The Daily Signal - The Gospel of Marx: A False Religion Explained
Episode Date: October 3, 2019Karl Marx once called religion the opium of the people—an imaginary coping mechanism that makes suffering in this world more bearable. His vision was a secular, atheistic one. But my guest today arg...ues Marx’s vision was still intensely spiritual. In fact, he says Marx hijacked key themes from Christianity to create a false religion. Today, Bruce Ashford, dean and provost of Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary, joins the podcast. We also cover the following stories: Sen. Bernie Sanders receives heart surgery after chest discomfort Secretary of State Mike Pompeo calls for religious freedom around the world at Vatican symposium Plaintiff to appeal after federal judge sides with Harvard in discrimination suit The Daily Signal podcast is available on Ricochet, iTunes, Pippa, Google Play, or Stitcher. All of our podcasts can be found at DailySignal.com/podcasts. If you like what you hear, please leave a review. You can also leave us a message at 202-608-6205 or write us at letters@dailysignal.com. Enjoy the show! Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
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This is the Daily Signal podcast for Thursday, October 3rd.
I'm Rachel Del Judas.
And I'm Daniel Davis.
Carl Marx once called religion the opium of the people,
an imaginary coping mechanism that makes suffering in this world more bearable.
His vision was a secular, atheistic one.
But my guest today argues that Marx's vision was still intensely spiritual.
In fact, he says Marx hijacked key themes from Christianity to create a false religion.
Bruce Ashford joins me in today's episode.
And don't forget, if you're enjoying this podcast, please be sure to leave a review or a five-star rating on iTunes and encourage others to subscribe.
Now on to our top news.
Well, Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders underwent heart surgery on Wednesday and received two stents to address artery blockage.
The surgery occurred after Sanders, who was 78, complained of chest pains.
His team has canceled all scheduled events until further notice.
His senior advisor, Jeff Weaver, said in a statement, according to Politico,
Senator Sanders is conversing and in good spirits. He will be resting up over the next few days.
Secretary of State Mike Pompeo delivered remarks Wednesday at the Vatican, which hosted a symposium on working with faith-based organizations.
Pompeo addressed the critical need for religious liberty around the world. Here's part of what he had to say.
Because when the state rules absolutely God becomes an absolute threat to authority. That's why Cuba canceled National Catholic Youth Day back in August.
When the state rules absolutely, human dignity is trampled, not cherished.
That's why Assad kills his own people and has no regard for the 11 million Syrians suffering today as displaced persons and refugees.
When the state rules absolutely, moral norms are crushed completely.
That's why the Islamic Republic of Iran has jailed, tortured, and killed thousands of its own citizens for four decades.
It's why China has support more than a million Uyghur Muslims.
like Mrs. Darwood in internment camps.
And it's why it throws Christian pastors in jail.
Well, North Korea fired what experts believe could be a submarine-launched ballistic missile on Wednesday,
just hours after the country announced it would resume nuclear talks with the U.S. this weekend.
According to Reuters, Japanese officials said the missile landed off the coast of Japan.
If confirmed, this would be North Korea's first submarine-launched ballistic missile test in three years.
While Planned Parenthood has secretly been building an 18,000 square foot megaclinic in southern Illinois,
which happens to be just about 10 miles from the last standing abortion clinic in the state's capital,
which is in a fight to keep its license.
The facility has been built in secret to circumvent problems,
such as protests and other setbacks that would suspend production,
according to Colleen McNocles, the chief medical officer of Planned Parenthood of the St. Louis region in southwest Missouri.
She told CBS News, quote,
We were really intentional and thoughtful about making sure we were able to complete this project as expeditiously as possible because we saw the writing on the wall.
Patients need better access, so we wanted to get it open as quickly as we could.
Planned Parenthood says the abortion clinic should be opening later this month.
Stephen Aden, chief legal officer and general counsel of Americans United for Life, told LifeSight News he's not surprised by the news.
How appropriate that Planned Parenthood has built a secret mega center to go with its mega-sized status as America's biggest abortion business.
Fully one-third of all U.S. abortions are done at a Planned Parenthood facility, he said.
Well, the plaintiff in a college admissions case has vowed to appeal after a federal judge ruled in favor of Harvard University,
saying that the school's affirmative action admissions policy is legal.
The plaintiff, a group called Students for Fair Admissions, argued that Harvard considered race too much.
much in discriminating against Asian American applicants. Federal District Court Judge Allison Burroughs
said she found no persuasive documentary evidence of any racial animus or conscious prejudice
against Asian Americans. The case has been closely watched as it could potentially determine the
future of affirmative action in college admissions. Students for fair admissions say they will
appeal to the first court of appeals and, if necessary, the Supreme Court.
Well, taxes are claiming more of Americans harder in cash than clothing and health care combined.
That's according to a new survey from the Bureau of Labor Statistics.
In 2018, Americans spent roughly $14,700 on food, clothing, and health care,
compared to over 18,000 that the average American paid in federal, state, and local taxes,
according to report from CNS News.
Up next, I'll sit down with Bruce Ashford to talk about how Marxism, in some ways,
is a counterfeit Christianity.
Exciting news for heritage members.
Our 2019 Presidents Club is taking place October 21 through 23 in Washington, D.C.
This is an exclusive event for Heritage Members to hear directly from our experts and other conservative leaders.
This year, that includes Vice President Mike Pence and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo.
To learn more about how you can attend, please call 1-800-546-2843.
That's 1-800-546-2843.
I'm joined now in the studio by Dr. Bruce Ashford.
He is the dean of faculty and provost at Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary down in North Carolina, where he also serves as a professor of theology and culture.
He also blogs at Christianity for the common good.
And as a note of personal disclosure, he is a professor of mine.
I'm a part-time student at Southeastern.
So, Bruce, thanks for swinging by the studio.
Yeah, it's great to be on the podcast.
today. Thank you. So, Bruce, you're an interesting blogger and writer because on the one hand,
you're kind of like waist deep in historical theology and philosophy and writing the journal
articles and all of that. But you're also writing contemporary books for your audience, which is
largely Christian, and you're also blogging about contemporary political issues. And one of those
issues that's come up, our audience is well aware is that socialism is a recurring theme with
with Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Bertie Sanders and others bringing that back to the four.
But you've written about not just socialism, but the Marxist underpinnings of it.
You write about how Marxism as an ideology is actually a false religion.
I think that's an interesting angle.
I think a lot of folks, even conservatives, think of Marxism as just a set of bad ideas,
but you're saying it's actually false religion and even idolatry.
Why do you frame it that way?
Yeah, and so, you know, I'm not the first person to bring this up.
The great French philosopher Raymond Aron, who is a contemporary of Sart, explored this.
And a book that he wrote called The Opium of the Intellectuals, which is a playoff of Marx's Opium of the Masses.
And he argued that structurally and existentially, Marxism functions more like a religion than just kind of a mere ideology.
That's been picked up on by some contemporary political scientists and philosophers like David Coisers.
and Peter Kraft, and the critique, you know, is really Augustinian.
And Augustine argued that any time you take some aspect of the natural order and elevate it to a level of ultimacy,
absolutize it, you've got yourself an idol or a false religion.
And I think Marx did that with material equality.
And what happens is when you take any one aspect of reality and you elevate it that high, you absolutize it,
it becomes a cudgel with which you beat down other good aspects of reality.
And we can talk about this later, but that's exactly what Marxism has done.
It's taken this drive for material equality and beat down other good aspects of reality.
It's actually it induces poverty and decreases liberty.
So lay out for us the basic Marxist paradigm.
I mean, we hear the word so often, but what actually is the worldview of Marxism?
Yeah.
So Marx, we'll start with his philosophy of history.
He was an economic determinist or something very close to a determinist that believed that the logic of human history can be traced by tracing economic struggles, class struggles.
So he divided the world into five eras.
And he argued that in each of these areas, you can see that human beings are essentially laborers and that their labor conditions determine who they are and determine the happiness of their life.
First is Asiatic, the hunter-gatherer stage.
and this is where human beings were at the mercy of nature.
The second era is the ancient era, and this is the slave master era, where the slave is oppressed by the master.
Then on the heels of that, you've got to the medieval era, the feudal system, and this is the sort of the Lord peasant era, and it's a little bit better than the ancient era.
Marks argued that owners began to realize the problem with slavery is that your property can get sick or die, and your property usually wants to run away.
And so in the Lord Peasant era, the peasants at least had some ownership of what they did.
They got to keep their crops and so forth.
They're less likely to run away.
Then we have capitalism, which is the owner-worker relationship where he argued that the wealthy, the owners oppressed the workers.
And, you know, he lived in an era of serious crony capitalism, the industrial era where there were immoral market agents who were working young children and,
in adults, 16 hours a day, you know, things that we would never agree with.
I mean, unhealthy forms of the free market.
And he just assumed that that's what capitalism was, and he was wrong.
And then finally, the fifth era that he's pushing towards is he believed that definitely and
inevitably the working class would disappear, they'd be replaced by machines, and that they
would rebel, and that a few wealthy people would help them to overthrow the wealthy class
and that there would be a socialist utopia.
and eventually, and this is risable, this is just laughable,
he believed that under the Marxist paradigm, the state would wither away.
And we've seen something like the opposite of that happen every time Marxist thought has been instantiated in actual society.
That's interesting, isn't it?
Yeah, I mean, we're going to see, we'll talk about this a little bit later,
that if you take Marx's benchmark, which is history, Marxism fails under that benchmark in the most utterly devastating way,
repeatedly. So that's his philosophy of history. His anthropology, this is important. He
believed that human beings are essentially laborers. That's who we are. It determines who we are.
And because he was a determinist and because he believed that people's way of thinking was
determined by their economic class, he believed that people couldn't really be reasoned with.
And the problem with that, and we see this in contemporary society, people take Marxist thought
and translate it to gender, sex, and race theory.
The problem is that if people can't be reasoned with, the only thing that's left is coercion.
They can be bullied, and we see in Marxist societies, imprisoned, assassinated.
And so that's his anthropology.
So that's a brief summary of his thought.
Yeah, that's interesting.
It's really evocative of the identity politics.
You're in this group or you're in that group, and you've got certain interests, and that's all you are.
And you can't rise above that.
You can't think beyond that.
It makes you wonder about Marx himself.
Did he see himself as like somehow above all of these people and able to get to the truth?
That's a great critique, you know, hoist him by his own Pouard.
And that's another one of the many ironies that you've got.
Because wasn't he a traitor to his own class?
He was kind of raised in a what he would call the bourgeois, the wealthy.
Yeah, his father was a lawyer and he was sent to Berlin and didn't have to pay for any of it.
University of Berlin, studying under the greatest minds.
You know, just last week I spoke at a college Republicans kickoff at a university in North Carolina and had a bunch of progressive activists show up.
And their activism, it was a Marxist form of activism.
They treated me as a worthless piece of crap who could not be reasoned with.
And so they used kind of verbal forms of intimidation to try to bully me.
I'm not easily bullied.
So, you know, but I tried to engage them in good faith.
and about half of them ended up responding to me as a human being, but the other half didn't.
They treated me under Marx's view.
I was determined by my gender, sex, race, and economic class, and I'm somebody to be, you know, bullied rather than talked with.
And it's a problem that so many of our college students are being taught that, sort of the Olensky method and kind of the Marxist view of one's social.
and political opponents.
Yeah, well, that's sad to hear, unfortunately, more and more common.
So before we get too much into that, though, I want to ask you about Marxism as an
antithesis to Christianity.
You write about this in your blogs and how Marx was actually putting forward an alternative
to Christianity, but in many ways actually mirrored it.
Talk about that.
Yeah, so Marx actually, when you take a look at the system that he put together,
So Marx converted to Christianity, or early on, he was Jewish, converted to Christianity briefly and even wrote some relatively beautiful prose about Christianity before he became an atheist.
And when he became an atheist and he began writing his theory, you can tell it's almost as if he had the Bible at his elbow.
So for every major Christian doctrine, he built a Marxist doctrine that was the inverse of the converse of it.
So, for example, in Marxism, you've got a God, and the God is material equality.
You've got an evil, and the foremost evil is material inequality and the class struggle that exists because of that.
Then you have a salvation.
Salvation is Marxist ideology and revolution.
And if I can stop there for just a minute, Marxist revolution is not political revolution.
Political revolution is something limited.
It's when you replace one political arrangement with another.
But the socialists, most of them, to the extent that they're like Marx, don't want
merely a political revolution.
They want a social revolution, which is an entire upending and overthrow of the social order.
And that doesn't go well.
That never goes well when you clear the decks and try to start over again.
There's no one person or no group of people is brilliant enough and persuasive enough to overturn an entire social order and for it to go well.
And that's what Marx wants to do with the salvation he plays.
provides. You've got Marxist's version of church, and that would be pockets of classless people
in the midst of a capitalist world. When I was in Russia, I lived in Russia right after the fall
of the Soviet Union, and the Russians told me that they would have, in their communist youth group
meetings, they would have, they had a little Bible. They had communist youth group.
Oh, yeah, they had a youth group meetings, and they had a little green book that looked just like
a Bible called the atheist table, and they sang songs about how God doesn't exist and how Jesus wasn't
God.
Wow.
Do they have any atheist alter calls or something?
Yeah, I don't know.
I mean, yeah, catechisms and so forth.
The priesthood in Marx's system is the Communist Party.
And now here's an important one, the ethic.
So the Christian ethic is a principled ethic.
There are certain things that are wrong in and of themselves, and you never do them, ever.
Like murder, stealing, right?
Yeah.
But the Marxist ethic is utilitarian.
Under the Marxist system, the good is whatever helps achieve the socialist utopia.
The bad is whatever hinders it.
And that's why Marxist societies have been so easily able to justify assassinations.
You had 800,000 executions in the first three decades of communism in Russia.
It's why they could imprison in the Gulag, I think, 1.7 million people in the first three decades, the Soviet Union.
And those are the Soviet numbers. Those aren't American numbers. I mean, that's a fact.
So you've got a utilitarian ethic that ends up undermining human dignity. You have an end times.
You know, Christians talk about, we believe that Christ will return one day, set the world to rights, install a one world government and one party system, and justice will roll down like the waters.
Well, Marx had his version of that, and that is that once his revolution had happened, there would be such material abundance.
I mean, that's funny, isn't it?
There'd be so much material abundance.
People would be so happy.
They'd be frolicing in the midst of abundance, and the state would wither away.
And we know, of course, that the opposite happens in the Marxist system.
The state doesn't wither away.
It becomes like a giant octopus that swells to enormous proportions and reaches its tentacles into every sector of society and every sphere of culture.
And then finally, you know, the Christian view of history is that history is linear.
is proceeding towards something, and that would be Christ's return, and that history is not a closed
system, that there's something that transcends us. That is a transcendent moral framework,
and there's a God who underpins that. But for Marx, history is a closed system, and the
meaning of life is found within history, not without. And so there's a summary of the way that
Marxism functions as a false religion. And we can, if you want to, in a little while,
we can talk about what happens when you build an ideology of the functions of false religion.
Well, let's do that. Okay. So you had the whole, I mean, you talked about living in the post-Soviet world in Russia.
You saw, I assume, the disastrous consequences of a whole half century of communism. Talk about
how that came about and why building a system on what you call an idol is what was really problematic.
Yeah, you know, so I was born in the 70s, all right? So I'm an old guy.
Gen X. Exactly. Exactly. The last good generation, as they say.
I hope so. I hope we're a good generation. But, you know, so when I was a kid, my parents received, well, I remember watching Ronald Reagan, right, on television, talking about the evils of communist society.
And I remember my parents received a bulletin four times a year from a Voice of the Martyrs.
And it would have photographs of Russian pastors and Christians who had been put in the gulag in the concentration camps.
And it would tell their story. And they almost always died of starvation within a few months or they were assassinated or killed, executed.
And it got my imagination going. And so I moved in the 90s. I moved into a Central Asian corner of Russia and lived there for a while.
And I saw and talked to the people who lived under that regime. And it was absolutely devastating.
I mean, so here's how we'll put it.
When you take an aspect of the natural world and elevate it to the level of a God and make it a God, it's always going to go badly.
It's going to distort and warp reality.
It's going to beat down other good aspects of reality.
And so let's talk about how that happened.
We'll just use Russia as our examples.
Or the communist, the Soviet Union.
We could do the same thing with the People's Republic of China.
And if it's called a People's Republic, it's probably not a People's Republic.
We do the same thing with Cuba.
Yeah, Venezuela today.
Yeah, Venezuela.
But we'll focus on the Soviet Union.
I know those numbers the best.
Marxism fails by its own benchmark, which is history.
All right.
So historically, the abolition of private property has not led to liberation.
It's led to oppression.
Think about it.
If you don't have private property, you only have one thing left, which is your own soul, right?
Your own inner freedom, freedom of conscience.
And that's something that nobody can ever take away.
But other than that, you have nothing.
If you don't have private property, the government can take absolutely everything
away from you. They've got you in an iron grip. You can't even go home, you can't even go home to
your house and be with your family because you don't even have that. Historically, Marxist states,
the state has not withered away. It's actually become enormous and oppressive. So to give some
numbers in the USSR, you know, the Communist Party use systematic terror. Because remember,
you can't reason with people, right? People are historically determined. If somebody's an
component of the government, and they can't be reasoned with, and if you have utilitarian
ethic, then the good thing to do is to get rid of those people. So just from 1921 to
1953, 1.7 million Soviet citizens died in the gulag. 800,000 were executed. 400,000 died
from forced resettlement and the starvation and so forth that occurred from that kind of resettlement.
Anthropology. Marx did believe in human dignity, not the same way that I do, but his system
undermine human dignity.
Soviet Union, for those of you listening, you really ought to read
Alexander Solzhenitsyn's Gulag Archipelago.
There's an abridged edition that's a very good edition.
And in there, he talked about how the Soviet leaders viewed the Soviet citizens as swarming
lice, that they didn't have any inherent value or dignity.
They only had instrumental value.
And if you were for the revolution, they were good with you.
If you were against the revolution, you could be eliminated.
So human beings also are essentially robots or animals in this theory, and I think that's a negative.
I think another problem with Marxism, and we see this in contemporary forms of Marxism,
is that it misunderstands human nature and it misunderstands evil,
and it locates evil either exclusively or primarily in systems.
Christianity doesn't do that.
I mean, Christianity recognizes that evil is, on the one hand, located in the human heart and rooted in the human heart.
And that's why we believe in bringing justice.
to individuals who have flouted the law.
We do believe in what people call today systemic evil,
that institutions, if you have enough individuals who are unjust,
then their sin coalesces at the social level to warp institutions.
But if you get rid of systemic injustice, you don't get rid of evil.
And the problem with Marxists is that they aim almost exclusively at institutions
and don't realize that you can get rid of the institutions
and evil will still be there, rooted in the human heart.
A couple other negative consequences is that Marx's historic determinism led to moral relativism.
We've touched on that a little bit, but that's part of the corruption of society in the Soviet era is moral relativism from stem to stern.
And then the last thing is, you know, when I hear somebody like AOC or socialist today talking about the 1%, sometimes I laugh, sometimes I get upset.
about it because it's such a it's so false if you want to see a country marked by
I mean look at what marks did in the USSR the wealthy right the communist party the KGB bosses
were enormously wealthy and everyone else in the country was poor everyone else was
poor there wasn't a one percent there was a one one thousandth of one percent who was
enormously wealthy and everybody else was poor and so if you'd like to help the U.S.
Let's embrace a reality-based politic like you've got here at Heritage.
Socialism is not a reality-based politic.
It's grand utopian promises that can't be backed up.
Well, given all that history you just laid out, I mean, economic Marxism has been devastating for country after country after country.
Why do you think it's making this resurgence in American politics, you know, socialism, if it's got such a bad track record?
Is it just because we're not educated or do you think there's something more?
Yeah, good question.
I'll give my best shot at answering it.
So I think on the one hand with younger Americans, millennials and Generation Z, there is a lack of awareness, historical awareness.
They didn't grow up exposed to the utter horrors of the Soviet Union, People's Republic of China, the atrocities in Cuba.
And so there's not a kind of existential and historical awareness.
So that's part of it.
But you've got older people.
You've got Bernie, crazy Bernie up there.
Who spent his honeymoon in the Soviet Union.
And that woman stayed with him.
And I don't understand that.
But I think people are drawn to utopia.
I think we all are.
We want, especially idealistic people.
People are idealistic and are drawn to utopia.
And there's nothing wrong with that in and of itself, but we can't usher any utopia.
And the reason is that evil is rooted in the human heart,
not in systems.
And so no amount of clearing the deck socially and starting over with new institutions will ever bring that utopia.
And so we're going to have to settle for something more realistic.
And, you know, for me, I think the realistic thing is to have as minimal of a government as possible.
Government's going to have to expand a little bit sometimes and step in and fix some things.
But the government should set the conditions where human beings can flourish.
and when there's immoral market agents, then we can step in and correct those immoral market agents,
but we can't do this sort of grand, utopian, revolutionary politics. It's just, it's not going to work out well.
Marxism in its economic form, as you were talking about, clearly devastating. And a lot of folks on the left have said, yeah, maybe that doesn't work. We'll adopt like a softer capitalism. But we're going to apply Marxism in all these other areas, and sex, gender, race.
Talk about that transition and how Marxism lives on even in countries that are capitalist.
Yeah. So, you know, if you'd have asked me 20 years ago, 15 years ago even, I would have said Marxism is dead. I mean, it is absolutely dead. It will never make a comeback. But it has made a comeback. And you're right, not just in the economic dimension.
Marx's historic determinism has been taken and applied not just to economics, but to gender, race, and sex that you as a person, you as a person,
Daniel are a white male middle class, upper middle class. I don't know what you are, but you're
determined by... Definitely lower middle class, maybe. Yeah, and you're determined by that and you're
not a person who can be reasoned with, right? You are a person who should be shouted down,
mocked, insulted, kind of intimidated, bullied a little bit. Just incapable of an original
thought. Yeah, that's right. And so, you know, and so you have identity,
based on identities, and I do think that identity politics defined as seeking the good of your own tribe at the expense of the common good is the death of democracy. It is a way to burn down the house that our founding fathers built. And so we want to promote a view where people are independent agents. We're not completely independent. We're interdependent on other people, but we are able to think freely. People can change their way of thinking like Marx did.
went from being a Jew to a Christian to an atheist, right? So he changed his thought. He wasn't
so determined historically. And we want to treat other people with that kind of respect.
I want to ascribe human dignity to them, you know, and reason with them and persuade them
instead of engaging in a coercive forms of activism.
So when you're engaging with people, say, their college students or someone else who
thinks that you're just part of your identity group and not to be reasoned with, to be shunned,
are you ever able to succeed in breaking through to them? You mentioned some college students
earlier where you did, but how do you do that and how do you meet them at a mental level where
you can actually have a conversation so that they're not so tied to their ideology that they keep
shunning you? Yeah, it's a great question. You know, I started as an opinion writer about four years
ago and wrote mostly for Fox, but I've written some for Daily Signal, Daily Caller, and when I
would link to those articles on my Facebook author page, I would get all sorts of comments, as you can
imagine, from activists. And I started an experiment then that I've continued also not just
just electronically, but sort of in-person engagement with progressive activists.
And the good thing is that these people are human.
They're human.
And that means that there's a good chance that if you enter into a good faith conversation with them,
that they're going to respond decently.
And on average, I would say about half of the folks do, if you work at it,
end up responding decently and you have a good conversation.
You don't usually come away agreeing.
You're not going to win them over on the spot, but you come away with it having been a good engagement.
The other half of the folks, I think, on average, have been so overwhelmed by ideology that their humaneness doesn't come out.
But I think we need to be careful not to respond in kind.
Right.
Because I would imagine, I think it is easy for some on the right to also fall into that, you know, identity politics mindset where it's like,
okay, you're just going to hate me for who I am, then I'm just going to hate you for who you are.
Yeah, I mean, it's a temptation. I've fallen into that trap plenty of times in my life, you know,
when you're being just kind of mocked and insulted and treated like a worthless piece of trash,
you want to, you know, give it back to them. And I think it is okay to, you know,
sometimes to poke some fun at it or to push back really hard. But we've got to remember not
responding kind. And if we can do that, we'll be able to win the day.
Well, Bruce, this is a fascinating discussion. I hope our listeners have enjoyed it.
I understand you have some books on the market. What should our listeners check out on Amazon?
Yeah. So if you're out there and you like some reading, I've got a couple books recently that you might like.
I published a book called One Nation Under God. Christian Hope for American Politics is a gift-sized book, very small.
And then published recently one called Letters to an American Christian. It was a fun book.
I wrote it as a series of hypothetical letters, 27 brief letters to a hypothetical college student at an elite university.
encouraging him not to be seduced by his secular progressive professors. And so it's a fun read.
It's a kind of book meant to be read at the beach or in an easy chair. And so if you'd like,
it addresses all the hot and button issues. Every hot and button issue that I can imagine that
that book addresses. And so if you'd like to read it or or buy one for a friend of yours who's
headed to college or who wants to think through political issues, I think that would be one that's
easy to read and give some good talking points. Fantastic. Bruce, thank you.
Thanks for your time today.
Thanks. It's been great to be on the show with you.
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