The Daily Show: Ears Edition - Jordan Klepper Charts Trump's Long History with Epstein & Nick Offerman Sounds Alarm on National Parks | Thomas Chatterton Williams
Episode Date: July 16, 2025With MAGA and Democrats demanding answers about the Epstein files and Trump denying their existence, Jordan Klepper charts the president’s well-documented history with Jeffrey Epstein and Ghislaine ...Maxwell, which might be why the president wants the entire thing to blow over. Plus, Michael Kosta offers up a defense from Mar-a-Lago. Do you have a moment to talk about the environment with Nick Offerman? The actor joins to sound off on Trump’s cuts to America’s national parks under Trump’s Big Beautiful Bill, which have rangers resorting to desperate measures and threaten the future of our country’s pastoral gifts. Thomas Chatterton Williams, staff writer at The Atlantic and author of the forthcoming book, “Summer of Our Discontent: The Age of Certainty and the Demise of Discourse,” joins Jordan to discuss his analysis of America’s fall from Obama-era optimism to the division and cynicism of the current Trump administration. He points to factors like America’s “fetishization” of race and identity and liberal missteps in response to the murder of George Floyd in 2020 as a catalyst for this paradigm shift, and describes how aspects of France’s universal approach to identity can help America achieve a more post-racial society. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
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You're listening to Comedy Central.
From the most trusted journalists at Comedy Central, it's America's only source for news.
This is The Daily Show with your host Jordan Klepper.
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Welcome to the Daily Show, Jordan Klepper.
I got to tell you, we got so much to talk about tonight.
The government insists there's no government conspiracy.
We release our own Epstein files,
and we go for a walk in the woods with Nick Offerman.
So...
Let's get into headlock. -♪ Whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, whoop, We are on week two of the MAGA Civil War over the Epstein files.
And the Trump administration can't get its stories straight.
There was a client list, then there was no client list.
They were gonna release all the files,
and then they decided not to release any files.
So let's see what today's excuse is.
I would say that, you know, these files were made up by Comey.
They were made up by Obama.
They were made up by Biden.
You know, uh...
Okay, cool.
Cool as a cucumber.
This guy's not worried about a thing.
So let me get this straight.
According to Trump, all the top Democrats got together
and said, let's create some fake files that destroy Trump's political career.
They don't ever use them.
They let Trump get elected.
Don't use them.
Let Trump get elected again.
Still don't use them.
And then once he's the president, hope he releases the files without ever looking at
them.
Frankly. I hope he releases the files without ever looking at them.
Frankly.
You know, that plan sounds so inconceivably bad,
I do believe the Democrats might have come up with it.
But Trump clearly wants everyone just to move on.
And after initially pushing back, some of them are getting the message.
I think the DOJ should immediately move
to unseal all the Epstein documents
in the Southern District of New York.
I think every file should be released to the public
the same way as the JFK files.
Honestly, I'm done talking about Epstein for the time being.
I'm gonna trust my friends in the administration.
I'm gonna trust my friends in the government
to do what needs to be done, solve it,
balls in their hands. Oh, oh. Wait friends in the government to do what needs to be done, solve it.
Balls in their hands.
Oh, oh.
Wait a minute, wait a minute.
The balls in their hands, he says?
Probably not the phrase I would use
when talking about the Epstein files.
The balls in their hands.
The shaft is in the courts.
The taint is in the bread basket.
What the f*** are we doing here?
A phrase you don't hear conspiracy theorists,
free thinkers utter a whole lot is,
I'm going to trust my friends in the government on this one.
Clearly this issue has MAGA on its heels,
which means now is the time for Democrats to strike.
Democrats, show us what you got.
-"Jungleman Hank Johnson coming to give you
some more ear candy or perhaps an earache."
-♪ You still died by suicide, you thought that you must be blind
You've been telling us you were to fall, but where are they?
-♪
You know, maybe I was too harsh on the J6 choir.
You know, I just feel for his poor age,
who probably spent all week having to help him with this.
Like, Rebecca, quick, give me a list of all the words
that rhyme with suicide, please.
But it's a fluid situation right now,
and MAGA is trying to wrap their heads around it,
because they have a lot of unanswered questions.
There are a lot of unanswered questions.
But the biggest question is just,
what on Earth is going on?
I don't know what's happening.
It doesn't make sense.
I can't reconcile this Donald Trump
with the Trump that we're seeing right now,
the Trump that is gaslighting the public right now.
Yeah, okay, okay, you know what?
Yeah, this is a tough one.
Why is Donald Trump refusing to release the Epstein files
and telling everyone to shut up and move on?
Well, okay.
Let me offer one possible theory.
Perhaps you've heard of Occam's razor.
It's the idea that the most simple explanation
is probably the correct one.
In the case of Trump and the Epstein files,
let's call our theory
Occam's giant f***ing machete.
By now, you've probably heard that Donald Trump,
Jeffrey Epstein, and Epstein's partner,
Ghislaine Maxwell, used to be friends.
But it's worth understanding how close this friendship was.
Trump says he's known Epstein since the late 80s,
and pictures from the 90s show the president with Maxwell,
who became Epstein's girlfriend.
There were neighbors in Palm Beach.
At one point, Epstein was a member at Mar-a-Lago.
It's party time at Donald Trump's Mar-a-Lago,
and among the guests, Jeffrey Epstein.
Come on in. Join us up.
Trump and Epstein can be seen ogling the cheerleaders.
Trump points one of them out and says, she's hot.
Then he says something in Epstein's ear
that has the financier doubled up in laughter.
Now...
Okay, now...
Hey, hey, hey, hey.
What did Trump say?
It's impossible to know.
And Donald Trump and Epstein didn't just party together.
They were neighbors.
Epstein said he was Trump's closest friend for 10 years.
In fact, Epstein's infamous Little Black Book included 14 different numbers for Trump and
his representatives.
I mean, he had 14 separate ways to contact Donald Trump.
I mean, when I drop my kid off at camp,
I give two emergency contact numbers.
And one of them is fake,
because I don't need the hassle, all right?
And these guys didn't just party together.
Epstein was a part of some major milestones in Trump's life.
Jeffrey Epstein introduced Melania to Donald Trump.
Trump was a frequent passenger on Epstein's plane,
known as the Lolita Express.
And Epstein told author Michael Wolff
the first time he slept with Melania was on my plane.
And that is how I met your mother, Barron.
Any questions? Any? I'll tell you, next time you're on a flight with a crying baby,
just think about how much worse it could be.
All right. So right now, you might be thinking,
fine, they were friends. They hung out.
That doesn't mean Trump knew about what Epstein was doing.
And you know what?
Maybe not.
But he clearly had some idea.
In a 2002 interview with New York Magazine, Trump showered praise on Epstein, calling
him a, quote, terrific guy and saying, it is even said he likes beautiful women as much
as I do, and many of them are on the younger side.
Oh!
Do you know how creepy with women you have to be
for Donald Trump to pick up on it?
I mean, that's a real your drunk friend
taking the car keys from you moment.
And you can still say, so what?
They were close friends. They were mile high club pals.
That still doesn't mean that Trump is in the files.
And maybe.
But after Jeffrey Epstein died in prison,
the only person left who knew all his secrets
was Ghislaine Maxwell.
And when she got charged with sex trafficking,
Trump's response was surprisingly sympathetic.
I haven't really been following her too much.
I just wish her well, frankly.
I've met her numerous times over the years,
especially since I lived in Palm Beach,
and I guess they lived in Palm Beach.
But I wish her well, whatever it is.
You wish her well?
Is that the right response?
I think there's a reason they don't have that section
in the Hallmark store.
Oh! I think there's a reason they don't have that section in the Hallmark store. It's not there.
It's not.
Let's be clear.
Law and order SBU doesn't start like,
in the criminal justice system, sexually based offenses
are considered especially heinous,
and we wish the perpetrators well.
Dun-dun!
Okay, you know what? You know what?
You want to take another shot at it?
Maybe even more flailing and desperate?
Yeah, I wish you well. I'd wish you well.
I'd wish a lot of people well. And I do wish you well.
I'm not looking for anything bad for her.
I'm not looking bad for anybody.
What are you talking about?!
You wish bad things on everybody!
Suddenly, you're wishing Galane well?
You were harder on Kristen Stewart
for cheating on Robert Pattinson.
Okay. All right. All right. All right.
So, so...
To sum up, to all the MAGA people
who are so confused about why Trump
doesn't want to release any of these files,
maybe the answer has something to do
with Occam's giant f***ing machete.
But...
Bravo. Bravo a minute.
Bravo, Jordan.
Bravo.
What is that?
I know that sarcastic clap.
Is that Michael Kosta?
Yes, Michael Kosta.
Michael Kosta.
Apparently...
Apparently on Mar-a-Lago, everyone.
Michael?
That's right.
I'm Michael Kosta.
And you must think you're Inspector Gadget, the way you're putting all the clues together,
huh?
But the fact is, you're just talking out of your Go-Go Gadget ass.
Okay.
I don't think that's fair, Michael.
I've laid out a pretty good trail
of Trump and Epstein's decades-long friendship.
Sorry, I barely recognized you in your tinfoil hat.
Hey, Klepper, you're just like all the other conspiracy
theorists, stringing red yarn between random facts.
You think you're Sherlock Holmes,
but really, you're just talking out of your go-go gadget ass.
Yeah, okay, okay. All right.
All right, all right, smarty pants.
Why do you think Trump was just so close to Epstein?
It's so obvious, Jordan.
Once you take off your go-go gadget blinders,
you'll realize that the reason Trump was friends with Epstein
was so he could investigate him.
He knew from the very beginning that Epstein was trouble,
and as a concerned citizen,
Donald Trump f***ed Melania on his plane.
You know laying low.
Okay, okay, but if Donald Trump was working to expose Epstein,
why doesn't he just say it?
Because he's a humble man, Jordan. Oh!
If the world found out he was the one who exposed
the world's most notorious sex trafficker,
he would get so much praise, love, and attention.
And that's the last thing Donald J. Trump would want.
Oh, my God.
Okay.
All right.
But... God's saying he didn't expose anything.
Epstein killed himself in prison.
Yeah, well, and you can thank Donald Trump for that.
Who do you think talked Epstein into it?
My man Donny T went into his cell and said,
listen up, you ugly mug, the game's up, see?
We got you dead to right, so do yourself a favor.
Punch your own ticket before we put you in the chair and give you the juice, see?
Okay. All right.
So, let me get this straight.
Your theory is that Trump spent the past 30 years undercover
in Epstein's pedophile, Cabal,
which he was not actually part of,
to get evidence to convict Jeffrey Epstein,
who Trump convinced to kill himself,
but he can't release the files
because people would be too grateful for him? evidence to convict Jeffrey Epstein, who Trump convinced to kill himself, but he can't release the files
because people would be too grateful for him?
Well, well, well.
Look who finally connected all the clues.
Mr. Detective Columbo.
Looks like Mr. Murder She Wrote finally pulled his Nancy Drew head out of his go-go gadget
ass.
Michael Kosta, everybody.
Stop slapping.
Stop slapping.
Stop.
When we come back, Nick Offerman will give us his opinion.
Don't go away.
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We all know I've got great opinions, but I'm not the only one.
Studies show that other people also have opinions.
So here with another installment of In My Opinion is our good friend, Nick Offerman. ["In My Opinion," theme music plays.] -♪ Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo! Woo do you have a moment to talk about the environment? I have several undeniable loves in my life.
The oaky notes of a barrel-aged whiskey,
an old-fashioned plumb bob dangling over a red cedar plank,
my blushing brides hoo-ha,
and of course, America's national parks.
Our beautiful national parks were the brainchild of Theodore Roosevelt, Teddy, who you may recognize as the old man in Home Alone.
America's national parks, as the kids say, sleigh.
Now I've spent much of my life in their splendor.
I've written several books about them.
And thanks to the parks, my parents never had to teach me
about the birds and the bees.
They just took me to look at Old Faithful.
Oh!
Whoo!
Applause.
I mean, I got it.
Laughter. I mean, I got it.
But that's why it brings me great sorrow to report these pastoral gifts to America are
under attack.
National parks are facing a major summer staffing crisis.
Staffing cuts under President Trump and cost cutting by Doge have left parks struggling. Permanent staffing is down 24% system-wide since President Trump took office.
Cuts to the park system are causing chaos.
Long lines, dirty bathrooms and overflowing trash cans.
Even scientists now have to help clean toilets due to severe shortages.
Oh!
That's right.
America's parks are so underfunded now that they're making scientists clean the toilets.
Like goodwill hunting, but in reverse. This is a huge mistake.
No scientist has the strength to clean the skid marks of a man who's been eating beans
and campfire hot dogs for the past three days.
They're weak.
This is no way to treat America's park rangers. They are already underpaid despite
being highly skilled. Our park rangers have to traverse miles of treacherous terrain,
stand up to dangerous wildlife, and glue all the leaves back on the trees every spring. You thought they grew back?
Read a book.
These rangers are doing everything they can to keep the parks going.
And I mean everything.
A TikTok influencer is proving once again that sex sells even when it comes to yes,
national parks.
Kim Tanner is behind a trend called Park Talk,
which features risque videos and raunchy song lyrics
to promote awareness of the parks.
Tanner says that she's concerned
about federal funding cuts and new mining activity.
Yeah.
Yeah.
Oh.
Woo.
Woo.
Woo.
Woo.
Ah.
Ah.
Ah.
Yikes.
Yikes.
Yikes.
Rangers are stripping.
People, I'm worried we're just about two months away
from seeing the Grand Canyon on OnlyFans.
Oh!
Because it shows whole.
Oh!
Oh!
Oh! And it does rim to rim action.
Color me subscribed.
Now true, our parks need to make money to function.
And to make matters worse, President Trump's one big, beautiful bill just cut another $267
million from the national parks budget.
How will he make up that money, you ask?
I'll tell you.
The only way he knows knows by shaking down foreigners.
President Trump just increased the price to get into national parks, but only if you're
from a foreign country.
The national parks will be about America first.
The increase is estimated to bring in an additional $90 million to the Department of Interior's
budget. Let me get this straight, Mr. President.
You cut $267 million to get back $90 million.
Now I'm no mathematician, but I believe go to Wharton Business College.
If money is all you're concerned about, there is great news, Mr. President.
These parks actually make a ton of green. In 2023, national parks brought a record $55.6 billion to the U.S. economy, supporting more
than 415,000 jobs.
A record-breaking 331 million visits across hundreds of sites last year alone.
330 million visits.
That's over five times more visitors than Disney World. Yeah.
Yeah.
Plus, the mice in our national parks
would never debase themselves
by participating in the culinary atrocity
that is the character breakfast.
Ugh.
I'm sorry that you flunked out a Juilliard, Mickey, but you stay the f*** away from my
eggs.
That is the true miracle of our national parks.
It is an affordable vacation that everyone can take inside our own borders. Whether you're traveling with your family or abandoning your constituents during a crisis.
Protecting our national parks is a bipartisan issue.
They are the one place where a pickup truck and a Prius look equally at home. All
Americans use our parks. Conservatives, liberals, libertarians, from Rand Paul to the birds
that live in Rand Paul's head.
In fact, President Trump, even you have talked about our parks fondly and almost remembered
their names.
We want every American child to have access to pristine outdoor spaces.
When young Americans experience the breathtaking beauty of the Grand Canyon when they gaze upon Yosemites, Yosemites.
Oh!
Oh!
Oh!
Oh!
Oh!
Oh!
Oh!
Oh!
Oh!
Oh!
Oh!
Oh!
Oh!
Oh!
Oh!
Oh!
Oh!
Oh!
Oh!
Oh! Oh! Oh! Oh! Oh! It's Yosemite. Yosemite is what a bad undercover cop might to buy a bag of goofballs?
So look, we can only hope that the president takes his own advice and protects our country's
majesty with adequate staffing and funding.
It's America the Beautiful, Purple Mountain Majesty, Amber Waves of Grain, A Little Bit of Chicken Fried,
Cold Beer on a Friday Night, A Pair of Jeans that Fit Just Right,
and the radio up.
I...
I may have gotten my songs mixed up.
The point is, if we don't protect our natural beauty, what is even left to sing about?
Because let's face it, America, without its national parks, is like McDonald's without
the hamburgers.
You can still go there, I guess, but at that point, it's kind of just a bathroom. But that's just my opinion. Thomas, Sheddison, William, and me joining you on the show. Don't go away. Thank you, guys. Thank you.
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Thank you.
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Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. gun. Liam Neeson. Buy your tickets now and get a free chili dog. Chili dog not included. The naked
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["Summer of Our Discontent," by David Bowie and the CW, plays in background.]
Welcome back to Daily Show.
My guest tonight is a staff writer at The Atlantic
and author of the forthcoming book,
Summer of Our Discontent,
The Age of Certainty and the Demise of Discourse.
Please welcome Thomas Chatterton Williams. A lot of big ideas in this book, Thomas.
I want to jump into some of these, all right?
You look specifically at the summer of 2020, but this book takes us back a little bit about
the promise of Barack Obama and talks about this promise of post-racialism
and how the failures, I believe you say,
the failures to take action in that
or to find this moment of post-racialism,
you could draw a direct line from that
to this era of Trump and MAGA.
Explain that for me a little bit.
Yeah, I think we had a moment
in the beginning of this century when the country seemed to come, not everyone in the country,
but a plurality of people in the country,
maybe even a slim majority of people in the country,
really wanted to put the past oppressions and biases
behind us and create this multi-ethnic society
that Barack Obama's figure kind of gave us
a hint of what could be.
And so there was this moment of goodwill.
And even there were polls in Gallup
that a majority of McCain voters even
thought that this was an inspiring moment, even in laws.
And that...
Fake news.
I don't believe that for a second.
There was a moment where people on the other side
were like, this is still inspiring. It's hard to believe. I don't remember. for seconds. There was a moment where people on the other side were like, this is still in pirate.
It's hard to believe.
I don't remember that.
It was a different country.
It might have been a temporary moment,
but there was a moment when people
seemed to want to transcend the kind of conflicts
that we had been plagued by in the previous century.
And Barack Obama's figure was a special, charismatic kind
of idea of a post-racial future embodied in the president.
And I think that we had a chance.
But it didn't last so long.
So what?
It didn't last so long.
Well, you mentioned in here that this sort of clicked with you.
You're a teacher as well with the disconnect you had with your students.
Is that correct?
Yeah.
I'm about 20 years older than the undergrads that I teach. Uh-huh.
And they can't remember the Obama era.
This idea that there was a moment where we would become, now it seems naive to say post-racial.
And a post-racial is such a loaded term now.
It almost feels antiquated.
It feels antiquated and people don't really take you seriously if you say you believe
in post-racialism, but there was a moment when that seemed to point to
something that we could become, that seemed to be a kind of, it was downstream of Martin Luther King's idea of the mountain top,
you know, and that we would meet each other and judge each other by the contents of our character.
It seemed when it was earnestly embraced like a vision of America that we were moving towards the arc of history,
was earnestly embraced, like a vision of America that we were moving towards the arc of history
bent towards justice.
And that was a moment that I don't
believe that the Gen Z students and soon to be the Gen Alpha
students that I teach have direct contact with.
And so it seems like abstract history to them.
And when I try to kind of evoke that in the classroom,
that sense of optimism that we had, that hope and change when Barack Obama said,
you know, we're not the, you know, we're not red states,
we're not blue states, we're the United States of America.
There was a moment where I truly believed in that
because I came up when that kind of defined
the political possibilities of my generation.
And I noticed this absence with the young kids,
with the young adults that I teach undergrad now.
And I find that to be kind of a real tragedy
of the political culture that we've inherited
since that crucial turning point,
when we reached this fork in the road
where we could have gone to this nicer,
more perfected union.
How could we have done that?
Because, I mean, this book is critical of the left
and the way in which they handled that movement, right?
How do you see, what are the criticisms
you see in the way that the left and Obama handled
that movement, and where was the actual space
for a post-racial America?
That's a very good question.
I think that there was a space where, and you might call this also, I think there's a lot of room to push back and critique this. But I that there was a space where, and you might call this also, you know, I
think there's a lot of room to push back and critique this, but I think there was a...
Give me a shot.
There was a moment where I think a lot of very well-intentioned white people, let's
call them, you know, white liberals.
Sure. I'm dragging.
Where a lot of them probably felt like, we've done it.
We've really done it.
We've decided to put a race behind us,
an identity behind us.
And so we've elected somebody who
is embodying that new America that we're moving towards.
And there is a chance to really be post-racial.
But I think there were several missteps.
And I can understand how they happened.
And I think it's a tragedy how they happened.
But one of the real inflection points
that I tried to get into in the book
is when Barack Obama said, if I had a son,
he'd look like Trayvon Martin.
And at the time that that happened,
I didn't really appreciate that that was a rhetorical misstep.
I think that I really understand what he was trying to say.
But I can also see now in retrospect
how we had elected Barack Obama.
We had believed that we were moving past race.
And we had believed that we were moving past these divisions.
It's appalling that a boy is stalked and killed
because that's an appalling thing to do full stop.
And I think that, you know, when he injected
the kind of identity angle into it,
people said, you know, we haven't actually
become post-race at all.
In fact, this is a kind of identity angle,
and I feel excluded from this.
I try to, you know, think of the example of,
like, think of like Laken and Riley, who was this young
woman in Georgia who was murdered by an undocumented immigrant.
Imagine if Donald Trump said, if I had a daughter, she'd look like Lake and Riley.
That could actually really be explosively divisive.
Not to say that he's not explosively divisive every day.
But think about what that would inject into the conversation about it.
Almost a kind of white nationalism.
You know, it...
Well, you think that's what it would begin?
Well, I mean, I think that's a curious point there, right?
But Lincoln Reilly is somebody who has,
from my perspective, been weaponized by the right...
Absolutely....as a victim
that the left doesn't see.
And I remember that moment with Barack Obama and Trayvon Martin.
And from my perspective, it felt like a very powerful moment
when Barack Obama saw himself and his family
in this victim here.
My memory of it was less that he brought race to that situation.
I feel like he had an entire media ecosystem on the right
that was making Barack Obama the black president.
Absolutely.
That was consistently projecting this and race baiting and fear mongering.
And so in some ways it felt like that moment was like a necessary moment of inclusion,
that identity, he didn't bring up identity, identity was somewhat thrust on him as a weapon.
Well it shows how little leeway he had
and how there was no room for any mishap.
And that's what I think is the tragedy of his presidency, actually.
It was always too much for one person, even as magnificent and excellent,
and I think as elegant a person as he was,
it was too much for one person to ever be able to handle
because the moment anybody could kind of put a misstep on you,
then it was much more extreme and much more significant than it would have been for another
president.
But you still see there was a moment of hope in that.
I really do.
So do you see that is, does that give you ultimate hope that there's space there or
does it ultimately depress you because that was a missed opportunity?
Both.
I think I have to call myself a Pess Optimist.
Yeah.
But both.
You can't just be one or the other.
And I think that the vision of America that I was exposed to, I can never forget.
And so I have to be an optimist as long as I know that that moment existed and I lived
it. The night he won in 2008 in November,
I was in Fort Greene, Brooklyn,
walking through the streets.
I've never seen, you know, such civic pride.
And the thing I felt in the streets that day
is the country that I believe we will one day have back.
I think it's really under siege.
I think it's the most dangerous moment
I've ever lived through now.
But having glimpsed that, I don't believe
the future belongs to Donald Trump
and the movement he's trying to bring in.
I really can't accept that.
Whoo!
Whoo!
I think it's...
The major part, the big chunk of this book
looks really at the summer of 2020.
And it's fascinating to look back at something
that feels in some ways like it was a month ago,
in some ways it feels like 100 years ago.
But you really walk through it from a critical eye
towards what the progressive response to that was.
And I think you're very clear about, like,
you don't hold back on your critiques of the left,
but make it clear that in order for people to find that step,
perhaps, away from Donald Trump,
you need to be pretty clear-eyed about the mistakes
that you made, specifically in the summer of 2020.
What do you see those major missteps as?
Well, how much time you got?
Well, I mean, like, you focus on...
That was such a chaotic time.
You're looking at COVID, and you're looking at George Floyd.
Yeah. Right?
Talk to me about George Floyd and where you see the flaws
of the left in the response to George Floyd.
Sure. So, you have really...
Thank you for bringing that up. You have a confluence of events.
You have the pandemic, which makes possible
a kind of reaction to this, like, horrific videotaped execution
that really looks... It's a nine minute long slow death
that's recorded.
So that happens at a moment when everybody is at home,
sidelined from their normal lives
with a lot of time and attention
and glued to these screens that homogenize
all of our shared reality.
And then hanging above that,
you have the specter of Donald Trump
telling people to ingest bleach and to shine light on themselves
as a way of fighting an epidemic
that we still don't fully understand
and terrorizing the body politic.
So you have this kind of moment
where so many missteps were made,
but one of the most extreme things that I think
was really done by people who would be left of center and
progressive was that they squandered the kind of institutional authority that they had in
our mainstream institutions.
They squandered trust so that you have epidemiologists and public health authorities saying one day
that you really can't be outside because, you know, it's too dangerous to mask collectively
and people are trying to kill your grandmother if they're outside or if they're trying to, you know,'s too dangerous to mask collectively and people are trying to kill
your grandmother if they're outside or if they're trying to you know if they're...
Do you have sympathy for that? That was a fluid situation at the time.
Of course I have sympathy for that but what I don't have as much sympathy for is that the next day
after George Floyd dies tragically is that then it's like racism is also an epidemic and you
actually must be outside now because because we actually have to protest against
this other pandemic and the risk is now tolerable.
It's either, the COVID-19 doesn't discriminate based on which ideological standpoint you're
at.
You know, so that was a very, that was a major mistake by the kind of public health messaging
that was picked up by other outlets on the left.
Then you had the kind of reporting
that I think was a massive, massive squandering
of institutional authority.
I think maybe people in this audience remember a chyron
that said, fiery but mostly peaceful protests.
I don't think that people who lived
through seeing cities burn,
and you know, downtown New York City, SoHo,
it was getting crazy in SoHo sometimes.
You know?
All of the stores were boarded up.
There were police guards outside of Nike.
You know, there were people were looting.
To say, it's one thing to say
that that's sometimes what happens, you know?
But it's another thing to say that this hasn't happened.
You're not, don't believe your lying eyes.
You know, it's really mostly peaceful.
It's really not... Kenosha is not burning.
You feel that's embedded in some of the frustrations
that the MAGA movement picked up.
I think it... I don't think it justifies...
You know, I think, you know, they...
You know, there's ways of responding to something
that's not right,
that goes so far beyond an appropriate response
that they create a new problem that's far greater
than their original offense.
But at the time though, at the time you do see a left
who is like, you're advocating for a more
rational response.
Yes.
But it felt like it was an irrational time.
Very much so.
With a person in charge who was fear-mongering,
giving you false information, who was race-baiting
with all of the moments, with what was happening
with George Floyd, and that I know that you're
against elements of the identity politics
and how the Democrats have clung to it.
But it didn't feel like, at the time,
it didn't feel like that was the choice Democrats were making.
It felt like that was the reality they were embracing
and had a real earnest desire to use that moment
and to use that anger to try to enact some kind of change.
I know you don't think that was done correctly,
but what do you do with that energy
in a moment that is so irrational?
It's a very good question.
I think that in retrospect, it's very easy
to judge a lot of things.
In the moment, I think that emotion
and a sense of solidarity can be very compelling,
but they can also cloud judgment.
I think that there's something ludicrous
when you look back at Nancy Pelosi and Chuck Schumer kneeling
in Kentie Claus.
Yeah, that was not a good look.
It's a weird look.
It's a weird look.
It's not a good look.
It didn't fit correctly either.
Well, I mean, they didn't do very well.
It's a weird look.
But you can understand this kind of, we all
feel this impulse to empathize with the victim.
But what I'm trying to get at in this book
is the America that I want to achieve is,
what was George Floyd's primary identity?
Certainly he was black, but his black experience
is not the universal black experience.
First and foremost, his identity was that
this was a poor man, this was a man out of work,
this was a man who was broken by police
and was able to be violated in the way he was
because he had no socioeconomic protection.
And I think that to like, to talk about it
only as a matter of identity actually limits our ability
to engage non-black people in the struggle,
which is that no American should be okay
with law enforcement being able to break somebody,
especially a poor person without any resources,
the way that they broke George Floyd,
whatever color you are.
You see a space? Is there a space in the middle, is there a space between no identity politics
and identity politics that someone is walking right now or you see as a potential lane for
somebody to walk?
I think so.
I think the way you and I are talking, I'm cognizant of the fact that you seem to be
descended from Europeans, though I would never assume.
That is the kindest way to address my race.
Cognizant of the fact that you're a pasty mother****.
But I would like it to tell me as little about you as possible. I would like that to be as, I would
like to not make assumptions based
on those superficial identity markers that I see.
I want to understand you as an individual.
I want to understand where you come from.
I want to understand what experiences you've
had in America and not just assume things
based on the texture of your hair, the color of your eyes,
and your epidermis.
And that's really what it...
It's very...
I would say, like, there's a lot in this...
I found this book really challenging and fascinating.
I very much enjoyed it.
And something you talk about, you spend a lot of your time in France, is the ways in which a place like,
how the French see identity compared
to how Americans see identity.
And like, what were some,
what are some of the takeaways you have
of looking at what American identity politics is
from the point of view of somebody
who's spent so much time in a place like France?
Yeah, so I wrote an article in the Atlantic
a few years ago about the kind of ideal society
would be some place in between France and America.
You know, France has this commitment to universalism and what they call laïcité and this idea that there's just the French citizen and you leave everything for the Jew privately but nothing for the Jew collectively as a group. That's how it kind of originated and then now with Islam and Muslims,
this kind of idea that you leave that ethnic
or religious identity in your home outside,
everybody's a French citizen.
This has a lot of strengths to it.
They don't actually, they've struck the word race from all.
The government doesn't recognize racial difference.
But that's actually kind of like where you would say if you had to say like
what's the ideal society you would like to get to you say in theory I would like
to get to that society. But in practice you know you actually don't know how many
French citizens of Arab descent are in jail and how the criminal justice system operates.
So by doing that you don't have any awareness of what the patterns are with this.
Yeah exactly so you have some real drawbacks to that, you don't have any awareness of what the patterns are with this. Yeah, exactly.
So you have some real drawbacks to that.
But you would have to say that I would like to get there as opposed to a kind of society
where we permanently kind of fetishize our differences and think that, you know, like,
here I am a descendant of slaves, here you are a descendant of slave masters.
I like the earlier description.
And that we can never kind of understand each other and there's an epistemological divide
between us.
You would have to say that you would want to get to the society of the universal citizen,
but in practice there are some real stumbling blocks and sometimes the kind of American
way of speaking as a has a place.
So I think what you're talking about
is a kind of nuanced approach that recognizes
and respects identity differences,
but doesn't make that the whole game,
and doesn't ever allow that to occlude
the ability of the individual to,
what about the minority within the minority?
I think sometimes when we talk about differences of identity,
we forget that there are Muslims
who disagree about what the proper direction of Islam is.
There are blacks who have very powerful critiques of affirmative action and reparations.
There are Jews who see the war in Gaza completely differently.
So there is no Jewish point of view.
There is no woman's point of view.
There are just people who come from these backgrounds
and have lots of competing viewpoints.
From 2020, the example that I really take about this
is that for a moment, there was so much, you know,
understandable empathy about policing
that people said, you know, this is terrible.
Like, black people are being killed in the streets by police.
We have to do something about it.
Okay, let's defund or even in some cases abolish the police like black people are being killed in the streets by police, we have to do something about it.
Okay, let's defund or even in some cases abolish the police
because that would be what's in black people's favor.
And then suddenly, the homicides go up,
you really have serious consequences in Minneapolis
and other places that experimented with this stuff.
And you have this inconvenient result
that a lot of black people are screaming and saying,
bring the police back, I'm the one getting shot here.
My daughter is getting shot here.
There is no black point of view that agrees on that.
So you actually have to listen to differing viewpoints.
People don't have a monolithic kind of identity.
And so I think that is what is the risk
in a kind of American identity forward,
multi-ethnic society where you stay in your corner,
I stay in my corner.
When I'm speaking, you listen to me
because I have some epistemological advantage over you
that's based on ancestry and can't be bridged.
So I think the ideal society has a softer approach
than the French who can be too tough
with their universalism, but never kind of skews too far
into fetishizing the difference the way that we do now.
Well, it's truly a fascinating read,
and I appreciate most of this conversation.
The slave-owner thing, maybe not as much,
but I'll get to that. Thomas, thank you.
Thank you so much. Thank you so much.
Summer of our Dispute Test is out August 5th
and available to pre-order.
Thomas Chatterton-Williams.
We're gonna take a quick break. We'll be right back after this.
-♪
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