The Daily Beast Podcast - Why Manic Trump Is in His ‘Crazy Uncle’ Era: Wolff
Episode Date: June 26, 2026Michael Wolff and Joanna Coles examine a White House that suddenly looks far less invincible, as Donald Trump lashes out at Republican senators, alienates allies he desperately needs, and faces growin...g signs that even the MAGA movement is beginning to question his leadership. They unpack Tucker Carlson's remarkable break with Trump, why JD Vance may be quietly positioning himself for what comes next, the political fallout from the Iran conflict, Pete Hegseth's shake-up of America's military leadership, and the surprising rise of Zohran Mamdani's influence inside the Democratic Party. From Trump's increasingly erratic behavior to the shifting alliances forming around him, this episode traces the cracks spreading through both parties as the 2028 race begins to take shape. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
Transcript
Discussion (0)
We're seeing an interesting manic depressive display.
The first year of this term, of this second term, was all mania.
Moving fast, doing everything possible, doing even more of it, and stunning everybody.
But then all of that stuff catches up with him, which is where we are now,
plunging him into the depressive phase of this.
Nothing is working.
Everybody treats him like he's the crazy.
crazy uncle, and which makes him become more agitated in his, in his, in his unhappiness, in his
depression is in this sense that nothing is going right for him at all.
Michael.
Joanna, should I ask, where are you?
You may ask where I am, and I will tell you, I am so hot, I am in Paris.
And this is a bit of a right of passage for me because I'm actually staying with my adult sons.
First time I've ever stayed with one of my adult children in their apartment.
Happily, he has very mild air conditioning, but it is so hot.
It feels, I mean, it feels as if you could butter the air with that delicious French butter.
It is just so thick and hot that I used to live here.
I don't remember it ever being this hot.
It's hotter in Paris than it was in the south of France
because of course there you've got the breeze.
There is no breeze here.
So across apparently London, also everywhere in Europe.
Well, I'm not going to London next.
But it's very cool in the Hamptons.
I was in the city yesterday also quite cool.
Well, I'm very much looking forward to getting back.
This has been a long trip.
I don't like actually being out of
New York for very long. You're coming back? I know as someone reminded me the other day, I have a life
in America. Back to work, Joanna Bowles? Back to work. I have been working. I have been working.
Oh, yeah, yeah. That's what they always say. I have microphone will travel, although every time I go
through airport security, they want to know what the microphone is, and they sort of pull it out and look
at it, and I say it's a microphone, and then they pretend to talk into it, and I laugh and say they
should be a guest on the podcast.
And?
Well, and then they stuff it back in my bag, and I have to repack everything, and it's all a nightmare.
But we have...
Poor you.
I know, poor me.
Poor me in my international life of mystery.
So, we have a lot to discuss today.
We've got the Mamdani influence.
Someday you're going to come on and say, we don't have very much to discuss.
I'm never going to say that.
We have to have a lot of discuss.
otherwise we're out of a job.
Well, there is an enormous amount to discuss,
not least Donald Trump attacking his Republicans,
Mam Darni's influence or impact on the three New York Congress people.
We've got Heggseth and the generals.
We've got the 4th of July,
and the celebrations for that with Lee Greenwood singing his song,
whatever it is.
And we've got the Ellisons and a payment.
it turns out they made of $45 million to Donald Trump.
Then we've got Tucker Carlson in a new interview with Sky News saying that MAGA is over and sidling up very clearly to J.D. Vance.
I think this is Tucker Carlson striving for relevancy.
So where do we begin?
Where do we begin, Michael?
Bill Cassidy, Bill Cassidy being called a lunatic by the president.
No, no.
I think that that was extraordinary yesterday.
So Donald Trump showed up at Congress, showed up at a lunch for Senate Republicans, and had a screaming
fight with them.
So, I mean, set the stage for this.
Here is Donald Trump at the nadir of his presidency, at least of the second term of his
presidency.
The nadir of his presidency was the first time he was defeated.
But so here we are in the second term.
His polls could not get get lower.
Every issue in front of him is a problematic issue.
The war in Iran, which he has struggled to find some kind of peace deal and finally
gotten a peace deal, which represents, and I think everybody, there's nobody who doesn't
understand this, a complete capitulation of his.
terms and his goals. An economy that won't cooperate inflation on the rise, and remember
inflation is the single issue that got him elected in 2024. The ICE thing continues to go on,
continues to bedevil him taking immigration from the issue, one of the other issues that got
him elected and now a complete negative, serving up only negatives to him at this point
because, you know, he, because of masked men in the streets. And then the reflecting pool,
let us not forget that. He can't seem to get anything. The world is now regarding,
seems to be regarding Donald Trump as a, as at least in Donald Trump's view,
as his enemy. So he shows up then in front of the Republicans in Congress, the people, the exact
people he has to rely on. And he screams at them, literally screams at them. Well, maybe he's been
influenced by having the UFC on the south lawn of the White House. And he's like, well,
bare-knuckle fighting. Isn't that what the hill is supposed to be all about? And he's taken that
aggression up to the capital with him. But the battle in particular is about his, well,
there were two things going on, right? There was his fury at four Republicans holding out,
voting against him being allowed to carry on in Iran, so the war resolution powers or the
war powers resolution. Well, and that's just the most recent. There's, there's been a string of
thing. So work them, walk them backwards. Okay. And then there was also the refusal to vote on a
bipartisan housing bill that would have brought relief to people. He refused to sign it.
They voted. So this is, this is a bill that has passed. It will become law. They expected that there
to be some signing ceremony because everybody's in both Democrats and Republicans are, I want to run on
this. They're pretty proud of it. This is a central, a central, a central
28 issue. Housing, housing, affordable housing. And so Trump was set to have a one of a typical
ceremony, which everybody then gets the crowd, stand behind him and get a, get a pen. And out of,
out of, out of, out of a pen, get a pen. And we've seen so many of those things. He's kind of
sitting there, they're all standing behind him. At some point, he asks where someone is who's
standing right next to him and they go, I'm here, sir, I'm here, sir. They put a reassuring
hand on his shoulder. Out of peak, he canceled this. And one of the reasons he's canceled this
is that there are actually two issues. His election reform, so-called reform issue that he wants
passed, which the Senate has not acted on because the Senate, Republican leaders say, hey,
it's not going to pass. We don't have the votes. And that's the Safeguard American Voter Eligibility Act.
Yeah. The Save Bill. Yes, looking toward the midterms, the desperate conditions of the midterms,
this is what the White House and Trump feels at least will give them, at least they'll, they're trying to claw any advantage they can claw in this.
would be one thing, but they can't get the bill passed. And that's what the Senate is telling them.
They're saying, hey, you know, we can't, it's not going to happen. So he's nevertheless pissed at that. And then he is
pissed at the fact that they will not overturn the filibuster of which they have said in which
Senate both Democrats and Republicans in the Senate, that would be a historic moment of, of transformation.
in how the Senate works and the Senate traditions, the Senate customs, the Senate rules.
And senators are saying, no, no, this is what we're here.
We're supposed to be protecting this institution.
And Donald Trump is saying, you know, fuck that.
You know, I want what I want and you won't give it to me.
So I'm going to yell at you.
Well, and we should point out that the two people that he really yelled at, one was Rand Paul.
who's often in conflict with the president.
And then the other was Senator Bill Cassidy,
a doctor whose vote you will remember
was essential in confirming Robert Kennedy Jr.,
still junior at 72,
as the Health and Human Services Secretary.
And because he'd gone up against Trump,
Trump had him primaried in Louisiana,
where his Senate seat is,
Trump's candidate won the primary.
So Cassidy is about to leave the Senate.
So he has nothing to lose.
Why he didn't speak up earlier, you know, he didn't because he was afraid he was going
to be primaried.
Well, he was primaries.
And now too little too late, he's making a fuss on the way out.
And in fact, Trump apparently yelled at him that he was a lunatic.
And then he ended up climbing down.
He yelled at him also that he was a loser.
You're a loser.
You're a loser.
I mean.
He's a loser and he's a lunatic.
They didn't repeal the law that they passed.
They just voted on something else.
So where that ends up for any, what, how the nature of reality changes with the second
vote, I don't know.
But it is clearly the second vote, yeah, okay, let's, I mean, it was clearly like, yeah,
Okay, we're going to, we'll have a second vote, which will be meaningless,
but it will keep Donald Trump happier than he'll get,
this will get him off our backs.
Well, it was quite pathetic to see Bill Cassidy come out of the room.
Obviously, he was pursued by a pack of microphones.
And he just said, when asked if he'd been called a lunatic,
he just said, well, let me say that the language of the playground was invoked.
And then he kept on going.
And apparently at one point it was so...
Remember the language of the locker room?
Yeah, well, that's true.
Yeah.
But apparently at one point, it was so contentious that the guy sitting next to Bill Cassidy pulled him down and made him sit down.
So everybody seemed slightly stunned coming out of that lunch.
I was watching the videos of them all.
And, you know, it's just sort of, why is Trump doing this?
But then he got his own way, so it worked.
Well, I'm not sure.
It didn't work.
I mean, he just got something.
They mollify him.
But nevertheless, actually, the trend is, you know, we understand.
I mean, I think what's going on in the bubble over their heads is, yeah, this guy is, this is a crazy guy.
And how do you treat a crazy guy?
You know, you try to humor him.
You know, you try to avoid head-to-head conflict with him.
But everybody knows.
And I think that this is the, this is, here's the takeaway.
Everybody knows he's crazy.
But if everybody knows he's crazy, why don't they try and stop him from doing some of the crazy things he's doing?
I mean, they're the ones that are going to get voted out in the midterms.
Well, actually, we don't, we don't, some of them are going to get voted out.
Some of them, they, they continued to need him.
We've just gone through the primary season, and that was a threat to everyone.
I mean, they're dealing, the Republicans, and we're talking about Republicans now,
are dealing with this very specific Trump ecology.
And they really don't quite know how to do it.
deal with it. I mean, let's, let's accept, this guy is crazy. Everybody knows that. But that doesn't
change the reality of having to deal with him unless you evoke the 25th Amendment, which is not
going to happen. I mean, that's another issue. How do you deal with a president who is crazy
without a realistic mechanism to deal with that? I mean, this is what's going on right now. Totally,
you know, I mean, I mean, I kind of think, you know, what we're seeing is I'll give as much as I'm against diagnosing somebody when we haven't examined him. And in fact, we are not doctors. I would nevertheless say this is an interesting, we're seeing an interesting manic depressive display. The first year of this term,
of this second term was all mania, moving fast, moving, doing everything possible, doing
even more of it, and stunning everybody. Nobody knew who to react. But then all of that stuff
catches up with him, which is where we are now, and plunging him into the depressive
phase of this. Nothing is working. Everywhere he goes, he gets.
That's pushback, can't accomplish anything.
Everybody treats him kind of like he's the crazy uncle, which makes him become more agitated
in his in his unhappiness, in his depression, is in this sense that nothing is going right
for him at all.
Well, and it makes him angry.
Actually, we had a ton of comments this week.
sort of saying, Michael, people can see this happening.
I mean, they know that you have not yet fully embraced the idea that Trump may have dementia.
A lot of people watching him just say it's very clear that he's not acting rationally,
that we have seen him over the last, you know, 10, 15, 20 years.
And he's definitely changed.
And it may be the presidency that's changed him.
First thing, I don't think of that.
That's true.
I mean, he may have gotten, there may be an increase here that it may be more of the same,
but he hasn't changed.
This is Donald Trump.
This has always been Donald Trump.
He might be angry.
He used to have more of a sense of humor, didn't he?
He definitely seems angry.
But maybe that's because the world is on fire and he was the arsonist.
Yeah.
I mean, he's, he's, did he have a sense of humor?
Yeah.
I mean, I think, and I don't, he has had a sort of a sense of humor, not a sense of humor like you have or I have.
His sense of humor has always been make fun of someone else.
Right, mean, mean sense of humor.
Yeah.
And that is when you're not the person being made fun of, that is actually kind of funny.
Is it funny?
It's not funny to poke fun at people who are handicapped.
You remember when he did that to the reporter and he started.
I do know, but that is, I could actually have the back.
He does that.
That is his gesture that he does for everyone.
So that that was, I mean, this is a digression here, but worth pointing out that that that was then taken up that he was mimicking a handicapped person.
In fact, it is the gesture that he uses to make fun of everyone.
His hands go crazy.
And he kind of, I think the implication.
is that whoever he's making fun of is a crazy person, not him, a crazy person.
But anyway, I would also push back.
Yes, it is funny, often funny, when you make fun of somebody who, and you are not the butt of that joke.
You and I, off-camera, are always making fun of people we know and enjoying it.
Are we?
I can't even remember.
Usually, we're having tech problems.
usually when we're off camera, if only people could have seen us this morning,
there was a wonderful moment where Michael is struggling to get something opening on his computer.
And I say, what are you trying to do?
And he goes, like, you can help me, which is fair.
Because my tech and Michael's tech, our skills lack something.
They do lack something.
Anyway, I thought both the president and Bill Kestey came out looking pathetic after that exchange.
And you just think, how is it possible that?
that these men are leading the United States of America.
Absolutely.
But the larger thing is, how does Donald Trump think this confronting Republicans in Congress,
belittling them, screaming at them, calling them losers?
How does he think this helps his case?
How does he think this is going to unite a party that has an uphill back?
battle before it for the midterm election.
But he's just doing what you say he always does.
He's doubling down and he's doubling down on someone.
He's already primaries.
So Bill Cassidy, to that extent, is a loser.
He lost the primary.
He's no longer standing.
He's going to have to rethink his career.
Believe me, this does not endear him to the other Republicans in Congress.
Quite the opposite.
And he is going to need these people.
So we're in this other thing.
And we can move this, whether you want to call dementia, manic depressiveness, just pure craziness, just pure trompiness.
He is pushing himself into a into, I mean, he's shooting himself in the foot, which is one of the things that he always does.
So there's a new interview with Tucker Carlson by someone called Yalda Hakim, who is the Sky Global Correspondent.
I know her. I've done many interviews with her. I mean, I've done a lot of stuff with Sky.
and she's a, you know, top-notch.
Yeah, she seems very top-notch.
It's a thoughtful interview.
And he talks about Trump is over.
And he talks about going to see Trump in February
to try and talk him out of the decision to go into Iran.
And he cannot understand why he's doing it.
The people around him, his advisors,
in as much as Trump listens to anybody,
are all saying this is not a good idea.
Carlson says Trump understands the risks
and decides to do it anyway.
And Tucker claims that he said to him,
you know, you're going to be known as the Iran war guy.
Why do you want to do this?
This is not what you campaigned on.
And then there's a moment where he appears to be serious
where he says it's possible he was hypnotized,
hypnotized into doing it.
And Yelda says, really?
And Tucker goes, yes, yes, he could have been hypnotized
and being serious about this.
And it's unclear who would have hypnotized him,
But the significance, I think, of the interview is just that sense in which this is not what the Maga Bays wanted.
Tucker does appear to be in touch with the Maga Base and understand them and be of it.
And it's him, I think, sidling up to J.D. Vance and away from Donald Trump, looking for relevancy for Tucker.
But understanding the point that you have made now over the last few weeks that this is Trump's Nadia, that this war was a moment.
mistake and that he may not come back from it.
I think that that's true.
And just, but I think it's also helpful and relevant to see this as a, as a, through Tucker's
eyes.
And through Tucker's eyes and, and I've had spent a lot of time over the course of the last
10 years, the Trump, the Trump era, talking to Tucker about this.
And Tucker has been kind of an instrumental supporter of Donald Trump on camera.
While off camera, he has been constantly, repeatedly, one of the more, one of his more devastating critics.
Tucker is also one of the more reliable and insightful gossips.
So a lot of the behind the scenes stuff about Donald Trump, about his character, about what's going on in the White House, about who's saying what to whom comes from Tucker. Tucker is everybody's source.
But that's interesting. That's very interesting.
Including one of my sources. But the man, I mean, first thing, the guy is a fantastic source. Cannot keep his mouth shut.
Well, and we remember all the, during the Dominion case when Fox was sued by the voting company Dominion,
because they insisted that the voting machines were wrong.
And of course, Fox lost that case to the tune of almost a billion dollars.
Tucker's emails come out and they're full of, I hate Donald Trump.
I'll be so glad never having to mention him again.
At this point, he was still on Fox News.
and of course he loses his job as part of the settlement with Dominion.
But who is he talking to then, other than you,
but who's he talking to in the MAGA movement about who Donald Trump really is?
I mean, I think, I mean, first to understand, so he has, he hates Donald Trump,
has always hated Donald Trump, has always had a clear eye understanding of what Donald Trump is
and his unfitness for this office.
But he has made a devil's bargain.
I can't stop him.
Trump is going to be Trump.
Trump is going to win.
Trump controls this MAGA universe.
And that's where my bread is buttered.
So I'm stuck.
But right now, I think, and see this through the eyes of an opportunist, which Tucker certainly is, he is seeing, no, this is coming apart.
This is not where you want to be with Donald Trump.
because Donald Trump is going down.
So this is the moment when you have to start to save yourself.
And I think we can project this out into the heads of so many other people who have made this same devil's bargain.
And they are now saying, this is not going to carry me.
This is going to hurt me.
I got to get distance from this guy.
And I think your point about J.D. Vance is half right, but only half.
which is that he's throwing down a challenge to J.D. Vance. And the challenge is you got to
distance yourself from Donald Trump. Or if you don't, you're going to be stuck to this guy
and then MAGA is going to go in another direction. The Tucker direction, I'm sure that he
is a fantasy on some level for Tucker. I think that that's right in terms of it felt like he was
advising J.D. Vance. So he kept saying, you know, J.D. Vance, I love the guy. He's a really good man.
And then saying he's stuck in this very difficult position. He's the vice president. He's being trying to
be loyal to the president, which is what a vice president should be. But he doesn't agree with the
policy. So he was trying to give J.D. Vance the benefit of the doubt, sideling up to him.
And remember, J.D. Vance is in part, in strong part, invent.
by Tucker Carlson. Tucker was one of his big supporters for the vice presidency. Tucker,
while he had his show on Fox, made J.D. Vance, a rather constant presence.
Well, it's an interesting interview. It's worth watching if you want to try and understand
the extent to which I think he channels Maga. So I guess my question for you is,
do you think that this war, I mean, I suppose we don't know how it's actually going to continue or if it's going to continue.
Do you think it does split the Maga base or do you think by the midterms people, midterms people have just forgotten it?
Well, I think that's now Donald Trump's strategy.
You know, I got to get out of this war.
I'll take any terms to get out of this war.
total capitulation on my part, on the part of the United States of America, just so it can be
forgotten. And I feel like he's changed the way he's talking about it too. So we never hear
about regime change anymore. Do you remember that moment? Quite the opposite. He is now talking
about it like these are good guys. Right. You know, we can really work with these guys. They're
really, you know, they don't have their heads in the clouds. They're practical people. I mean,
oh, my God. Well, and you remember the first speech he made when the bombing, right after the
bombing where he said to the Iranian people, rise up, this is your moment. And of course, they haven't
been able to. It's not their moment. It's certainly not his moment. But now he only talks about
it in terms of Iran must not be allowed a nuclear weapon.
That's what it seems to have all been reduced to.
I mean, I was talking to someone who'd been at a rally the other day,
and they said all he mentioned,
he barely mentioned the war and just to say,
Aramis never have a nuclear weapon.
Yeah, and this is so he is, I mean, this is going to be,
the net net of this is that he'll have worse terms that then Obama achieved.
That's it.
Way worse terms.
Way worse terms.
And, yeah, and the Middle East will be configured
in ways much to our detriment.
I mean, it's an important moment, quite an extraordinary moment.
And one of the things, sort of one of the upsides, is it really, finally, irrevocably, I would
say, kills off the neocon dream.
And the neocon dream has always centered ultimately about around Iran.
and he did. Donald Trump did exactly what the neocons have always been urging.
Unleash the might of the United States on Iran and finish it off.
Well, we did unleash the might of the United States on Iran and certainly didn't finish them off.
Right. They're still there. They're still there.
So, Heggers, as we pointed out the other day, seems to have gone quiet, but longing for
Donald Trump's attention. He's bounced back up again, this time trying to maneuver out
General Chris Donahue, who has been leading American troops in Europe. Do you have thoughts
on this? This is him sort of, you know, our chief warrior, Pete Hager's, re-organizing the deck.
I mean, I think it's extraordinary. You have another unfit person, a person who has no
experience in minor experience in military matters.
You know, as we say, the weekend co-host of a television show and a brief spit in brief spit.
What are you trying to say?
A brief.
Who knows what I'm trying to say?
But anyway, he was briefly in uniform himself.
I think he had a single tour in Iraq.
He was a member of the National Guard, not of the regular army.
And I think he was a major.
And now he's running the United States military.
I mean, and running it in, we can assume, his image or Donald Trump's image or what he thinks is Donald Trump's image.
but as a real disruptor.
And I don't say that in the popularly good sense of the word disruption, disruptor of the United States military.
What effect, what long-term effect this will have we've yet to see because he's pushing out people who have been regarded as the cream of the military.
this guy, Chris Donahue, who was slated in, I think, in most people's estimation, to be a potential head of the joint chiefs and certainly head of his own service and pushed out, gone out of the military, go away from on the head.
I would think, and of course one remembers back to that remarkable event that Hager said,
where he called in all the generals from all over the world, from wherever American forces are based,
he called in senior people, harangued them for being fat and not being fit enough.
And you just wonder what that must be like to be a junior to have been, as you say,
a major in the National Guard suddenly in charge of all the,
incredibly smart, thoughtful.
I mean, it's just, it's like a sort of child being put in charge of the school.
Well, I think one of the things in the post-Trump world we're going to see is the effect of losing an enormous amount of talent in the United States government.
In the United States military, United States Justice Department, in agencies across the executive branch.
I mean, this is the, you know, this is the, the crisis that we, the sort of the invisible crisis at this point, because the Trump's, the Trumpers are still in charge, still, you know, acting, acting as though the government is, is, is running. And then it will be a different story, a different kind of acting, a different kind of acting, a different kind of.
understanding when new people have to come in, which they will, and have to accomplish something
and realize there's nobody here to do it.
Well, an invisible crisis is a really good way of putting it.
And you think of the Iran experts that were fired from the Pentagon.
And, you know, one imagines that Donald Trump understood the strait of Hormuz situation,
where he'd start bombing Iran.
But we have no idea what's going to happen to the Strait of Hormuz now.
We have literally no idea whether at the end of the memo of understanding the Iranians decide to charge people.
I mean, this idea that these professional soldiers, people who have done this their entire careers, are now at the whim of an alcoholic, former weekend television.
television co-host, a person of no accomplishment whatsoever.
Well, and who ran two Veterans Affairs Associations,
and both times he left for incompetence, utter incompetence.
It's really alarming.
It's really alarming.
And as we know this is going on from government department to government department,
at some point we must look at what Mark Wayne Mullen is doing at Homeland Security.
I mean, we don't even know who's gone into labor.
Can you name the Labor Secretary?
Is there a new Labor Secretary?
I'm not sure that there is.
I don't know.
I don't know, but we should find out.
We should find out.
Anyway, we do have other things to discuss.
Now, I think let's spend at least a few minutes on the election,
especially the New York election, the Mondani election.
Yep.
because this is going to be deeply meaningful in terms of, at least in terms of how the Democrats see their future.
So as fraught as Donald Trump is with regard to the midterms, as fraught as he sees, I think is beginning to see his fate, you know, the Democrats, it's not clear how the Democrats who have.
a powerful advantage. It's not, it's not clear how they take advantage of it. So the idea in New York,
and this is certainly the Mamdani election, is to go as far left as possible. So all three
candidates that Mamdani endorsed won their elections. These are all for congressional seats.
Yes, there are other some down ballot in elections too, but those are the important ones.
I mean, he invested a lot of personal political capital in this.
It was not at all clear that these were going to be victories.
They weren't necessarily easy victories.
But they were victories.
They are victories.
I mean, he won.
He's pushed out, you know, pretty establishment players.
And it's interesting to see this in terms of what the Democratic Party is becoming what the urban Democratic Party particularly is coming.
You know, you've had over the last decades, you know, the liberal establishment in New York City was, you know, pretty much of a money crowd.
You know, it was the, you know, essentially the, you know, essentially the,
you know, the Goldman Sachs crowd, a media crowd.
Politically, it was moderate, and it believed in low taxes and creating a business environment
so people could earn money instead of taxing everybody.
It reflected this new golden city, you know, a city of incredible money.
Well, New York is a luxury city, right?
New York was the luxury.
Living in New York was the luxury.
just the kind of feeling.
Right. I mean, that was, that was a, that's, that's been the mood of the last number of
decades. I mean, before that in this, in the city, it wasn't like that New York City was the
crime city, New York City, you know, Democrats were kind of, you know, machine working class,
ethnic. That was the democratic makeup. And then it shifted to this, this, you know, the richies.
We're liberal riches.
And now this is clearly a reaction to that.
Well, the children of liberal riches, who a lot of these Mamdani supporters are,
are going to have the life that their parents had until they get the trickle down of wealth.
And so they're all complaining.
Yes.
It is this kind of young white privileged lefties saying they want their turn at the trough.
No, I mean, it's fascinating.
Mandani himself, you know, his mother is a filmmaker.
I love her films, actually, Miranaya.
I think they're great.
Mississippi Marsala is a great film.
Salon Bombay is a wonderful film.
And his father was an academic at Columbia.
Yet you would think, by the way he talks,
that he'd grown up somewhere where he'd struggled all his life to, you know,
to get an education.
And in fact, he went to Bank Street.
He went to one of the best gifted and talented programs of Bronx Science.
This is a man who's had doors open for him wherever he's gone.
Yeah, it's not the poor who are challenging the economic order.
It is, in fact, the privileged.
In matter of fact, the poor, they've pushed the Mamdani coalition,
is essentially a gentrification coalition.
That's good.
I love that. Gentrification coalition. That's exactly what it is.
They've pushed out the ethnic voters and the ethnic voters, the Hispanic voters, the black voters,
who remain actually pretty much part of the old-fashioned democratic establishment.
And of course, District 12, which is the sort of bulk of Manhattan,
and had been held by Jerry Nadler for 30 years,
attracted all sorts of candidates.
At one point, I think there were up to 15 candidates running.
Jack Schlossberg, the grandson of President Kennedy, JFK.
He was running George Conway, the former Republican,
the lawyer whose wife was Kelly Ann Colmway,
very present in the first Trump administration.
He was running.
he came nowhere.
Jack Schlossberg, the grandson,
struggled to come in third.
Yeah, no, that was, I thought that was an interesting race
because, I mean, poor Jack Schlossberg was,
you know, had sort of been a social media gadfly.
I mean, actually, he seemed like a kind of a social media crazy person.
and then step forward on the basis of his name to run for office.
And I mean, I think I have two observations.
He actually turned out to be an incredibly articulate, attractive-sounding,
lefty but moderate but reasonable person in the campaign.
I mean, I think he suffered from the fact that he was running as a Kennedy, but his name was Schlossberg.
I was just going to say, the poor man, I mean, you have this name that should help you, but you can't use it.
Yeah, but at the same time, and he also suffered from the fact that he was young and he seemed to be the, you know, not quite grown up.
But I thought he was actually pretty impressive.
I think he is the kind of next generation social media political figure.
You should hire him.
We should hire him.
Well, I did try to interview him and he declined our invitations,
although he kept saying he would love to be interviewed us.
Yeah, I mean, his campaign suffered.
The New York Times killed him off.
And they killed him off with a single word, which is nap.
He took a nap.
He took a nap in an interview with the New York Times?
That's not advised.
Yeah, well, no, somebody said that he didn't, that he didn't, he, he was taking naps during the day and he was, you know, it was a bitch slap by the New York Times, which kind of, kind of killed him off.
But I think you should hire him.
And I think that there's another point, too, that should be made that actually Manhattan, home of the Richies, voted for the establishment candidate.
Right. They voted for Jerry Nadler's person, the person Nadler had backed.
Right. Jerry Nadler really a mean piece of work. I once saw Jerry Nadler on the, you know, on the train to Washington, the Excella to Washington, totally throw a fit, berate the guy, you know. I mean, they give you those, they put those sandwiches in the microwave on the on the Excella.
So the guy is just, you know, he has, he's, he's, he's, uh, Jerry Nadler wants a cheese sandwich.
I don't know.
Something goes wrong with the way the cheese is melted in the microwave.
And he, Jerry Nadler rips it out of the cellophane and then throws it at the poor guy work in the microwave.
Why do people do that?
Especially why do they do it on a train where someone could take, you know, film them doing that on their phone?
All I can say is that I live...
I think that would be called entitlement.
Yeah, of course it's called entitlement.
All I can say is that I've lived in, or I lived in Jerry Nadler's district for 18 years, and I never once saw him.
Although I do see Chuck Schumer.
I feel like Chuck Schumer is everywhere.
I don't know how you could.
You could have missed him.
I mean, the guy was the fattest man in Congress.
Or see the fattest man in Congress?
Oh, by a long shot.
Okay.
Well, I never saw him at anything I went to, whereas Chuck Schumer is more present on the scene.
And my now congressman, Dan Goldman, got booted out.
Yeah, no.
No, that was an interesting thing because Dan Goldman, a totally reasonable, professional.
Well, son of the Levi-Strauss family, so I can imagine people building up a case against, you know,
the scions of billionaires.
So there is another issue here, which is the Israel issue, which is relevant to the war in Iran.
It's relevant to everything in politics at this point.
And neither the Democrats nor the Republicans are kind of know which way to turn on this.
And how you play this issue is going to be obviously highly relevant to the midterms.
And Dan Goldman is, I mean, probably the singular reason that he was, his singular vulnerability was to be relatively partial and not entirely partial, but relatively so, to Israeli interests.
Yeah, no, I mean, Gaza has become a key platform for politicians.
I mean, Tucker talks about it a lot and says it was definitely genocide.
The U.S. has been funding genocide by funding Israel.
And it's got to stop, which is also an interesting position for him to take.
Well, and it's also the Trump, I mean, Trump has gotten himself into a knot on
this. Trump, who has been the, you know, the BB supporter for almost without, without question. And,
you know, I mean, the, the Israelis have been able to do what they do because Trump has been the
president. I mean, it is as though they have seized the opportunity. B.B. Netanyahu has
seized the opportunity. There's a window open here. And, and it's going to close as soon.
soon as Trump leaves. So we're going to wipe out as many Palestinians as we possibly can, given
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Do you think that when Trump hears Hillary Clinton or other representatives from previous
administration saying, yes, Bibi Netanyahu tried to get us to do this too, he was always
trying to bamboozle us into going into Iran?
And of course, we said no, because we're not up for doing that.
Do you think he feels foolish or do you think he just thinks...
Well, I don't think Trump...
I don't think he feels rage and he is raging at Bebe Nattinjahu at this point.
So as he lashes out, one of the people he's lashing out at is Netanyahu.
Now, I don't know if that, can he break that?
Can he walk away from Netanyahu?
I mean, that has other serious political implications for him.
So, but that is, and that is from the MAGA thing, you know, as MAGA becomes not only more anti-Israel, but more almost openly anti-Semitic, this becomes a, I mean, how to how to deal with this, how the Republican Party deals with this, how Trump individually deals with this, and then how they, how they're
The Democrats deal with this.
And the Democrats, the Mamdani Democrats are not only anti-Israel and often for good reason, but that
threatens to veer into anti-Semitism too.
Well, Tucker describes the relationship between Israel and America or Netanyahu and Trump as
a master slave relationship, just to throw gas on the fire.
Yeah, no, and that's totally, and that, I mean, we tread very, I mean, Tucker is an
anti-Semite. I mean, why pretend otherwise? And this adds to all of, all of this, and it becomes,
you know, anti-Goldman Sachs, Jeffrey Epstein. This is all bundled into the case against
against Israel and certainly is bundled into Tucker's case against Israel.
Israel is a fifth column in the United States.
Israel is the real power.
Israel through Epstein, yada, yada, yada, yada, yada, yada.
But this is a serious political power now, this new narrative against Israel, which certainly
has been, has not been, I mean, you know, the BB thing, how could you have done this?
If you're the, if you're the, if you're the Israeli leader and you are dependent, you understand
that Israel is possible, has been possible because of the support of the United States of America.
and yet you weighed into the, you create a situation in which you create a political backlash in the United States that is, that can, it very likely will, will change, if not break the relationship between the U.S. in Israel.
Well, and you had J.D. Vance the other day telling Netanyahu, what are you doing?
you shouldn't criticize Donald Trump.
He is the only friend you've got left at this stage.
You know, that was a totally weird kind of,
kind of JD trying to both praise Donald Trump
and distance himself from Donald Trump.
So I think JD is also in Tide in knots over this.
Well, you know what he's not tied in knots in?
Appearing on my favorite podcast.
Hello, I'm Usha Vance and welcome back to Storytime with the Second Lady.
I'm so excited to enjoy another great story together because when we read, we grow.
I know from personal experience that today's special reader loves to read to kids.
That's because I see him read books to our own kids every day.
That's right.
Today's special reader is my husband, Vice President of the United States, J.E. Vance.
Thanks for joining us today, honey.
Of course. Good to see you.
Who knows if it was an effort to celebrate Father's Day or to boost ratings?
Ushavance had her husband come on.
He came on in a suit.
I actually think he was wearing the Flauarsheim shoes,
the $148 black Oxford's that Donald Trump gave him
because they were very prominent in the video.
And actually, it really did look like they were slightly too big for him.
But to my absolute heartbreak, he read Winnie the Pooh.
which really upset me because I love Winnie the Pooh.
I don't want to hear A.A. Milne's words come out of the lips of J.D. Vance, but nevertheless, they did.
And it was just such a sort of strange and awkward and cringe conversation between the two of them.
I do think that there is some subversion in it, because at the end, Usha always recommends that children go to their libraries and get out books.
So you feel like good.
She's still, she's still promoting law.
libraries. But there was a moment where where she asks J.D. Vance, how many stories he reads his
children and he reads his stories. His kids sort of two or three or up to four stories in the
morning and then he reads some stories again at night. But his oldest child is now old enough to
read their own stories. And you're like, who is watching this? And then there's a moment where he
explains what the vice president does and he talks about being a diplomat and how he has to
try and solve conflicts across the world. And you're like, if this is for a
an eight-year-old child, which is what I'm assuming it's for, because then he starts reading a children's story.
Like, who is watching this? Has any child ever watched this video? I don't think so. In fact,
I'm going to have a little focus group of children round to my apartment. I'm going to make them watch it,
and I'm going to ask them what they think. That's what I'm going to do. That's my promise. I'm going to find some children to watch storytime with the
second lady and report back on whether or not this works. Do you know any children? I do know.
children, actually. I've got grandchildren. I've got friends, male friends, of course, who've
got second families. Michael, you have a 10-year-old and a 5-year-old. You could ask them what they
think of Ushavac. This is bold. I do. And the 5-year-old this morning graduated from preschool.
Oh, congratulations. That's always a moment. Did they wear a sort of big shirt?
Did they borrow one of your white shirts for it? No, but he was, he looked great, I must say. He
He had a white polo shirt and pressed blue shorts.
Fantastic.
Absolutely sweet.
Well, Ushahvance, who's about to have their fourth baby,
just looked thoroughly uncomfortable.
And she has her funny expression,
which she says in a somewhat threatening way,
when we read, we grow.
It's just, it's the weirdest.
It's the weirdest podcast ever.
And do we still have any estimation of what she's trying to accomplish in this?
I mean, this is just to be, I mean, nobody watches this.
This is just a, you know, this is kind of like make-believe television.
I'm going to do this.
I'm going to pretend them on television, but I have an audience, a zero audience.
A zero audience, and I have my friends.
And I'm going to tell you the audience of one, Donald Trump, is certainly,
not watching this? Well, and the
interesting thing is she doesn't appear to have had
any serious children's books
authors on, because in theory you would
think that sitting down for story time
with the second
lady, possibly soon
to be first lady, who knows.
Extremely
unlikely in
how in any alignment
of moon and stars.
Okay, well, you would think that possibly
a children's book author might think this
is a good opportunity, and yet
So far, the guests have been people like J.D. Vance and Cheryl Hines.
Cheryl Hines, who, when asked why she read the story of the three little pigs, said, I like pigs.
I'm flabbergasted. So, you know, and I would interpret that this is somebody in the White House setting this up.
Yeah, I guess. I guess. I mean, this is somebody saying, this is mandated. Okay, you're going to do this.
you're going to go on and the guests this week are going to be.
And she's doing this because she's, you know,
because that's what a political wife has to do.
Well, at least she's recommending libraries.
And, you know, Willie the Pooh is a great children's book.
He's a great, great writer, A.A. Maln.
Oh, well, Michael, we didn't get to lots of things.
thought we were going to get to. We haven't got to Lee Greenwood. We haven't got to the 4th of July
celebrations, but we've still got time. I mean, I've spent a lot of time watching Lee Greenwood,
so I want to do that because it's really kind of extraordinary. I mean, of all, almost every
Trump event that I have been to, and I've been to way too many at this point, there's suddenly
Lee Greenwood, who is as old as old can be, just always kind of pushed out there and you think,
is he going to make it?
Well, let's hope he doesn't collapse during the July the fourth celebrations.
No, no, let's hope he does.
No, don't say that.
We never want to wish someone to collapse.
But is he older than the president?
He is older than the president, right?
That's just your public face.
You love it when people collapse.
Everybody loves it when people collapse,
especially people who deserve to collapse.
All right.
Well, we've got plenty of time to talk about Lee Greenwood before the 4th of July.
If you have been, thank you for joining us.
We love to have you.
And Michael, do you want to thank everybody?
I think I must remind you.
I do, but I want to come back with the L.
Ellis and families,
um, big, $45 million
bribe, but let's not do this.
We'll come back.
Um, next episode.
45, what does 45 million dollars get you?
Well, we know what it gets them.
It gets them TikTok and it gets them CBS and it gets them CNN.
Yes.
The thing, $45 million gets you from Donald Trump.
Anything you want.
Okay.
Okay.
Okay.
Thank you.
Ryan.
Heather, Rachel, John and Neil.
That was pretty good.
So the good news is we have so many Bee Beast tier members now.
There are too many names to read out.
And we really appreciate your support.
