The David Pakman Show - 4/3/25: Trump tariffs explode, Republicans panic, markets crash
Episode Date: April 3, 2025-- On the Show: -- Congressman Greg Casar (D-TX) joins David to discuss the future of the progressive movement, the disastrous Trump tariffs, the 2026 and 2028 elections, and much more -- Donald ...Trump announces blanket global tariffs in a disoriented and confused outdoor White House event -- Markets collapse as a result of Donald Trump's outrageous new tariff scheme -- Some Senate Republicans turn on Trump, blocking his Canadian tariffs, as dissent grows -- Karoline Leavitt, Donald Trump's White House Press Secretary, is unable to defend Donald Trump's new tariffs in a CNN interview with Kate Bolduan -- Looking back at a clip of George W. Bush warning about exactly what Donald Trump is doing today is a stark reminder of how much the Republican Party has changed -- On the Bonus Show: House Democrats join plant to force vote on ending Trump's tariffs, Eric Adams announces he will run as independent in NYC mayoral race, two mothers bring House to a half over push to allow proxy voting for new parents, much more... 😬 Remi mouth guards: Get up to 50% OFF with code PAKMAN at https://shopremi.com/pakman 🧽 Blueland: Get 15% OFF sustainable cleaning products at https://blueland.com/pakman 🪟 3 Day Blinds: Buy one get one 50% OFF at https://3dayblinds.com/pakman -- Become a Member: https://davidpakman.com/membership -- Become a Patron: https://www.patreon.com/davidpakmanshow -- Get David's Books: https://davidpakman.com/echo -- TDPS Subreddit: http://www.reddit.com/r/thedavidpakmanshow -- David on Bluesky: https://davidpakman.com/bluesky -- David on Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/davidpakmanshow
Transcript
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Welcome to the show, my friends. We have been liberated. Yesterday was the great American
Liberation Day in which Donald Trump imposed tariffs on the world. And we are now all winning. No, very much not.
What is going on?
We will get in a moment to what is happening in American stock markets.
But first, we have to talk about what happened yesterday.
Now if you're trying to understand what is the economic justification for Donald Trump announcing and putting in place global
tariffs?
There is no economic justification.
It's of critical importance that we understand these actions as political and as personal
for Donald Trump about ego and self aggrandizement and seeming strong.
But there is no economic justification.
We will dig into that in more detail in a moment. Donald Trump telling us yesterday at this signing
that he wants to take us back to 1789 from 1789 to 1913. We were a tariff-backed nation, and the United States was proportionately the wealthiest it has ever been.
So wealthy, in fact, that in the 1880s, they established a commission to decide what they were going to do with the vast sums of money they were collecting.
We were collecting so much money so fast, we didn't know what to do with it.
Isn't that a nice problem to have?
What do you think, Mark?
A good problem.
So there it is.
He wants to take us back to 1789.
I guess he wants to take stock market values back to 1929.
But what we came to understand during this bizarre and rambling speech is that Donald
Trump doesn't really have an economic justification
for any of this.
And economists recognize it.
And increasingly, even Republican elected officials are recognizing it now as part of
the meandering.
Trump also put forward a novel pronunciation of the gang that in that agua.
Here's how he said trend Iraq.
OK, we're not even going to focus on that because it's so secondary and tertiary to
the economic destruction that is going on.
Now the key announcement was the tariffs.
And at a certain point in this fiasco, Donald Trump held up a chart showing the 10 to 49
percent tariff rates that he will be placing on various countries imports. It's not obvious exactly
what formula was used to come up with this. It's not completely clear what the rationale is.
But here is Trump, I guess, pulling the numbers on a piece of paper out of thin air.
But we will charge them approximately half of what they are and have been charging
us.
So now Trump says this is the rationale, except it's not actually what's happening.
The tariffs will be not a full reciprocal.
I could have done that.
Yes, but it would have been tough for a lot of countries.
We didn't want to do that.
I'd like to see the chart if you have it.
Could you bring it up, Howard? This is our
great Secretary of Commerce, Howard Lutnick. Thanks, Howard. And here he has the chart.
If you look at that, China, first row, China, 67%. That's tariffs charged to the USA, including currency manipulation and trade barriers. So 67 percent, I think
you can for the most part see it. Those with good eyes, with bad eyes. We didn't want to
bring it's very windy out here. We didn't want to bring out the big charts because it
had no chance of standing. Fortunately, we came armed with a little smaller chart.
Anyway, so, you know, nobody can read this crap. It's so small.
It's a mass Trump's confused that there also seem to be some issues where Trump believed Taiwan was
charging 64 percent, but they were charging six point four percent. It's all a complete and total
mess. Pointedly, Donald Trump also saying that effective at midnight last night, there would be a 25 percent tariff on all
foreign made automobiles. That's why effective at midnight,
we will impose a 25 percent tariff on all foreign made automobiles.
Really strong orange announcement and then also Donald Trump waxing poetic about that classic term, that
beautiful nostalgic phrase groceries.
Likewise an old fashioned term that we use groceries.
I use it on the campaign.
It's such an old fashioned term, but a beautiful term groceries.
It sort of says a bag with different things in it.
It's a bag with things in it.
Groceries went through the roof and I campaigned on that.
I talked about the word groceries for a lot.
We talked about the etymology and where did this word actually come from?
Because a lot of people won't tell you it's English.
This is a deranged, demented rant.
And this is what happens when you try to justify the unjustifiable.
Later, we'll look at Caroline Leavitt, the White House press secretary, attempt in a
futile manner to defend this.
Donald Trump is predicting that there will be complaints in the coming days, but the
complaints will be from the globalists.
Beautiful.
In the coming days, there will be complaints from the globalists and the outsourcers
and special interests and the fake news always fake news will always complain but never forget
every prediction our opponents made about trade for the last 30 years has been proven totally wrong
they were wrong about nafta they were wrong about china they were wrong about theFTA. They were wrong about China. They were wrong about the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which would have been a disaster if I didn't
terminate it.
If I didn't turn that terminate that United Auto Workers, you would have had no jobs in
this country.
Right.
And of course, there will be complaints, but the complaints are not going to be from globalists
and media elites.
They're going to be from American
working families, small business owners, everyday Americans who already today are seeing their
savings, their retirement accounts collapse as usual. Now, almost a requirement of any Trump
signing is that he gives his speech and he forgets that he does have to
sign this stuff and he leaves and then he is gently guided back. Oh yeah, I have to
sign this stuff.
So here's Trump leaving. And then people are starting to say he didn't sign it. So he's turned around and now
guided back. Onto the dais. And of course, some chuckling.
Yes, just everybody forgetting, I guess, that he didn't have to.
He did have to sign that stuff and then they guide him back and he does ultimately sign it.
This is a disaster for the American people.
We have been talking long enough now, six months, 12 months longer. Tariffs are a tool.
And like any tool, it might be the right tool for the job or it might not be the right tool for the job. If you're trying to eat soup, a powered drill is not a particularly useful tool. It doesn't mean the drill is bad. It's just not
the right tool. And if what you're trying to do is stimulate small business, generate domestic GDP
growth, which is what they said they want to do. Some people might say, I don't care about that.
Then you have different policies. But if that's what you want to do, placing an import tax on everything is not going to
achieve that.
And so our first signal as to what is going to happen as a result of this, the first signal
is what's happening in the markets.
And I want to talk about that right now.
There is a reason that Donald Trump announced these new blanket global tariffs after the
market closed.
And the reason is that immediately after hours trading started tanking in real time as Donald
Trump was signing those completely whacked out tariffs.
You had a CNBC analyst saying we've never seen anything like market reaction after hours.
I've never seen anything like it.
This, I think, fair to say, is worse than the worst case scenario of the tariffs that
many in the market expected the president to impose.
You laid out a number of the percentages there.
And there's some question of how the administration calculated the percentages
that they're responding to. Yeah, there's a real question about that in each of these cases. Are
they adding in value added taxes? He talked about, you know, non non tariff barriers as well. So I
think while many were hoping that this would eliminate uncertainty, there's going to be more uncertainty in the market.
And from those watching policy tomorrow on, well, you know, if countries push back on how these non-tariff barriers were calculated, will there be wiggle room here?
Exactly when do these go into effect?
How quickly are companies going to have to adjust their pricing?
Yeah, we are very quickly going to see how the art of the deal works out.
And immediately there were questions like, OK, so Trump announced a 34 percent additional
tariff on Chinese goods.
Is that in addition to the 20 percent tariff that's already there?
Therefore, it's 54 percent?
Or is it that you're adding 34 percent to 20, which would make it more like 26, 27?
We just don't know.
And it's not even really clear that they know.
Now what is the aftermath right now?
As I am recording this show for you, the Dow Jones industrial average is down
1500 points, 1500 points.
Now by the time the stock market closes, the number may be different.
Why do we care about the stock market?
If you might not have any stocks, if stocks are disproportionately held by the rich and
corporations, well, unfortunately, unfortunately,
as a futures market, the stock market can tell us a lot. And what such a precipitous decline tells
us is that this is going to affect people even who don't have shares of stock. Many people who
don't have shares of stock work for companies that are publicly traded. More generally, when you start
to see these sorts of market declines and this level of market instability,
it is a signal that corporations are going to start to say, wait a second, things aren't
looking so good.
Maybe we need to lay people off.
Maybe we need to buy fewer source materials for the things that we build, which will hurt
the companies that they buy from, whether they are American or
not, it will leave them with less product with which to make final goods. That means their
revenue goes down. This means they don't make as much money, meaning they don't have as much money
to pay employees. This is how you set off a problematic economic cycle. As I said earlier, when you look at this and you say, I want to understand the economic
justification you will find and there are people floating around who go, we're with
this is so great.
This is going to be so great for the country.
And finally, they'll respect us again.
And there is no real economic justification.
I've given this example before.
I'll give it one more time.
If you came to me, maybe with tears in your eyes, maybe not, and said, David, I think
that for economic reasons and national security reasons and economic independence reasons,
we need to bring back semiconductor manufacturing to the United States. I would say, OK, that sounds
reasonable. Let's put in a plan to do it. And what we would do is a combination of let's give
subsidies and tax credits to people building semiconductor manufacturing in the United States.
Let's on ramp a tariff for those getting semiconductors from Taiwan, but we won't do it
overnight. This will be a six, eight, maybe 10 year plan during which we will start to roll in
tariffs for people buying semiconductors from Taiwan, provide tax incentives for people to do
it here. Maybe it's deferred taxes or who the hell knows. And then eight years
from now, 10 years from now, because remember, this is 50 years in the making. You don't turn
it around by signing with a monster Sharpie on April 2nd. This takes time over the next six,
eight, 10 years. We will have carefully, strategically strengthened American manufacturing, made ourselves more resilient if there were to be
a supply chain interruption from Taiwan or if there were global conflict between China and Taiwan that
imagine China invades Taiwan and says, you're not selling any more of these semiconductors to the
United States or we're going to jack up the prices or whatever. We've achieved something. We've done
something thoughtful. We've been careful. We've been deliberate. That is a good use of the tool that we call tariffs. This is not a good use.
There is no economic justification. The justifications are political and they are
three letters EGO, Trump's ego. And that's the reason that we are seeing the stock market collapse. I am. I have to say thank you.
I was notified yesterday via audio visual means telephonically, some call it that my book hit
the New York Times bestseller list. I don't even know what I'm doing. I jokingly said to my editor
on the phone, I don't even really know what I'm doing here. But it's thanks to you. We don't even know what I'm doing. I jokingly said to my editor on the phone, I don't even really
know what I'm doing here. But it's thanks to you. We don't yet have numbers. I have no idea on the
audio book. I have no idea on the Kindle. But just based on sales of the hardcover book, this is now.
It's the instant bestseller, The Echo Machine. So thank you so much.
I was notified by my publisher that they have 50 five zero signed book plates available,
which I signed thousands of these.
We now have 50 left.
So we are opening those up.
Any new purchases of the book, no matter where you buy it, go to David Pakman dot com
slash free book stuff.
If you've already gotten one of these, you're not eligible.
They will double check.
Go to David Pakman dot com slash free book stuff.
You'll be invited to submit your proof of purchase.
And we've got 50 of these.
If the page works, you'll be able to get one so you can check that
out. And I, I, I'm without speech. I'm speechless and I have only you to thank. And just so people,
I got an email from someone saying, David, you're not going to obnoxiously open the show now by
saying that you are a New York times bestselling author. Are you? Of course not. Of course not.
I will open every
other appearance I do with that, but I'm not going to subject this audience to that. So thank you.
Let's take a very quick break and back right after this. know it. If you have jaw pain, headaches, there's a great chance you are one of them. Teeth grinding
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There is no longer any denying it. Uh, now in the aftermath of these global tariffs announced
by Donald Trump yesterday on so-called
Liberation Day, Republican civil war is here.
It's cracking wide open.
We have now seen a stunning rebuke in which four Republican senators joined every Democrat
in a 51 to 48 vote to block Donald Trump's tariffs on Canadian imports. This is not about the global tariffs.
This is specifically on Canadian import tariffs. Those tariffs are certainly an important part of
Donald Trump's so-called liberation day agenda, which is a very stupid thing to call it. This
resolution that has passed the Senate would also undo Donald Trump's emergency fentanyl
declaration, which he's been using as a very flimsy excuse to jack up taxes on goods from
Canada. And so far, this is really the clearest sign that Republican lawmakers are not patient
with Donald Trump's economic chaos. They either don't want to wait for the short term pain to
become long term gain, or more likely they don't believe that the short term pain is going to become
long term gain. A former Senate Republican leader, Mitch McConnell, did not hold back.
He said straight up tariffs are bad policy. Trade wars hurt working people the most. That's
true. Donald Trump personally attacked the four Republican defectors. They are Lisa Murkowski, Susan Collins, Rand Paul and Mitch McConnell.
But behind the scenes, this is a much bigger story.
Every single member of Congress and by the Congress, I mean the House and Senate that
we interview.
This is now 10, 12 of them.
They tell us the same thing.
Not every Republican, but many Republicans privately are horrified by what Donald Trump
is doing to the economy.
They don't believe there's any rhyme or reason for these tariffs.
They believe it's just generating chaos and uncertainty.
And what's fascinating here is that what we are seeing is that these are not really principled
breaks with Trump ism.
These are desperate attempts to stop the bleeding. These Republicans
didn't suddenly discover a love for working families. For example, what's happening is that
there are some Republicans responding to pressure from businesses, from voters, from donors who see
that the Trump economic policy is a complete and total wrecking ball.
And this is a really important thing in terms of orienting ourselves over the next couple
of years with regard to American politics, which is that even inside the MAGA movement,
there are cracks forming.
We've seen them for a while.
I've been talking to you about them for a while and the fear is no longer about angering
Trump.
It's what happens if we keep letting him run the show because they see the same numbers
we see.
They see the Dow down 1500 points today.
They see industries panicking.
They see that no one is seeing these tariffs and saying, you know what I'm going to do?
I'm going to bring manufacturing back.
Allies are turning cold and it may be too late, but some of them are starting to realize that
Donald Trump is torching what is left of American economic credibility. Even the Republicans who
voted with Trump are sort of sweating. You know, you've got Senator Kevin Cramer admitting that
this is hopefully just the start of a negotiation and
not the plan that announcing these tariffs will have some short term effect, but then it's all
going to be negotiated away, eliminated and things will be good. But I don't know that that's
actually what's going on here. And that's not really a strategy. That's just fear. That's making
people scared. Rand Paul is usually a Trump ally.
He torched the whole idea in a floor speech. He said every dollar collected in tariff revenue
comes out of the pockets of American consumers. And he's right. The tariffs are paid by American
businesses that import those businesses past the cost onto consumers. It's consumers who pay the tariffs. When your house costs a little more,
you've just paid the tariff to the home builder who paid the tariff to the country that they got
building materials from. That's how it works. If you want a sort of wake up call as to how
absurd the situation is. Yesterday, we had Senator Rand Paul, a Republican and Senator Tim Kaine,
a Democrat, doing a joint appearance on Fox News saying this is not what's the rationale for getting
behind this. Well, one, we should not live under emergency rule. The Constitution said taxes are
raised by Congress. Most specifically, taxes originate in the House and come to the Senate.
Some against emergency rule. But on the tariffs in particular, on the idea of trade, trade is proportional to wealth.
The last 70 years of international trade has been an exponential curve upwards.
And the last 70 years of prosperity has been upwards also.
We are richer because of trade with Canada.
And so is Canada.
Whenever you trade with somebody, when an individual buys somebody else's product, It is pretty rare that you see Rand Paul and Tim Kaine agreeing on everything.
Now, the agreement would be quite limited in the sense that while they agree that the
tariffs are bad, they would disagree.
I'm sure about the type and degree of regulation that's necessary for these manufacturing businesses,
they would agree only about the tariffs being bad. But Rand Paul is correct that this I don't even
know that I would call it economic nationalism because it's actually bad for the country. But
these blanket tariffs are just a tax hike for working Americans. Rand Paul also pointed out that there is a historical record for these sorts of tariffs
being terrible, terrible for the economy.
Tariffs have also led to political decimation.
McKinley most famously put tariffs on in 1890.
They lost 50 percent of their seats in the next election.
When Hotsmully put on their tariff in the early 1930s, we lost the House
and the Senate for 60 years. So they're not only bad economically, they're bad politically.
That's right. And it is not just Congress that's starting to turn on Trump. Tomorrow,
we're going to be looking at right wing influencers, specifically Joe Rogan and Dave
Portnoy, also increasingly questioning not on tariffs, but
on deportations and on Signalgate.
But the big picture here is that some of the online warriors that Trump was relying on
for the cultural dominance are asking questions.
And it's really not about policy anymore.
This is a legitimacy crisis for Trump within the movement that he created.
Chuck Schumer arguably said it
best. He said public sentiment is everything. And right now, public sentiment is saying this guy
is wrecking the economy. So the cracks in MAGA are showing Trump's enemies are not just on the left
anymore. They're in his own party. They're in the Senate. They're in his fan base. And one last note,
this has become one piece of what could be a full blown economic disaster.
Trump's tanking the markets.
We talked about that.
He's provoking trade retaliation.
That's already happening.
Basic goods are going to get more expensive.
If Republicans really think they can just ride this all the way to November of 2026
without a voter revolt, maybe they can, but they're gambling.
They're really playing with fire here. Inflation and job losses and a possible recession.
These are maybe feeling like abstract fears right now, or maybe they did 24 hours ago,
but they're real and they're coming. And when you look at where the stock market is today,
it's hard to think that it's that far off in the distant
future.
Doing insane things and then sending Caroline Leavitt out there to try to clean it up is
not functioning as a strategy, but that's exactly what Donald Trump is doing.
Just hours after the announcement of these blanket tariffs, which tanked the market, terrified
economists and even have some Republicans saying, we've got to do something to block
this crap.
Caroline Leavitt went out onto the White House lawn and attempted to defend it to CNN's Kate
Baldwin.
The problem is there's no way to defend this.
And so Kate Baldwin asks Caroline Leavitt, does this mean higher prices for Americans?
How much of this short term pain is OK?
And Caroline Leavitt doesn't really answer me in the most immediate.
I mean, these farmers, as Tom Silla says, farmers are one crop away from bankruptcy.
That farmer doesn't have time to wait for tariffs to work their way into the system, the benefit of it to work its
way into the system at all. This is going to mean higher prices for Americans in the most immediate.
That's why I asked the question, how much pain on a temporary basis is OK? What's the standard
that the president is looking at in terms of how much pain Americans
can feel on a temporary basis that he's okay with? Again, the president is focused every single day
on lowering the cost of living in this country while simultaneously implementing these very
effective tariffs. Massive deregulation, an energy boom and tax cuts are the economic
formula that will mean more prosperity and the lower cost of living.
And it's a and of course, sure, it's not wrong that growth will help Americans.
The problem is that Trump policy isn't going to generate growth.
And if you're feeling that that like that answer leaves things a little bit lacking,
you're right.
And it's because there is no way to defend what they are currently doing.
Kate Baldwin pointed out to Caroline Leavitt, markets are just collapsing.
What do you say about that?
And she goes, oh, Trump knows what he's what is the White House reaction to as we just
had those numbers up, global markets tumbling this morning and futures down sharply.
To anyone on Wall Street this morning, I would say trust in President Trump.
This is a president who is doubling down on his proven economic formula from his first term.
We just trust him.
Saw wages increase. We saw inflation come down. We had a Trump energy boom. We had the largest tax cuts in history. And that's exactly
what the president intends to do following his historic announcement yesterday for reciprocal
tariffs. It's the golden age rule for the golden age of America. And the United States of America
is no longer going to be cheated. This would make Soviet propaganda broadcasters blushed
by foreign nations around the world. And as the president declared yesterday,
this is indeed a national emergency. We have a $1.2 trillion trade deficit and counting.
We've had 90,000 factories close in the last couple of decades. Since 1997, Americans have
been put out of 5 million manufacturing. She goes on and on and on and on. The message is close your eyes, put your noise canceling headphones on and just trust Trump.
And the reason that that's all they have is because there is nothing else.
There is no economic justification for what they're doing.
It completely contradicts basic economics.
Finally, sort of the cherry on top.
Kate Baldwin points out, you know, these blanket tariffs may violate some provisions of international
agreements like NATO.
Caroline Lovett just goes now.
The foreign minister of Norway and Brussels for NATO meetings said this morning that the tariffs could violate an article of the NATO
treaty that orders members to promote economic stability and collaboration. If this is a breach
of the NATO treaty, will the president reassess his approach?
No, the president is firm in his approach and the president is ensuring economic stability
here in the United States of America.
And of course, the idea that Trump cares about American commitments based on treaties we've
signed and our parties to this is a different era.
Kate Baldwin, of course, he doesn't care about that.
You know, no matter how well prepared you are, you really can't defend
something as indefensible as what we're seeing right now. And that's the problem for Caroline
Leavitt. Remember that the only way to reach you directly is our newsletter. If YouTube, Facebook,
Tic Tac, if any of them shut us down, all of which have happened temporarily
in the past, our only way to reach you will be our newsletter where we own the data.
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You can do it on my website, David Pakman dot com.
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We'll take a quick break and be back after this.
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It's great to welcome back to the program today.
Democratic Congressman Greg Kassar representing Texas is 35th congressional district.
This includes parts of Austin and includes parts of San Antonio.
Um, it's so great to have you back on, especially today because we saw these tariffs very confusedly signed into law yesterday by the president.
And we're hearing from people all over the country, including in Austin specifically,
about how concerned they are as to what this will mean for the cost of everyday things for the long
term of the economy. Do you have a sense from inside the House of Representatives as to what
Republicans believe is the long term plan here in terms of is the idea to set a fire
that they then put out and take credit for? Or is there any long term plan?
To me, it always keeps coming down to Donald Trump wants to enrich his billionaire friends.
He wants to threaten other foreign leaders or other people he feels threatened by in order to
have them cut a check or be able to say he won in some sort of fight. And so at the end of the day,
there isn't a real plan as far as how this is going to try to help the everyday person or the American
worker. And from inside the House, a lot of Republican members of Congress, they didn't know
exactly what was coming or what the plan is. And so I think the best way for everyday folks to
understand this at home is that Donald Trump went and promised everybody, whether they voted for him
or not, that he was going to lower prices for you.
And he was clearly lying through his teeth.
This is going to raise prices all across the economy for the everyday person.
While Donald Trump's real priority continues to be in Congress, not to have a plan to bring jobs here, not to lower prices, but to give billionaires another tax cut, to take Social Security away and be able to
give it away to big corporations. At the end of the day, if you are an everyday worker,
everyday consumer, Donald Trump lied to you, but the people he's not lying to
are his donors and his billionaire friends. That's really the frame within which we can
understand all of this. Which makes sense. But at the same time, I have to imagine that some of his
billionaire friends who are heavily invested in the stock market are seeing the Dow down 1500
points as you and I are talking right now and are going to him or to people who can get to him and
saying, you know, what, what is this? What is cut the crap, right? The, the counterpoint would be
they get the wink, wink, nod, nod, nod that this will drive down asset prices.
They can swoop in and pick up shares far cheaper.
But at some point there has to be some pot of gold at the end of the rainbow.
Right.
Or otherwise, wouldn't the billionaires also be saying this is no good?
Right.
And that's why we've seen him do this, you know, announce it here one day, pull it back
the next day. Or like we saw during
the last administration, he sets up a big set of tariffs and then he creates exemptions for his
friends or for people that are familiar with him or people that didn't like him before that then
come and change their minds and become Trumpers. And so that's what this whole scheme always seems to be about.
I was just on the news and they showed me their an Eric Trump tweet where he said,
if I was a foreign leader, I'd want to be the first one coming and begging for mercy from
his dad. And so that's what this keeps on coming down to. Look, Mark Zuckerberg being the perfect example. We saw this this week. Mark Zuckerberg under investigation for monopoly activity, illegal white collar crime.
You see Facebook meta buying up WhatsApp, buying up Instagram, trying to make sure that there's no competition to what it is that they do. Next thing you know, Mark Zuckerberg gives $25 million in a settlement,
quote unquote, but ultimately it's $25 million cash to Donald Trump himself. Now it's his third
visit to the Oval Office. Now he gets what it is he wants. So the Mark Zuckerberg who, you know,
Donald Trump would lambast before, now they're buddies. And so that's part of how you can see all of this is that donald
trump acts recklessly acts acts erratically people say what is the plan here and the plan on his part
is to hold people hostage whether it's american consumers whether it is you know a billionaire
that he wants to come um a genuflect in front of him and then at the end of the day what he's
trying to do is extract money for himself
or his or his friends or at some times just for his ego.
You've made some criticisms about the Democratic Party that are very similar to ones that I've
made.
You've talked about Democrats losing their working class identity and needing to sort
of regain that.
You've criticized ideological purity tests that sometimes take
place within the democratic party and sort of within the left.
All criticisms I agree with you on is anything happening right now at the top level of the
party that recognizes this to reorient into 2026.
I think the perfect example of the party reorienting is what's happened over just
the last four months around Elon Musk. You can go and pull headlines, and I hope folks will go
look it up. Just a few months ago, there were all sorts of headlines saying Democrats debating
whether to buddy up to Elon Musk. Should the Democrats actually go right at Elon Musk and call him out
for the grifter and liar he is? Or should we say maybe he'll bring innovation to government? That
was an active fight within the Democratic Party. And because there always have been, since I've
been alive, some very corporate elements of the party that said, oh, maybe, you know, this
billionaire can be as kind of a role model model and we shouldn't go after him.
And I and others were really clear that we want to reclaim the working class mantle of the Democratic Party and be a popular populist party again.
There's no better opportunity than to go after the richest man on earth who is firing veterans,
taking their salaries and stealing that
money for himself and for his own contracts. There's no better villain than Elon Musk,
who makes $8 million a day off of federal government contracts, who's then going out
and calling Social Security recipients and Medicaid beneficiaries moochers. And we had
that argument. And even all the way up to just a couple nights ago,
the Wisconsin Supreme Court race, there were articles saying elements within the Democratic
Party worried about whether this Elon Musk message will work. Well, we won that argument
a couple of nights ago when we blew out Elon Musk in that race. And in fact, Elon Musk's own
campaign spending, I think,
backfired on him. And that's exactly what we want. If we're going to be the party of the people
against the party of big money, then we need to recognize they're always going to have more money
than us. Let's use their own money against them by pointing out that they're corrupt and trying
to buy public politicians. That worked the other night. And I think that is a hopeful direction for the Democratic Party. We haven't won that fight
around the whole party. But I think just in the last few months, there has been a consolidation
of Democrats around fighting Elon Musk. And I think there will be more and more Democrats
running for office now, whether they are more progressive or more moderate Democrats on this more anti-corruption platform.
I spoke not long ago with your colleague Jake Aachen Klaus and one area of concern for him
in looking back at November of twenty four and sort of the last election cycle and looking
forward was he thinks that the party overall
hasn't struck the right tone.
For example, on the issue of crime, the idea that yes, of course we recognize systemic
realities when it comes to crime and we, we don't abandon any of that stuff, but there
were a lot of people who just didn't like or feel like they were being taken seriously
by Democrats
all the way up to Kamala Harris when they said, hey, here's what I'm seeing in my community
being shown the FBI crime stats.
That's all well and good.
But what I'm telling you is what I'm seeing in my community and not feeling heard and
like their concerns around that issue was dismissed.
Can you talk about how to find a balance between rejecting,
you know, the lurid stories and anecdotes of Trump at rallies around this issue of crime,
but also not seeming to dismiss the, the, the real concerns of people with regard to this issue?
Where do you find the middle ground there? I think that progressives and
Democrats need to be the party of safety for you and your family. And where progressives, and I
include myself quite a bit in this, have failed in the past is we try to say, well, we're the party
of public safety and of civil rights, and we're going to
be for your public safety, but civil rights violations, we just point those out as just
wrong. And they are, but I don't think we've pointed out enough when we talk about people's
civil rights, is that civil rights violations make you less safe. When Donald Trump uses law enforcement to go and arrest someone that has
done absolutely nothing wrong and then ships them overseas to a Salvadoran prison camp,
not only is that morally wrong, but first of all, it endangers people's basic rights and safety if
they could come after you next.
But let's put that aside. They just took all of these law enforcement resources that we should be using to keep you safe, to actually go after people that could threaten your health and safety, to actually go and solve cases that are unsolved.
And he went and spent them deporting an innocent hairdresser. He went and spent resources the other day
deporting a 10-year-old who was recovering from brain cancer
who was on her way to her appointment.
Shouldn't those resources be going after somebody
that has actually hurt someone
or has actually killed someone
or is the actual threat to your neighborhood?
So I think that as progressives,
and I include myself in this, we need to learn from our mistakes. That doesn't mean throwing
out civil rights, but it means letting people know that civil rights violations are actually
a violation of your safety. This isn't just an idealistic pursuit we're in that actually making sure that law enforcement follows the rules and
goes after the real threats isn't just an idealistic cause. It's a public safety cause.
Yeah. I think the other thing that's being lost in some of the commentary is like I was listening
to Joe Rogan talk about some of those very same deportations you're talking about and saying it's
a disaster. It hurts the cause, et cetera. It almost sounds like the conversation some are having are about whether some of these
individual cases are sympathetic people.
It was a dad, it was someone recovering from an illness, but due process should apply regardless
of whether the individuals are sympathetic.
And I feel like that's an aspect of the conversation that's not getting the attention it deserves.
That needs more attention.
And frankly, this is another place where I think that the progressive wave that I know is coming of 2025
and 2026 can be just as strong, but smarter than we were in 2017, 2018. And here's how
we need to stand for free speech for everyone. We need to stand for due process for everyone.
Because if we stand for due process in cases where the person's sympathetic and not sympathetic,
when we stand for people's safety, no matter the politics of the issue, I think that makes,
that is inherently a progressive value and makes the Democratic Party stronger. And on free speech, we should be able to stand up for the free speech of people on college
campuses, no matter whether they are right wing activists or left wing activists.
We should support views being published in our newspapers, whether they're left wing
or right wing, because that's what actually protects everyone.
And I do think that our sort of progressive wave of four, five, six, seven, and eight years ago, sometimes was censoring
views and not focusing enough in on free speech. Let's have the debate. Let's protect everyone's
speech. And we're going to be better off that way. I think about how a few decades ago in Austin, there was a big controversy here right up the road on Congress Avenue, where a small number
of KKK members were going to march. And it was a big controversy. And people asked the mayor to
revoke the permit and not let these, whatever it was, few dozen maniacs from the KKK march.
And the mayor did the right thing. He let them march, but then
hundreds of Austinites showed up, lined up on the street. And as these few dozen KKKers marched up
the street, they all turned around, pulled their pants down and mooned the KKK members. And that
was the best, you know, exhibition of free speech you could ever imagine. It humiliated the, you know,
complete racist maniacs without giving them the platform of pulling away their right to speech.
So I think right now is such an important moment for due process and for free speech in this
country. And I think that that's that the Democratic Party should sort of correct where
we've been on those issues in the past. Last example, I want to run through with you. And I think this is super useful in thinking about
how it is we should be talking about these issues. Another one that's generated a lot of controversy
is this issue about trans rights, but specifically sports, which I want to say at the outset,
we're talking about a sliver of a sliver of a sliver of the population.
We're talking about an issue that I'm not diminishing its importance to those whom it
touches, but it will only touch a sliver of it.
We're talking about a very small number of cases which the right has really successfully
contrived and weaponized into a massive cultural battle.
When you look at the data, 80% of the country believes that at least on some
sports, there's a fundamental lack of fairness. If you allow certain individuals to compete
in women's leagues. Okay. I'm trying to frame it as sort of like objectively as possible.
On the one hand, it's so important for us to stand up for the dignity and rights of
everybody. I don't want every anybody to be discriminated against. I don't want people's
dignity to be jeopardized. On the other hand, I also see some on the left kind of taking the
poison pill, which they've made for us and defending everything under the sun, even when these are really minority views and
they probably hurt Democrats electorally. What's your sense of that issue? Not because it's the
most important issue statistically, but because they've so successfully weaponized it. How should
the left and Democrats deal with that? Two things. I will go to how I think we
deal with the issue specifically. The most important thing you just said is how is it
that the right wing has turned an issue that only deeply affects a sliver of a sliver of a sliver of
people into one of the biggest national issues in this country, an arriving issue in a presidential campaign, something everybody asks me about. How do they do that? And why is it? I think the most important
question is why hasn't the Democratic Party been able to turn social security into that issue,
since that affects hundreds of millions of people, tens of millions of people directly,
hundreds of millions of people indirectly? Why hasn't the left and progressives been able to turn healthcare into an issue at least that big
since the Republicans right now in Congress are trying to end Medicaid as we know it?
So I think the real core question is, how and why is it that the right has turned this issue
that, again, like you said, deeply affects the people it
affects, but ultimately nobody whose door I knock on, Republican, Democrat, or independent,
when they open up the door and I'm knocking on doors in the neighborhood, say, thank God,
this is what I want to talk to you about. Nobody has ever done that. How have they managed to do
that? And the answer is, I think that the Democratic Party needs to draw a stronger
contrast to the Republicans on core economic issues of wages and Social Security and health care,
make there be a much bigger difference so people really notice.
Two, we have to pick villains and tell a clear story about why you're getting screwed over on those economic issues.
And we've got to hone in on always talking about those pocketbook issues in an interesting,
not boring, not incremental, not technocratic way, aka we can't be talking about it the way
we've been doing it. And if we can turn social security and healthcare and worker wages into
a real issue, then I think the salience of how you answer that other question goes way down.
So we've got to ask ourselves, how did they make this such a huge issue? And how can we do that on
things that actually should be much easier to do it on because a lot more people care?
And once we do that, then I think the answer to your first question is much lower stakes
because people can be like, that's not actually that big a deal to me
now. So that's really my main answer. But then if we were to go to, okay, so then how do you
respond to that? I do it all the time. I do it all the time in groups of people that disagree
with me on the issue, because like you said, tons of people might agree or disagree on this issue.
And I say, look, I know you know that swimming is different than table tennis is different
than wrestling.
And so is the NCAA.
And so the NCAA has a committee and they figure out what the appropriate testosterone levels
are for people to compete.
The Olympic Committee does, too.
And I'm just really not that interested in who really does Olympic swimming or not.
I've never met an Olympic swimmer.
And so I'm going to kind of let the Olympic Committee deal with that.
You might agree or disagree with what they do, but I'm going to dedicate my life and
my time to making sure nobody's discriminated against in the workplace, to make sure that
you get a decent wage, to make sure you get paid overtime when you work over 40 hours
a week, to make sure you get a tax break instead of Elon Musk, to make sure that not only do we save Medicaid as we know it, but I think we should actually expand our public health care
system so that you don't have to be calling an insurance company who's just going to tell you
no to make money. And when I say that, it tends to break through and break beyond the person asking
that question. That's really good. I like that. I'm going to think about that.
We've been speaking with Congressman Greg Kassar. Always great having you on. Thank you so much.
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I want to play a clip for you of George W. Bush destroying Donald Trump's entire economic
and geopolitical perspective.
This is from years ago.
This is not a new clip.
And I want to be really clear. This is not a rehabilitation of George W. Bush. This is not
wasn't Bush great war criminal helped lie the United States into a war that killed hundreds
of thousands. His presidency was a disaster on multiple fronts. The reason I want to play this clip is that it's an incredible
reminder of the stark contrast between Bush era Republicanism, which was bad enough by
the way, which still understood some basic economic principles and geopolitical strategy
and the complete and total collapse of rational thought under Donald Trump. So let's take
a look at the video and then we'll talk about what's interesting about our country. If you study history is that, uh, there are some
isms that occasionally pop up, pop up. One is isolationism and it's evil twin protectionism
and it's evil triplet nativism. So if you study the twenties, for example. There was an American first policy that said,
who cares what happens in Europe?
Well, what happened in Europe mattered,
eventually, because of World War II.
There was Smoot-Hawley, which was a part
of an economic policy, which basically said,
we don't want trade.
In other words, let's throw up barriers.
And there was an immigration policy
that I think during this period argued
we had too many Jews and too many Italians.
Therefore we should have no immigrants.
And my point to you is, is we've been through this kind of a period of isolationism, protections
and natives nativism.
I'm a little concerned that we may be going through the same period.
When George W. Bush starts to sound like the adult in the room, you know, we've fallen
very far. Republicans used to understand
that a blanket tariff is bad for consumers. It's bad for trade and it's bad for American jobs.
They used to at least pretend to care about alliances, about global stability, about not
blowing up post world war two international order that flawed as it is, has helped to prevent some
wars and has also helped to sort of maintain the U S as a credible negotiating partner
who doesn't just say, I don't like this deal and I don't like that deal and we're not going
to come to your defense even though we agreed to, which is what we've seen under the Trump
era, which is just embarrassing for the United
States.
You know, under Trumpism, it's tariff everything who cares about Europe and let's blow up global
markets because it makes me feel strong and it sort of placates my ego.
It's isolationism plus protectionism plus nativ. And that's really like a full package of economic and diplomatic brain rot.
And that's the cocktail that Bush was warning about.
And as disastrous as Bush was, he sounds reasonable in this clip compared to what's taken over
his party.
I'm not saying Bush was a good president.
Don't write to me saying, David, how can you say Bush was a good president? He wasn't a good president. The point here
is to show the contrast and how far things have fallen. It used to be that we disagreed with
Republicans on policy, health care, taxes, labor rights. Now we're in a world where the Republican
party doesn't even believe in basic economics or facts or alliances or basic sanity.
There used to be some bipartisan agreement that trade and diplomacy and global cooperation
are net positives.
There are negatives.
You want to balance it, but that they are net positives and that we benefit as a country
when we are connected to the rest of the world rather than we wall than when we wall ourselves
off from it.
Now, there could be disagreement about how should those relationships be structured,
which deals were fair and which deals were unfair.
What industries do we want to protect?
Which industries don't we want to protect?
But the idea that tariffs are taxes on Americans didn't used to be controversial.
Incomes Trump turns it into a loyalty test and suddenly any grasp of basic economics
is considered globalist treason.
And there's a really deep irony here.
Trump's entire agenda is anti conservative tariffs, massive government interference in
the free market, not a historically conservative principle, blowing up alliances, risking military
entanglements and economic collapse,
using emergency powers to bypass Congress. It's straight up authoritarian. There's nothing
conservative about it. And the people who spent decades warning about big government
are now cheering on a guy who is using state power to micromanage international trade like
it's a vending machine. It doesn't make any sense.
There's no economic justification.
The cracks are starting and tomorrow we will look at Trump's approval hitting a new low.
We will look at the Republican alliances that are looking to, uh, fracture and interfere
with what Donald Trump is doing.
And this has the potential to become a sort of silent civil war within the Republican
party.
Now on today's bonus show, we will address that to a degree because house Democrats have
their own plan to force a vote on killing Donald Trump's tariffs.
And we want to see where that lands.
Eric Adams is bailing on the democratic party because he couldn't win the democratic primary
in the New York city mayoral race if he ran in it and he's saying, I'm going to be an independent
now we'll talk about whether it will work.
And we will also talk about should new mothers be allowed to vote by proxy in the house of
representatives?
It seems like a simple yes.
Maga Mike Johnson says no.
All of those stories are on today's bonus show.
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