going to inherit a great economy.
I can't even think about it.
It's so annoying.
Right.
And the day after he's inaugurated, he's going to say, there it is.
We've solved everything.
The economy's great.
Oh, you know, flow interest rate.
I can't even think about it.
Yeah.
And he's going to take credit for, and for a year he's going to skate on
Biden's soft landing.
The thing, the problem of hat not caring, right? When people say, but Tom, the economy, I'm like,
listen, two years ago, we were expecting a massive recession. The soft landing that got pulled off by
this administration and by the Fed, nobody thought was possible. And now you're bitched out about it
because the recession didn't happen, but gas is only
2.99 a gallon now.
The death of expertise, all your experts failed us on that one.
All the economists said there was a recession coming.
The economic experts were like, of course, there's always that trap door phrase, if current
trends continue, right?
Listen, when I was gaining weight, if current trends continue, I'd be 3,000 pounds.
At some point, you try and do something.
That's what policy does, right?
It's to make sure you don't end up weighing 3,000 pounds, to make sure that you don't
end up in a recession.
Good policy created a soft landing.
Trump's going to take total credit for that.
He's then going to screw the pooch.
He's going to do that thing with tariffs.
We don't have to guess at this, right?
Remember, he had to bail out the farmers. He had to do relief for small businesses that he screwed
over by messing with China because he didn't understand how supply chains work and doesn't
understand how tariffs work. Then he's going to say, I had a great economy, Democrats messed it
up. I don't know what happened. I take no responsibility at all. That's where my lack
of empathy overcomes me because I know that's going to happen.
I know that the people that are going to believe that horseshit are the same people right now
telling me, I don't know, Tom, eggs for five bucks.
I know fascism is bad, but eggs.
I'm with you on the fucking rich Trumpers who are complaining and will spend, unfortunately, way more of
my brain power than I would like unraveling all of their fake grievances for the foreseeable
future.
That said, when I think about the Democrats' problem, and maybe this is wrong, I'm open,
I'm going to try over the next few months to have some lefty populace on.
Maybe they need to do lefty populace policy. Maybe.
My instinct is, I don't think so though, actually.
I think that the Democrats answer is always a policy paper.
And to me, the reality is when I think in my mind's eye, who could go to a town
hall, not a, wouldn't call it a town hall.
Who could go shoot the shit with the guys at the MMA fight that Trump goes to?
Who could go to, you know, the SEC tailgate and just shoot the shit?
Who could go to a farm gathering in Lamar's, Iowa, where everybody's sitting around doing
coffee and demonstrate that they actually care about these people and are listening
to them?
I don't think the Democrats have anybody.
I literally can't think of anyone, I can't think of anyone.
They had Sherrod Brown until 10 minutes ago.
Yeah, and he's okay with that kind of, Federman, I guess the answer is Federman, but he struggles
to talk.
Yeah, Federman maybe.
So he's not a particularly strong communicator. But to me, it's as much about like, some of
it is policy, but some of it is like, they're just not showing up. And for a group of people,
the Democrats are always like, oh, you've got to show up.
You've got to listen to this group.
You've got to elevate that group.
You've got to do like that is the Democrats ethos.
And so I just don't understand if you're like, oh, you have to make space for the native
community and you got to make space for the LGBTQ, but you don't make any space for 42%
of the country.
Like, listen to yourself.
I think to me, like, that's my instinct is that is the main issue.
Well, I'm of two minds of this as I am about everything now.
One is I don't want presidents doing that.
I liked, you know, I mean, yeah, Reagan used to put on his hat and all that stuff, but
remember that the big slam on Ronald Reagan and Nancy Reagan was that they were too regal.
Right.
Right.
That they had this kind of lazy majesty, you know,
the designer dresses and the whole thing. Yeah. But fast forward, W could do it.
Obama could do it. Obama. All right. I will give you Obama and I would give you Bill Clinton could
do it. But among Republicans- Bill Clinton could do it. Every president, that's every president,
except Biden, who was elected during a pandemic. Clinton, Bush, Obama- No, Bush 41 couldn't do it.
43, though. After 41. Message, I 41 couldn't do it. 43 though, after 41.
Message, I care.
Yeah, but there are still only three networks in Bush 41.
In the modern media era, in the modern media era,
all of them have been able to do it.
I know, and I don't, I think that's a problem.
I don't want presidents, I want presidents that are competent,
who know their job, who know foreign policy,
who are people of steady character and stealing nerves
I don't really I want that to you know, I don't really care if they can go do the corndog
You know and the and the all that populist bullshit. I think part of the reason that we're in the
Situation we're in is that people have come to expect that you know, it's like well, he needs to be just like me
No, I don't want the president to be just like me.
I'm not that competent.
I'm not that good.
I'm just a middle-aged guy in Rhode Island.
I want the president to be somebody who has real talent and ability, and whether he can
hang around with me down at the Clamboil here in Middletown, I don't give a shit about that.
But I understand, as you just said,
in the words of Hyman Roth and Godfather II, this is the business we've chosen, right?
This is politics, and you have to win those elections. But on the other hand, a lot of
those folks live in such an epistemic bubble. At some point today, I'll tell you more about this conversation.
I had two hours I spent talking to a Trump supporter in Pennsylvania, and it was trippy.
But I will agree with you about this.
How many times, and I know you've said this to friends, and I know I've said it when talking
to other never Trumpers or former Republicans or centrists, stop scaring the normals.
Right, that's all you have to do to win these elections.
Don't scare the normies.
And I think Harris, to her credit, figured that out fast
because in 2019, you know how I felt about Harris
in 2019 and 2020, I was like, oh man,
this is really a bad idea, far to the left and doesn't.
But she was a different candidate by 2024.
People learn, they can change.
But I think too much of the Democratic Party, I think on this, the critics that have argued
that the Democratic Party now being the party of college educated people, basically, has lost its ability to
talk to people who come from working class backgrounds, who are not steeped in the latest
gender studies controversies.
I think that that's something that has to be recaptured.
I think a lot of Democrats think it's like dirty to have to do that.
There's an impurity involved in that. It's funny you brought up trans issues, you know,
because I was talking to a Democrat and I said, not a winning issue right now for the
Democrats. If you're swimming upstream against, you know, Republicans, they're going to take
out all these ad buys and they love this issue and they go after it. And the answer was something like, well, trans people can't wait for their rights.
Well, okay, they're not better off today.
That's for sure.
As is anybody, any minority community,
no minority community is better off today
after what happened on Tuesday.
I also hate the false binary.
You know, and this is what I'm talking about
about being able to talk normal
like you can talk about protecting trans people in a manner that is
reminiscent of how
American politicians have talked for a long time about how everybody has dignity
We're not trying to throw anybody under the bus like there's ways to do this that it is not
I'm sorry Kamala Harris. I'm sorry to obsess about this, but Kamala Harris has her pronouns in her bio still.
Okay, it's just like, I get it, I get it.
But like, and by the way, I respect this.
If you prefer to be identified as they, them,
or if you're trans, like awesome, I have trans friends.
I love trans people, okay?
But like Kamala Harris is obviously she, her.
And so I've went as to people that don't,
like that aren't involved in this
in this sort of debate and aren't familiar and don't know any trans people and aren't
familiar with all this. They look at us and they're like, like, this is ridiculous. This
person doesn't actually care about me, you know?
Right. Or it opens the door for them to say, I don't know what that's about. What is that
about? And of course, the Republicans interpose very quickly and say, we'll tell you what
it's about. Yeah. Right. It's about an attack on you and your family and God and country
and all that other stuff. And you can protect trans people and speak like a normal human.
This was the frustrating thing to me. You can protect everybody. And yeah, I was like on MS
yesterday and I just listened to some politicians and just the way in which Democrats talk, like to
me, that's the wake up call. I know you love this. This is why I wanted to have Tom Nichols on because you want the highfalutin rhetoric. You want the
creed of core, right? You want the reference to Montesquieu.
No, come on. Oh, no. Whoa, whoa, whoa. Whoa. You forget who I am and where I come from. I have never quoted Montesquieu.
Uh, and, uh, I mean, like I said, remember I'm the guy in my stuff. You're going to more often find a Don Corleone quote than you're going to find Montesquieu.
I know.
I mean, look, I agree with you.
You know, we're in heated agreement about this, that if we're going to keep
bashing the Democrats for a moment more, because I think we have, you know, this
is part of the grief- It's not bashing. It's like, it's, we're all-
It's part of the grieving process.
Yeah, yeah. We're all in this together. It's just like, you know, you know, I think it's
worth trying to figure it out. What else are we going to do?
Well, I think it's, I think it's especially important to figure it out, not for the presidential
election, which, you know, look, Kamala Harris spoke like a completely normal person for
three months in this election, and Donald Trump talked like a gibbering.
A completely normal politician.
Yes, a normal politician.
But Donald Trump also was, you know, a gibbering, delusional old man going on about, you know,
sharks and all that stuff.
So, you know, this double standard where we say, well, not Democrats have talked like then Donald Trump can sound like, you know, he's, he's off his medication and wandering
the streets in a, in a hospital, Johnny.
Totally.
Right? I mean, that's every time I hear Trump, I just think of this guy with the Johnny open
in the back and a New York city policeman saying, come in, come out of the road, come
out of the road.
I just want to again set the table. There is no shortage of complaints about Donald Trump's language, policies, behavior, character
here.
My point is we're doing politics and when you're doing politics, you're trying to win
campaigns and so this was a devastating loss.
It's the down ticket campaigns where I think that really can hurt.
A lot of that language can really hurt.
You saw the Democrats already starting to pay that price with people
like Cory Bush and Jamal Bowman and you know, that-
Look at one yesterday in red districts, Jared Golden, Marie Gluse and Camp Perez.
You know, they are working class.
Like these, these are some Dems that exist.
Actually, I should revise and extend my remarks about Fetterman earlier.
Both of them are people that I think could go into these spaces and talk
normal and do a hang, right?
And they're not Joe Manchin corporate moderates.
My last criticism here while we're on the subject of Democrats is when you're putting
pronouns in your bio, it's because you're trying to send a signal that part of it's
well intentioned, right, to say, I see you, I care about your issues, I'm an ally, and
so on. But you're also trying to shore
up these shaky flanks all the time. The Republicans, you know this as a former Republican guy, Tim,
the Republicans never have to do that. I mean-
Look at how they treated Nikki Haley. Didn't matter.
Didn't matter. I always think of that, it's possibly apocryphal, but I think it's been
I always think of that, it's possibly apocryphal, but I think it's been attributed to Deaver back in 84,
when somebody told the Reagan campaign,
the evangelicals are really mad at you, right?
Because Reagan didn't get prayer in schools
and outlaw abortion and do all this stuff.
You know, but on the campaign,
you're like, yes, yes, of course we're gonna do it.
Of course, then he gets an officer,
yeah, we're not doing any of that shit.
And so they told the campaign, they yes, yes, of course we're gonna do it. Of course, then he gets an officer, yeah, we're not doing any of that shit.
And so they told the campaign, they're really mad at you.
And this Reagan aid says, fuck them.
What are they gonna do?
Vote for Mondale?
Right.
You know, because they won't.
The problem is that the Democrats are constantly getting these kinds of, you know, pasted up
hostage letters from various constituencies saying, you know, remember us or this section
of the vote gets thrown in the river, you know.
And it's also part of the nature of the coalition though, because the Fokum strategy actually
didn't work with Arab voters that were concerned about Gaza and potentially young progressives
and we got to wait for the numbers to come in.
But like-
I mean, she did try to, I mean, she did stay away from that third rail.
And I think part of the reason that she didn't pick Shapiro, and I don't think
that was, I think that was a good call not to pick Shapiro for a lot of reasons
is that she didn't want to have to walk with them through Michigan and go
through all that.
But the problem is that, that there is always something, you know, you and I,
and other never Trumpers went through this in 2016, when we were trying to make
the big tent argument to our friends in the Democratic
Party to say, this is the nature of coalitions.
I mean, Roosevelt didn't like Stalin, but they managed to work together.
And I think that there is just this kind of purity testing among Democrats that makes
that really difficult.
And it's not about Gaza or trans people or anything else.
It's about all of it.
It's about a very segmented coalition that is like a parliamentary party where every
small party says, I must have my issue satisfied or I will withdraw during the vote of no
confidence.
And I think Harris, again, going to give more kudos to Harris.
I think she held that together pretty well.
And I think she threaded that pretty well.
And I'm not sure that in 2024, there was any abandonment of, you know, wokeny pronouns or
any of that stuff that was going to help her. But I think now going into 2026, which could be,
right, you know, really the speed break on a lot of, I mean, if the Democrats can do what you're supposed to do
in a president's first, second, first term
and put the brakes on Trump, you're right.
They're gonna have to learn to talk to,
and can I add one more thing as a son of the working class
and a man who grew up with an accent
that I had to shed by the way.
Let's hear it.
My accent?
Yeah, say those last point in your old accent
that you shedded.
All right, so I grew up near Springfield,
and them guys, let me tell you about them guys,
they come in here, okay, they come in
and they don't want to hear nothing about those things,
okay, and I grew up, I mean, I had to learn
how to pronounce T-H, you know, this, that, them, those.
Okay, fine, Don't mimic these things
Don't be a college educated, you know
You can go and say and now I'm fixing and I'm a gonna and you know, just just be yourself. It's okay
You know, I don't need to yeah, don't do that
And I think both parties do that except the Republicans Republicans get away with it, because Republicans are so,
their party discipline is so strong,
they just don't give a crap about any of that.
But you don't have to walk in,
I mean, I know she got accused of code switching
and all that stuff,
but you can talk to normal Americans in your normal voice
and not have to pantomime caring about that stuff.
Just talk to people, talk to people and realize
that not everybody went to grad school
and not everybody is on Twitter.
Hey y'all, after this election,
having been out there so much speaking against Donald Trump,
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All right. We spent 28 minutes of hair shirt.
I want to go forward, but one more quick back question, which is the anti-hair shirt question.
I'm going to put the link to this in the show notes for people who want to look at this.
Derek Thompson, who's had on the pod, posted a chart that goes back to, I don't know, like
the middle of the 20th century about how global incumbent parties did in a given year.
And in 2024 is the only year, I guess we're in November, so I guess some incumbent party
could, I don't know if there are any elections between now and January, but it's the only
year where every incumbent party lost share, everyone, all around the world.
I find this very strange that 2024 is the year of suffering for everybody.
I mean, the inflation, certainly, inflation is annoying, I'm with it, and some people
really suffered through inflation, but there's been a lot of suffering
over the course of the last 80 years. It's a little strange to me that it's an outlier,
I guess, in levels of suffering, but maybe there's just nothing. Maybe this is all just
hot air and it was just, it was literally just the eggs. It was just the eggs and that's
it and the phones. It's just the eggs and that's it. And the phones, it's just the eggs and the phones.
People hear more complaints now than they did back then and the inflation was annoying
and that's it.
All incumbents were fucked.
Okay, but I saw Derek's chart and the explanation for why now, by the way, is that in the first
wave of inflation, people got it.
It's like, yes, it's the pandemic.
Nobody can do anything.
But then when, because prices persist and stay high for another year after that, it's like, yes, it's the pandemic. Nobody can do anything. But then when, because prices persist
and stay high for another year after that,
that's when people said, okay,
the government should do something about that.
Of course, governments, unless they want to institute
price controls, they can't do anything about it.
This is part of that myth of executive power.
The difference is, in the one place,
I'm not going to let the United States off the hook.
First of all, we're supposed to be smarter than that. And in those other countries,
getting rid of the incumbents did not mean trading off for a sociopath.
I'm not letting us off the hook either. Okay. Bill Kristol has a newsletter this morning
that is a stealing your spine. The fight must go on. We must fight. We must band together
again. And I don't know. We must fight. You know, we must band together again.
And I don't know.
We few.
Yeah, we few.
We marry few.
We band of brothers.
I'm letting the devil inside me talk now.
This is just going to be this podcast for the next month.
So if people want that, that's great.
You're welcome here.
Do we actually, shouldn't we let them burn it down?
Shouldn't we let them just fucking, shouldn't we let them just do in their own shit for two years?
Do we fight like do it? Why why what? Well, I'd let them have it. Let them let them get it
Let them get Trump like and I guess there's strategy of how to fight right?
Like if he appoints an insane person to one of these cabinet positions great
Let him point this craziest fucking person that he can find to all these things. Why would we push back? Why fight?
I think it depends on what it is craziest fucking person that he can find to all these things. Why would we push back? Why fight?
I think it depends on what it is.
I'm going to tell a tale out of school from the days when Bill and I were at these early,
you know, holy crap, never Trump meetings.
I was, I'd show up sometimes.
You were there.
Yeah, that's one of the ways we met.
I love that we practically met in a bunker.
Remember that?
It was literally, yeah, it was a basement.
It was dank.
It was like the man from Uncle, you know, it's like go over to
the elevator and a guy nods and you go down and you know, a
typical elevator in a big city, or is it? And I remember one of
the discussions that I had with Bill back then was, and there
were other people, you know, Elliot Cohen wrote a very
famous piece about this,
about should you work for Trump?
And I said this in my piece yesterday, the decision that the Republican Party, the people
that worked for Trump came to, is to put baby bumpers and pool noodles on all the sharp
edges around Trump.
And I remember that that was a big discussion among that group
and among a lot of other Republicans of saying, you know, do we let them just,
but you know, Tim, it goes back to the thing you said earlier about, okay, but
then a lot of people suffer, you know, needlessly.
I think we might need that.
Well, okay.
But not needlessly actually, maybe there's a need.
I don't want to be one of them is the thing.
So when it comes to places like the Defense Department, look if Trump wants to, I think
tariffs is a great example, he keeps on tariffs, tariffs, tariffs. Hey, go for it. I mean I'm the
guy that back when I was still writing at USA Today, I said let's have that trade war, get it started,
you know, do it, touch that stove, you know, embrace it because that's the
only way you're going to learn. But I do think, you know, if he wants to put Robert F. Kennedy in
charge of national health, I mean, I think in that case, Bill's point is well taken that you have to
really square your, you know, square up and say, no, I'm not going to let this, you know, deranged
and say, no, I'm not gonna let this deranged weirdo
kill children, simply because it would be fun to watch it happen and watch the world burn.
But there's a different way to approach it,
say we have to fight.
The first thing I wrote, the thing that I finished writing
at three o'clock in the morning,
with a bottle of bourbon next to me,
was to say, look, deep breath, square your shoulders,
one foot in front of the other,
don't run into the streets screaming, you know,
but start talking to other people, you know,
citizen associations, figure out the candidates
you're gonna support, the organizations
you're gonna donate to, places that are going to,
you know what I'm saying that are going to, you know
what I'm saying?
I'm sorry, no more demonstrative canceling of subscriptions.
Help pay for journalism that will hold these people to account.
You may hate some of the people.
Local ones in particular.
Subscribe to your local paper if you have one.
Be engaged, but not obsessed.
Don't stare at the TV.
I don't know about you.
I haven't watched the news for like two days.
Unfortunately, I've been on the news for fucking two days
and I'm considering jumping off the 30 Rockefeller.
But I was on Morning Joe yesterday.
So yes, I watched an hour of TV,
but the minute it was over, you know, I said, okay,
I don't, because it was like, okay,
we have more results coming in.
No, I know the result. I don't need to know, you know, what Ham, okay, I don't, cause it was like, okay, we have more results coming in. No, I know the result.
I don't need to know, you know, what Hamden County, Massachusetts five in the morning
and Steve Kornacki is like, and in Winnebago County, you can see this Trump is plus five.
And then you go to, you know, whatever we're in County and he's plus nine.
And I'm like, he's plus in every County, Steve.
I don't need to listen to this for 20 minutes.
You don't need to keep, he's pressing every new county, you know, okay
County he's up 11 and I'm like, yeah, he's up in every county Steve's got a job to do
I know I'm just saying there as a consumer of it
It was driving me insane like that character on see I don't go for Montesquieu
It's I was thinking that character on Galaxy Quest who says, and it repeats what the computer says, I have one job on this ship and it might be stupid,
but I'm going to do it. All systems are normal. Captain, all systems are normal.
I needed that laugh.
The election might be over, but if that post-election anxiety is still hanging around,
Pods of America is here to help you process what's happening now and what comes next. The election might be over, but if that post-election anxiety is still hanging around, Pod Save
America is here to help you process what's happening now and what comes next.
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Tune in to Pod Save America wherever you get your podcasts and on YouTube.
I want to make one more case for that resistance is futile.
We're like 40 minutes into this and we're slap happy.
Yeah, I know. Here's Nick Katajio over at the Dispatch.
And if you'll indulge me, I just need to read quite a bit of it
because it spoke to my dark soul in a deep way.
Trump's voters broke America and deserve to get what they've bought economically politically and morally
I was right about the rottenness of the electorate and I'll be right in spades about the rottenness of Trump's abuses in a second term
And when millions of our friends and neighbors decide they don't care how abusive is being so long as he's hurting the right people
I'll remind everyone who scolded me for assuming the worst about our wonderful fellow Americans
that I was right about that too.
If you've been dismayed by what Trump voters have been willing to condone in the past,
get ready.
You ain't seen nothing yet.
We're going to hear a lot of nonsense from Never Trumpers in the months ahead about how
the valuable work of democracy goes on and we must fight to save America or whatever.
And that's fine.
It's human nature to answer defeat with defiance, but it's also silly.
Ultimately, a country is just as people and you can't save
these people from themselves.
Woo.
Woo, that's a heater.
That's a heater.
I don't know if I agree with it, but there's a lot of truth there.
Yeah, I do agree with it.
And I think that's, you know, that's why I love to read Nick because as, you
know, that's the 180 proof white lightning right there.
But look, this is the misanthrope in me.
After the 2016 election, I gave a talk at a college in New York and one of the faculty
who was actually a Trumper, there are college professors who are Trumpers, believe it or not. I wrote about this in my last book, this incident. He said, your contempt for
the voters is palpable. And I said, yeah, for some voters, it is. I'm not required to,
you know, I'm not Jesus. I'm not required to love them for their votes. I'm required
to love them as human beings, but I don't have to love them for what they've done.
He said, yeah, that contempt is palpable.
And I said, so is yours.
I said, you just hate a different bunch of people
and you hate them deeply.
And you think it's okay to hate them
because of the power dynamic or whatever, you justify.
Well, the power dynamic and right away,
he went to an abortion. Well, they support dynamic and right away he went to an abortion.
Well, they support something evil.
Oh, all right.
So we're about to see some evil.
Yes, exactly.
And I think the one thing I hope and that I really liked
in Nick's screed there is enough of this double standard.
Oh, you know, you can't judge them for their votes.
The hell I can't.
You need to reach out to them,
and we're all in this together.
No, no.
You know, I respect their right as citizens
to vote the way they want to,
but I'm not required to affirm them.
And I think that's the thing,
that double standard where we infantilized
Trump voters for so long, right?
This is the same dynamic,
and I think Nick's railing against this quite rightly,
this is the same dynamic that had well-meaning reporters
trumping out the diners in East Cupcake, you know,
to say, you know, you're a 65-year-old retiree
driving a Cadillac, why are you so angry?
What can we do to make you less angry?
In a sense, I've always said, you know,
the answer is like, well, you can get that girl
at the Starbucks named Rainbow out of there
because I don't like her nose rings.
You know, I mean, it's like, you can't reason
with any of these folks.
You know, when you're asked, well, are you saying
that by making this choice, they're bad people?
Some of them, some of them. Yeah.
Yeah. I mean, I'm willing to grab millions of people who said,
I really don't know that much about this. I mean, I've come to
accept that there are people who literally are so detached from
the day to day affairs of their own country, that they really
don't know the difference between Donald Trump and Kamala
Harris in any meaningful way.
And they say, like, you know, friends back home would say, well, I don't know about any
of this Republicans are always better for the economy.
Okay, I think that's irresponsible and it's bad citizenship.
But I don't think I make some bad people.
But the people who want what Trump was selling, and there are 10s of millions of them.
Yeah, yeah, this is a, I think Nick is right on
the money about something here that no more talk, Consigliere, no more, you know, no more
rationalizations about this. This is, these are people making a moral choice and it's really a
bad one. Stop me before I rant some more, but- No, no, no, that's right. No, I have one edit to Nick's
point and I think we don't have time to hash this out now, but. No, no, no, that's right. No, I have one edit to Nick's point. And I think we don't have time
to hash this out now, but I just so people know where my head's at. And there'll be much
discussion about this in the months to come. You know, I do think that the valuable work
to save America goes on. The valuable work of democracy goes on, I guess, maybe, I don't know.
My edit to him is maybe there is some element of for this year, for 2025, letting people
see unadulterated Trumpism actually might be the work of saving America.
And you know, trying to do little things to make yourself feel better about putting bumpers
on it might not be it.
So anyway, much to discuss on that.
You know me, I argued from day one, don't put the bumpers on things other than things
that could produce nuclear disaster or the deaths of millions of children.
The rest of it, especially the economic stuff, have added.
We've learned America's resilience.
Yeah.
And maybe, well, I just go back to the top of the podcast.
Maybe people need to get it good and hard so that we can get back to an equilibrium.
Because if not, otherwise, then you're in a total nihilistic place, which is like, well,
it's unfixable.
I'm not there.
Well, and also, I think people to our left, one of the big arguments that I had over the
years was, because I will do this when he becomes president.
I will write about him.
I'm going to cover those crazy press conferences.
I want to amplify partly as a way of keeping the record, you know, but also
because I think that the more you see of Trump, the less you can deny it.
And I don't want people saying, stop amplifying him.
Stop sending out his message.
That's all over and done.
You know.
I think, and my other argument,
which we'll be discussing over the next year is,
I do think that maybe a refocus on the details
of what is happening in the Trump administration
over the words coming out of his mouth
is probably gonna be a useful pivot
and one that I'm gonna try to focus on myself.
Okay.
I'm gonna have to add one more thing about that about-
Please, one more thing,
and I have one more serious topic we need to close on. All right this person I spoke to in Pennsylvania
Voted early and then I said but you're not concerned about what you're seeing like though
You didn't think that matter because she said oh, I'm not a racist and I don't go I don't like any of that
like, you know like
Like that was somehow like any of that other stuff
As if it's not central to Trump's being.
Exactly.
And, but I said, well, you didn't like Madison's,
she said, no, once I voted, I turned off everything.
I don't follow.
I don't watch the news anymore.
Now that is-
Alarming.
Deeply alarming because that is,
not only am I in an epistemic bubble,
I am building one.
I'm building it from the inside out.
And that's why all of that stuff, everything he does,
it needs to be covered and not normalized.
Because I will say, we were a little hard
on the Democrats today, I think,
because I wanna be kind of hard on at least some journalists
who did engage in sane washing
and really indulging that bias toward coherence
and not really covering.
I mean, there is no argument.
Donald Trump was not covered the way Joe Biden would have been covered if he had done the
same things.
For Democrats who are getting sensitive, there's no criticism I can offer of Democrats that
is deeper than my criticism of myself.
So trust me, it's all, all the shame is on this side of the microphone.
All right.
You know, Alexander Dugan, Putin's brain.
Brain.
Brain.
He sent some tweets this week.
You see those by chance?
Yes, I did.
I'm going to read a couple of them to you because it's, I think that there's a little
bit of mocking, but also some, some very serious worries for us to close the podcast
with. So we have won. That is decisive. The world will never ever be like before. Globalists have
lost their final combat. The future is finally open. Now we have to rethink our global strategy,
how the world traditionalist circles should shape their common policy. We need to reintroduce our
society's traditional values
here post-modernity meets pre-modernity.
And then he cites JD Vance saying he's announced that,
I don't know if JD Vance actually announced this,
but Dugan said that he did.
The post-liberal right-wing era is coming.
This is exactly what's needed.
No alliance between the right and liberals,
only traditional values.
They're pretty happy in Moscow.
Yeah, although listen, this is where I'm gonna be
a little bit of a, hopefully a calming influence.
Great.
Don't overreact to Dugan.
Dugan says this, you know, every 45 minutes.
This is what Dugan does.
There's no doubt they're happy though.
Medvedev, Putin.
Oh, in Moscow, they're popping champagne again in Moscow and in
Beijing, America's enemies rooted for the election of Donald Trump, as the kids
say, let that sink in.
So there's no doubt about it, but Dugan is a nut and even Putin has kind of
held him at arm's length on occasion.
But Dugan does bring up something that people should think about.
That as nutty as Donald Trump is, and he makes no sense,
and there's gonna be a lot of terrible policies,
you know, Vance and the tech bros around him
are really dangerous because they have really stupid ideas.
They think they can be implemented.
They have no experience in politics.
You know, we just elected a vice president
who had literally like 24 months of experience in politics. You know, we just elected a vice president who had literally
like 24 months of experience in politics.
To me, I think the thing about the Dugan thing that is right, I hear what your point about
his clownishness and dragadotia is we're all liberals now. I think it was Bill Kristol
that wrote that. The fight ahead is really not about conservatism and progressivism or
whatever. It's the survival of the liberal order is the fight ahead.
It's the global democratic coalition against a global authoritarian movement.
Had Americans thought about it more in that way?
Of course, you know, I don't know if that would have broken through the big egg scandal.
You know, it's like, hey, you know, China and Russia, you're electing a guy who says that Nancy Pelosi is more dangerous
than the guy pointing 1,500 nuclear warheads at us.
Would that have really broken through the horror and the pain of $5 eggs?
I don't know.
Maybe not.
Tom Nichols, the eggs are expensive.
It's a mad world out there. I think that the laugh about the
Kornacki map was the first real laugh, not like doomsday laugh I've had since Tuesday night. So,
I appreciate you indulging me and sharing that with me and we'll be talking soon.
All right.
In a basement probably.
Take care, Tim.
We'll see you. Thanks to Tom Nichols. We'll be back tomorrow with an old friend,
Friday edition of the Bollard Podcast. Thanks to Tom Nichols. We'll be back tomorrow with an old friend, Friday edition of the Bored Podcast.
See you then.
Peace.
All around me are familiar faces, worn out places, worn out faces.
Bright and early for their daily races, going nowhere, going nowhere
Their tears are filling up their sorrow No tomorrow, no tomorrow
And I find it kinda funny, I find it kinda sad
The dreams in which I'm dying are the best I've ever had
I find it hard to tell you, I find it hard to tell you I find it hard to take
When people run in circles it's a very very
Mad world
Mad world
Children waiting for the day they feel good Happy birthday, happy birthday
Made to feel the way that every child should Sit and listen, sit and listen
Went to school and I was very nervous
No one knew me, no one knew me
Hello teacher, tell me what's my lesson
Look right through me, look right through me, look right through me
And I find it kinda funny, I find it kinda sad
The dreams in which I'm dying are the best I've ever had
I find it hard to tell you, I find it hard to take
When people run in circles it's a very, very
Mad world
Mad world
Enlarge your world, mad world.
The Bullork Podcast is produced by Katie Cooper with audio engineering and editing by Jason
Brown.