The Duran Podcast - Collapse of MACRON'S France

Episode Date: December 5, 2024

Collapse of MACRON'S France

All right, Alexander, let's talk about the collapse of Barnier's administration. Macron's prime minister and Macron's administration, really. That's what we're talking about here. The no-confidence vote, as expected, the right and the left united, and they collapsed Barnier's government. And this is no surprise. but the question is what happens now. Macron has said that he will not resign. He can't call elections, at least not right away,

so he can't call snap elections and run again. The only way you can get elections is if he does resign, Le Pen is calling on him to resign, Melanchon is calling on him to resign. And the reason that they state that he needs to resign is that even if he does put together another weak government under a new prime minister, that government is going to collapse in three months. So Macron really cannot govern.

And I believe he is going to be in office until 2007, I believe. So what does France do? You have two years now with a president that can't put together a government, refuses to resign and step down, at least at the time of the recording of this video, So he's refusing to step down. Things may change. But you have a country that cannot be governed. What happens now?

Well, France, the French people. And we called this, by the way. Oh, absolutely. We called this, by the way. We said that Macron is setting up a very weak government that is not going to make this. I remember we did many videos talking about Macron and how he maneuvered his way into power after the last elections and how this was going to burn him. And that's what we have now.

Absolutely. I mean, France is paying the price of Emmanuel Macron, an absolutely disastrous president whose vanity and incompetence, which it is. I mean, he's deeply incompetent. He's a lack of political understanding and lack of empathy with the French people and understanding of their traditions and their culture. or even liking of it has brought France to a deep point of crisis. What I think you're starting to see, and I mean, I don't want to be absolutely, you know, definite about this,

but I think you're beginning to see the collapse in France of the globalist project, which, by the way, was partly, you know, conceived and brought forth and important. posed upon all of us by various French intellectuals. You know, this isn't just something that is completely alien to France. I mean, there's been elements of French society in Paris and, you know, whatever, the bureaucracists, that have been working towards, you know, the sort of globalist, Europeanist system for a very, very long time. But I think it's finally, as I said, reaching, it's, it's, to final collapse. Now, why are we here? The reason we are here is because Macron himself and his system

are completely discredited and unpopular in France. France urgently needs change. It urgently needs reform. Macron pretended when he became president that he would be the agent. of that change. The reality is, on the contrary, he has been the preserver of the system. That is why he was really elected. Now, you know, this is always, you always have to try and argue past the noise that is created here, because there's always this rhetoric about how France needs reform, that Macron is the reformist leader, that he is up against these. you know, solidly entrenched conservative reactionary forces on the right and on the left, which supposedly are obstructing change.

What Macron wants is to continue the course that France basically embarked on, well, decades ago in which everything French, everything distinctive to France, is basically sacrificed to the, you know, European project and the reforms that he was, is supposed to carry out, are reforms that are intended to facilitate the neocom project. Now, given that the neocon project is the system, we can see that he's actually a defender of the system, not a promoter of change. Now, there are political forces in France which do want to achieve change. There is the national rally and Marine Le Penh's group. They want a certain type of change. There is the left Melanchon's

group, which also want a certain type of change. Now, I'm not going to sit here and say which of these two groups I think are the force that will carry out that change. I'll only say this. I think that most of what the left are proposing is utopian and not really very thought through. That's all I'm going to say. What I'm saying is that these are forces in their completely different, separate ways, embody change. Now, what Macron and the French establishment have been doing is that even as they have been relentlessly pushing this program, which has brought France to a state of, first stagnation and then decay, and now visible economic decline.

And even as their own popularity within France has steadily reduced and diminished, they have nonetheless retained control, firstly through the agency of the presidency, which of course Macron occupies. but mostly by playing the left and the right off against each other, by constantly say that the right is somehow, you know, liberally using the F word, conjuring up the mythology of Vichy, and all of that sort of thing,

which blocks the right from forming a government, which could actually enact genuine change, in France. And of course, in a sense, he's doing the same exactly with Melanchon and with the left. I don't think much of the left's program is realistic at all, but again, they're being prevented from doing whatever it is that they want to do, because always Macron is able to play them off against each other and the right, despite the fact that if you look at their respective programs, The right and the left agree on some things and could in theory work together to achieve those things in the way that a left-right government managed to do in France very successfully after the Second World War in the 1940s. So all of this culminated that disastrous parliamentary election that Macron called.

He did it. It wasn't just that he was being vain and he wanted to consolidate control for himself. It was that he could see that the national rally was surging in support and that there was a real prospect that Marine Le Pen might be elected president in 27. So he sought to block her. So he called this election. He again, and the forces that he embodies did the usual thing of playing left and right off against each other. We ended up in a situation where the national rally, despite winning a third of the votes in the election, despite being far and away the single biggest bloc and party amongst the French people, came third in the number of seats that it was allocated in the French parliament. The left, which only won 25% of the votes, came first, and Macron's group, completely discredited, deeply unpopular, winning less than 20%, nonetheless, is able to form the balance. Now, as we spoke and discussed many times, Macron's strategy was to try to get the left to fragment, get moderate parties, so-called moderates on the left. who don't like Melanchon to join his party so that he could form some kind of coalition

which he controlled perpetuating the system from the centre. That never quite worked. But the result is that France has no strong government. Barnier never was able to put together a government. The right never really supported him despite claims that it did. The left never really.

really supported him, despite claims that he did. If the election in the summer had been allowed to take place in a normal way, without all of the manipulation, the telling people on the left to stand down so that people from Macron's party could win seats, which they weren't really entitled to. If all of that happened, the right would probably have won a majority. They would have formed a government. That government would have put together a program. The program might have failed, but France would be governed and perhaps we would have had a real possibility of genuine change. So you could see that this constant attempt to block change, genuine change in France, has now created a political crisis, a parliamentary and governmental crisis. And of course, there's a deeper crisis in France because debt levels are spiraling out of control.

The economy is moribund and there is no clear way forward. And Macron, who is the person, who is the architect of all of this, the single individual who bears most responsibility, he can neither propose a program, nor will he go. Because he knows that if he does go, it's not just that he will lose office, but that the entire system that he embodies could finally lose control of France. Yeah, they're talking about a Greece, a Greece type of debt crisis, more than Greece. We're not there yet. No. We're not at that level yet with France, but it could get there. And if we're talking about a Greek type of debt crisis in the Eurozone with France this time,

then I think it's going to spell big trouble for the European Union and for the Euro, very big trouble. France is much larger and much more important to the EU and to the Eurozone increases. So, you know, what does Macron do? Well, you see, you know, he doesn't want to go. He doesn't want to go, but, you know, the globalists don't want him to go either. I mean, you know, their fear is Le Pen. Their greatest fear is Le Pen coming into office. So they're also going to do whatever they need to do to keep Macron.

as president to keep him in power. So what happens? Yes. So why not try and keep him where he is by engineering a massive debt crisis? Get the European Central Bank to step in. Do some of the things that they did in Greece, maybe not all of them. Blame is all on Le Pen and maybe on Melanchin as well. Present Macron as the savior of France.

get a legal judgment against Le Pen who faces the usual criminal proceedings. Now, can I just quickly add about that? She may be guilty, she may be innocent. The point is that the kind of thing that she's accused of is something, which if you know French politics, as I do, you will know it's not in any way unusual or untypical of the way French politicians behave.

The problem about this is that like all of these prosecutions that have been carried out against non-system politicians, this is a selective one. That is the problem about it. It's intended to prevent her from standing from the presidency in 2027. That is it only genuine and real purpose. So anyway, create a financial crisis, create a debt crisis, get the European authorities to step in, do some of the things that they did. Greece, limit, perhaps, people's ability to withdraw money from banks. We saw that happen in Greece. They're perfectly capable of trying to do that all over again.

And at the same time, get a judgment against Le Pen, throw everything you can at her, throw everything you can at the national rally, try to implode it and use a crisis in order to do that. Then you call elections, parlor new parliamentary elections, in June. and the calculation is at that point, out of despair, the French people will finally give Macron the majority he wants. And then you can move to the presidential elections in 27. And then whoever it is that Macron selects that his successor finally gets elected. Now, that is the plan.

It's a very high-risk strategy. I mean, I think it's the plan. You're saying they're going to go ahead with the Greek type of austerity. I think so. I mean, there's constant talk about it in the media now. It's been spoken up and talked up all the time. The problem is with a society as educated and as sophisticated as France is, with an electorate as sophisticated as the French, and with an electorate as angry and disillusion and as cynical as the French is, it's not impossible. It's highly. likely that they will quickly figure out what's actually happening. And instead of blaming Le Pen, they will blame Macron. And that then we will have an even bigger crisis in June than we have now. Because fundamentally, you are right. They can do to France some of the same things they did to Greece,

but they can't do all of them. They can't risk doing. most of them, because doing that would implode the Eurozone and would be the end of the Eurozone and ultimately of the EU project. So they can only go so far. They can't go all the way. They can't impose the same level of hardship that they did in Greece, grinding opposition down. So they might try some things.

They might try to scare the French. But as I said, more likely than not, my guess is more likely than not, all that's going to do is going to make the French more angry. Yeah, I mean, in Greece, it has brought in 15 years of austerity. It's not going to end. The austerity in Greece is never going to end. And what it did do, what it did accomplish is it collapsed one party. It brought in another radical left party, which ended up becoming more neel. liberal globalist than the previous Bassook party.

And it also ushered in the rule of New Democracy, which is also a neoliberal globalist. They just brand themselves as conservative neoliberal globalists. So, I mean, it did work in Greece, to a certain extent. The austerity did move Greece into position of complete compliance to the European Union, to the United States, to the globalist agenda. and there is no opposition. It completely wiped out any type of political opposition from either of the two sides, right or left.

France is not going to be that easy to get to the position like what they brought Greece to. And you're going to have to deal with a macon. You're going to have to deal with his party. His party's going to have to stay in power because your other options are the options that want to move France away from from the European Union, at least from the globalist agenda, whether you're talking about

Melascha or whether you're talking about Le Pen. Of course, a far more sophisticated and intelligent policy would be to try to win over Le Pen and some people on the right. Nobody quite knows what Le Pen's ultimate objectives are if she even knows herself. But, you know, they've never tried that because they don't trust her. They despise her. They despise her. They don't trust her, they want, they constantly, they become addicted to this constant manipulation and this constant balancing. And as I said, it's driving France into crisis, ever deeper crisis. Throughout the time that Macron has been president of France, the crisis in France has deepened. I mean, that was what the yellow vest were a symptom of it. It's what so much else is. It's, what, so much else is,

When you go to France, especially if you leave Paris, by the way, which I haven't visited a long time, by the way, but this is what I've heard. But when you go to France, and I've been to France outside Paris, the mood has been smoldering there for a very, very long time. And they can't do to France what they did to Greece, not the full, as they said, the full. They can do some of it, but nowhere near enough of it. to achieve the same outcome. France is too big, too rich, too sophisticated, too complicated, too complicated to do that. And as I said, the risk they run is that this will all turn into a massive crisis in June,

or next year, or perhaps the year after, who knows when, one which they finally lose control of, in which case the whole business of the whole system will start to unravel. And that could in fact affect the integrity of the entire Eurozone. So this is a very, very high stakes game that has been played in France. It's the elite versus the people, even more so than it has been in, say, the United States, where that is being talked about. The elite is becoming deeply discredited in France. There are still many, many uncertainties.

Nobody really can say definitely how it's going to win. In the short term, what I suspect is going to happen is that Macron will try and appoint another technocrat. He's going to say this technocrat should be allowed to run technocratic governments until the summer. That's a device that has worked in Italy. I doubt that it can work in the same way in France, because both the national rally and the left in the parliament are becoming restless and angry, and both feel that they have been cheated

of their right to exercise power in France, something which in Italy was not the case. Yeah, well, the left went along with Macron. Yeah. To be fair, they got in bed with Macron. Yeah. And now they're getting screwed. Yeah. Yeah.

Exactly. You know, that's just how it was. Look, Macron is just to wrap up, Macron exiting France would be a huge defeat for the globalists and for the EU because he is the globalist EU poster boy, right? I mean, in Europe, he's the guy that represents everything that is. European or EU, EU globalist, that's Macron. Right?

I mean, Macron leaving and Trudeau leaving would just be, you know, a disaster for the globalist agenda, for the globalist perception and the optics. So they're going to do everything that they can to keep them in power. You know, Le Pen, you know, she might, she might have been someone who, who, if she was president of France, would do, as she said, and perhaps move France to. to be more independent, more sovereign, distance it from NATO and from the EU. Or she might have been a Maloney type of figure, right?

You know, you talk to her, you pressure her, and she folds like Maloney and becomes an EU loyal globalist, like what happened in Italy. But they don't want to take that chance with Le Pen. And I think with France is different because you cannot be seen as getting rid of the man, the person that represents your entire agenda in Europe, and that is Macron. Correct. I mean, the other thing is, of course, if Macron disappears, if he's pushed out

of office, then, I mean, one of the most aggressive figures in terms of Project Ukraine exits the scene. It is inconceivable that either the left or the right, neither of them, is in any way, you know, supportive of project Ukraine. In France, by the way, there is a long tradition of Russophilia, and that is there, both on the right and on the left. They would not support sending French troops to France, to Ukraine, which is also unpopular with the French military, apparently. Yeah, all right.

Let's see how all of this unfolds. If the one thing that they're good at is kicking the can down the road. So absolutely. I think what they're going to do is they're going to drag this on as long as they can, whether it's crashing the economy, whether it's appointing a new administration after a new administration after a new administration. Yeah, they're very good at kicking the can down the road. So that's what they're going to do. Absolutely.

There's feverish discussions in Paris and in Brussels. And by the way, in Frankfurt and other places, trying to work out what to do and trying to gain this, and people talking to Mac Ron, trying to think, think away forward. So, you know, this is nowhere near played out. All right, we will end the video there. The durand.com. We are on Rumble Odyssey, picture, telegram, Rock Finn and X. Go to the Duran shop, pick up some merch like what we are wearing in this video.

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