The Duran Podcast - Macron uses Paris Olympics to consolidate power

Episode Date: August 11, 2024

Macron uses Paris Olympics to consolidate power The Duran: Episode 1983

All right, Alexander, let's talk about what is going on in France. And we're not going to talk about the Olympics, the Paris 2024. What we are going to talk about is who the left have proposed as prime minister. And Macron has rejected this person, even though, as you were telling me before we started recording this video, this person who they are proposing for the job of prime minister, is actually a super duper uber globalist. And yet Macron still rejects her. What's going on here?

It's an absolutely fascinating story. Now, let's just reel back a little and go back to the French parliamentary elections. Because if you remember, what happened in the French parliamentary elections is that the right-wing parties, the Marine Le Pen's party, the Rassonement Nacional, the other right-wing parties that are allied to it, they won. a clear, they won a clear victory in terms of being the biggest block, the one that was supported by the most people in France. They got around a third of the vote. About the same as Kirstama, in proportionate terms, got in the British general election, where he ended up

with this gigantic majority. But the left parties, which got fewer votes than a significantly few votes than a Le Pen's party did. And the left also got only a quarter of the votes that were cast. Nonetheless, because of the way in which the election was sewn up, the sort of deals that were done between Macron's party and the left. The left came first in number of seats. and they are insisting that they have the right, therefore, to name the Prime Minister and to form the government. This is despite the fact that, of course, they are far from being a majority party.

They're one nowhere near enough seats to be a majority by themselves in the French National Assembly. So the left proposed a very, radical economic and political and social program. We were told all kinds of things that they were going to do, very radical things that they were going to do. And then they proposed their candidate for prime minister. And they proposed a person called Lucy Kastetz.

Now, I hope I'm pronouncing her name correctly. I'm not sure exactly how it's pronounced, but this is how I'm going to pronounce it in this programme. Now, I've looked at her background. and she is an absolutely typical French anarch, what the French called an anarch. In other words, she's somebody who's gone to all the elite schools in France. And you have to understand the French system

and the way French politics works. You really do, even more than in Britain and the US, you need to look at the places where, people have been educated. So she starts at the Le Csé-Louis-Louis-Le-Grant, which is the big secondary school in Paris. It's a state school, but again, it's where all the elite people go. You go back to French history, way back in the 18th century, all the way back to the 18th century, all the elite people, including, by the way, Robespierre,

just saying, he went, they all went to the Le Céle-Legrains. She then goes to Cience-Paul, which is one of the, grand school in Paris it's if you like the equivalent

of the LSC in Britain or Colombia in the United States it's that kind of

a place she then goes from there she does she goes on to guess the LSC

in London she then goes to the LSC in London does a study course that

at a university in Shanghai, where she's also, by the way, sent to work at the French consular, she's doing economic things at the French consulate. Remember, we're talking to still a fairly young person at this point, and then she comes back to France, and she goes straight into the Accordionale d'administration. Now, this is the school, which used to exist in France.

Macron pretended to abolish it. Actually, all his studies changed its name, but the Accord National de Administration is where the super-duper elite go, the people who then go straight from the Accord National of the Administration into the Civil Service. They are the elite of the elite of the elite. One of the alumni of the Accord National of Administration is none other than Macron himself. And if you look back, again, you'll see an incredible proportion of French Prime Minister.

as president, top people, they've all gone to this particular school. So she then goes straight out of this school, into the civil service. She works in various civil service positions, very top levels of the French government. She joins the Socialist Party. Remember, this is, you know, the Socialist Party of Francois Hollande and people of that kind, the former French president. she ends up ultimately becoming director of finance and purchasing in the government of the French mayor of Paris Idlego, who is of course also from the centre left. She is an absolutely classic enoch.

She is everything about her tells us that she is the sort of person who is near liberal to her core. she wouldn't have progressed in this sort of fashion if she wasn't an absolute member of the elite. And in fact, you know, her schools, the schools that she's been to, the civil service positions that she's held, absolutely shows that. So the French people led to think

that the left in France, Melanchin, all of them were coming up with a radical program for change, revolutionary change in France, and they've ended up proposing someone like this. And then the extraordinary thing, because Macron won't appoint her, despite the fact that, as I said, she's the sort of person who might quite easily have ended up as a minister in Macron's own government. I mean, she's the kind of person who's essentially very much from the same political world as Macron himself belongs to. Remember, Macron himself, for example, used to be a member of the French Socialist Party. So, I mean, that's his background as well. So he won't accept her.

And the reason he won't accept her is because he says that we've got to wait until the Olympics are over, which is nonsense. The left are furious about. The left are furious about. this, even some people in the French National Assembly. On the right, the Republican right, are furious about this because they say that Macron is ignoring convention. The convention always says that the candidate for prime minister comes from the party with the biggest number of seats. But Macron is just disregarding that. But in the meantime, what is happening, and it's, again, absolutely what you would expect from the political situation, the political class in France today, is that in the meantime, even though France has no proper government,

Gabriel Atal, Macron's previous Prime Minister, the man who lost the election, he remains acting Prime Minister. and between him, Macron and the left, they're packing all the positions. So in the French National Assembly, they've been appointing all their various friends, all their various people to all the senior committee posts, the speaker posts, all of those, the Rassonement Nacional, Le Pen's party, has been completely excluded. So the Speaker of the French National Assembly comes from Macron's party to say, even there it came third in the vote, you know, the number of votes,

but they've managed to get the speakership. And in addition, they're filling all the vacant civil service posts with people of their own choice. Atal is able to do that to some extent. and they're able to do that because he's still Prime Minister, he's still acting as Prime Minister, and they're packing the civil service posts and the positions in the French National Assembly. So they are doing this,

they're excluding the Rassamblement National entirely, they're carving things up with each other, and they're engaging in this extraordinary spat between them. The left has proposed, as I said, classical enac. Macron nonetheless rejects her. He is insisting that he's not going to appoint a Prime Minister until the Olympics are over. The universal assumption is that what he's waiting

is for the left block to disintegrate for the major parties of the left, apart from Melanchons, to move over and to for for, a coalition with his party and then despite the fact that they are the losers, they will return to governing France. Why am I not surprised at any of this? Quite plausibly, quite plausibly, by the way, the leader of this Macronist government, the prime minister that will be appointed will be none other than Lucy Castet.

Just say. Well, she'll be appointed prime minister, but she'll be on Makkah. On Macron's side. On Macron's. Exactly. Exactly. So she'll be running things in a coalition government made up of Macron's party, the various bits and bulbs of the left that have broken away from Melanchon.

And as soon, it'll be exactly the same type of government that France had before the elections and which has been massively rejected and is deeply unpopular with the French people. It is... I don't care what the French people think, right? That's what God says. Who cares what the French people think? Exactly. Who cares?

So he ends up in third place, but he's going to be ruling. Yeah. He won. Third place is now first place. First place is now first place. You know what the French is. Got it. Got it.

Plus change. Plus el-em shows. The more things change, the more they remain the same. Yeah. Yeah, exactly. The more things change, the more they stay the same. So, uh, It's unbelievable, man. I mean, it really is unbelievable.

Macron is going to pull it off. Yeah. I mean, he's pulling off an election win while not winning. And this is due to the fact that you have, this is across all countries in the European Union. You have these umbrella parties that the various forces, whatever they may be, whether it's the European Union, union itself, whether it's the NGOs, the United States, Soros, who cares? But they always put together whenever you're having elections now in the EU, you have this tendency, this norm. It's now become the norm where you put together all of these different parties in order to either remove the ruling party,

like in the case of Orban, say in Hungary, in order to remove a ruling government that you don't like, or in order to prevent an election win from a party. that you don't want to win, like in the case of Le Pen. So you cobble together the socialists with the anarchists, with the communists, with the libertarians, whatever. You just put them all together. And you think this is going to solve whatever problems you may have with the Le Pen taking power in France. But what you actually get is just more instability.

Yeah. And eventually you just get to the same thing as before ruling the country, which in this case. is Macron. That's what this is all about. Absolutely. Cobble together all these parties. And I should tell you something else. I'm going to make a further guess.

This is a pure guess that once she becomes prime minister, she'll be groomed to take over. She will be the successor for the presidency eventually. If she does get appointed prime minister by Macron and forms this kind of government that you've been talking about. And it was the other great thing about this, that this is, again, the other aspect of this game, that they always play. And remember, they did this with Macron himself.

When Macron was first proposed to the French people, back in, when was it, 2015? I think it was 2015. He was put forward as this radical reforming force that was going to change France. And, you know, he was the outsider. I mean, it was an absurd idea that an anarch, which is what, he is could possibly be an outsider. You looked at his background. There was nothing about him that suggested an outsider. On the contrary, it suggested the ultimate insider. Lucy Castet is exactly the same, by the way. There's nothing about her that suggests an outsider. But the left in France

proposes this radical change policy. Macrole previously proposed. this radical change policy. Some people, too many people, are fooled into thinking that this is real. This is, you know, the other part of, you know, putting all these different parties together. But, you know, once the election is over, well, you forget all about that,

you go back to doing exactly the same thing that you did before. And I mean, anybody who thinks that Lucy Castetz is going to change anything radical or should look at the policies of her boss in Paris, Midalgo, who is an absolute prop of the neoliberal centrist order in France as she is in the European Union altogether.

So nothing, no change at all. And as you absolutely rightly said, this is all cobbled together incredibly fast. There's an efficient operation, that I have to say, cobbled together extremely fast in order to basically keep Le Pen and the Rassembleman National at Bay. Now, there is a fundamental problem with this,

which is that, of course, more and more people in France can see it, more and more people in France are becoming more and more angry. The cynicism of it is, I think, beginning to become increasingly corrosive. And as various people have pointed out, the fundamental story of Macron's time as president has been the steady and inexorable rise of the Le Pen, Assemblement National, or the bloc that she represents. I mean, they started with, I think it was something like 110, 12 seats in the French National Assembly when he became president. they now have, well I can't remember, but I mean 150 or somewhere around that, they've grown steadily both in their representation in Parliament and in the proportion of votes they get.

And what all of these manoeuvres are doing is making more and more people in France realize that ultimately they are the alternative. There is no other. There may be some highly intelligent people on the left, which they're up. And people have some principle on the left, which they are. But these are fossils left over from a time when the left in France actually meant something. Today, as a political force, the left in France is a force for preserving the status quo.

We've just seen it with this election. It's a vote for Macron. It's a vote for Macron. A vote for the left for Melasian is a vote for Macron. Yeah, exactly. And all that he embodies. Because they continue to insist that they will never ever support

the far right. They continue, as they call it, they continue to use the F words to describe it, all of these things. And the result is that you have a sense of the status quo. was perpetuated. And those people who don't like the status quo are left with no option ultimately than to

migrate and to support the Rassemblement National and what it represents. Yeah, but a lot of people just can't bring themselves to do it. A lot of people on the left, they would rather, the thinking, the ideology is they would rather see France implode than to support Le Pen. And who even knows if Le Pen is the real deal? We don't even know if she's in on it. I mean, you know, I'm trying to be as objective as possible. But who knows?

Maybe she turns out to be just as bad as Macon. My hunch is that she won't, but we don't know. Look at, look at Maloney. Everyone had a lot of high hopes for Maloney, and she turned out to be an Uber globalist, even though now she's in China kissing the butt of Xi Jinping after she pulled Italy out of one belt, one road. So just shows how smart Maloney is, not smart at all. The problem is that they're all in on it, all of them.

That's how it looks to me. Is Melanchon in on it? I mean, is he working with Macron, discussing with Macron, how all of this is going toward us? That's what it looks like to be. Maybe they're not sitting across a table, across the table from one another, but they're all part of the same club. I mean, there is no left.

There is no left opposition. None. And it just seems like they're all just working together in order to prevent Le Pen. from coming to power when we don't even know what a Le Pen government would look like, how it would govern. Maybe it will change things for France. Maybe it won't, though. I mean, we don't know.

Maybe that'll be. Maybe a Le Pen government will be just like a Macron government. Maybe they'll be brought into the globalist system as well. We can't say for certain, but they're never going to, they're never going to let Le Penhauer, have the opportunity to govern. That's how it seems. It seems like you have two factions. And the one faction is the left and the Macron are never going to let let them come into power.

Or they'll do their best to prevent it. There's a number of points to make here. Firstly, let's just deal quickly with the topic of Melanchon himself. My own sense about Melanchon is that he's an old man. He's been part of the left for a very, very long time. He's extraordinarily vain. I don't think he has much understanding of. politics, I think he's a very easy person to control and manipulate, and I think that's exactly

what's happened. So I think that what you're going to find is that they've used him before Longwell just drop him. So he'll probably be left with a few supporters of the French National Assembly, but when the left block disintegrates, which it will, and they all move over and form the coalition with Macron, he'll probably stay outside, which is perfectly happy with, by the way. I mean, he's always been happy to be on the outside, you know, making his great speeches and all of that. And I think that's all I'm going to say about Melanchon. I mean, I don't think he's important in that sense. His only importance is that because he's this figure from the past with all these radical rhetoric that he has, he's able, when you put a left-wing

block in the way that they did, he's able to convey an appearance that the left is real and actually intends to carry out change. Now that that purpose has been served, he's gone. Now, he's going to be gone. You're absolutely right about everything else. I mean, I think one of the things to understand

is that French politics, to an extraordinary degree at the central governmental level, is decided in Paris. They all are present in Paris. They all know each other. They go to the same restaurants, the same cafes. They meet together. They socialise together.

They're all part of the same world. And they are very, very remote from the life of France outside Paris and a few other big metropolitan centres. So it's not surprising that they see Le Pen. and what she represents, which basically are forces principally based outside Paris, as somehow a challenge to their own control. The great problem, the underlying problem with this strategy, is that these people, you know, for all their glittering qualifications, and I give an example of, you know, the schools that people I cast,

States have gone to, is that they don't, they aren't governing France at all. Well, France does still have, you know, a certain ability in administration, probably more than Britain does, for example. But generally, the political and economic situation in France has been deteriorating steadily and it's been doing so for a fair amount of time. Also, this group in Paris that has power, I mean, what they tend to do, their approach to government is basically to maximize, to max out France's credit card on this European Central Bank. I mean, that's basically what they do. They print money, they spend money. They borrow money. France's debts grow steadily and remorselessly. they're able to do that because the Central Bank, the European Central Bank, make sure that France is able to keep ticking along in that kind of way.

But of course, it's a policy that is fundamentally corrosive in the long term of France and of the French economy, because it destroys, it takes away the point and purpose of actual wealth, organic wealth creation within French society. In fact, it doesn't take away, just to take away the point, it actually acts to disincent, not just disincentivise it, but to suppress it. Because the people who are going to do well in France

are those who are closest to the money flows that come from the centre. I mean, so that that ultimate, is weakening the whole structure of France, of French society and of the French economy. As I said, when I last travelled to France, it was a couple of years ago. I didn't go to Paris. I went to the department of the lot, and I saw it there. I was astonished at the difference that I saw in France.

So this is unsustainable. Sooner or later, it will break. And I don't know how soon or how soon or. how quickly that will happen. And yes, all of these manoeuvres have been very effective up to now in keeping Le Pen and the Rassamblement National at bay and all that she represents.

But be aware that they are these forces. What she represents is getting stronger all the time. I said, we've seen this throughout Macron's presidency that the party, that Le Pen is leading has been steadily growing in size. Her own vote share in presidential elections has been steadily increasing. And as I understand it, she herself,

you know, when all of these deals were done to prevent the Rassamblement National winning a plurality in the French Parliament, or even a majority, she was actually said, you know, this is good for us, because it means we're now the opposition. We're now the only opposition. And that puts us in a good position

come the important elections in 2027. And she might be right. Now how she will govern what she will do if she governs, given the enormous challenges, I don't know. But even if she fails, even if she proves a disappointment,

the will eventually come a breaking point a breaking point will eventually come in France and we've seen that before many times in French history and the people in Paris who engage in all these conspiracies and all of these plots they're a little bit like you know the French aristocrats connected with the court in the 18th century who engaged in in very similar types of conspiracies and plots and all the swarees and all of the things of that time until eventually, of course, the storm overwhelmed them. The tidal wave of demands for change simply overwhelmed them. So I think this is the danger of these people run. And I don't think that this is a fanciful view. if you are familiar with French history, which to a great extent I am,

I'm not so familiar with the France of today, but French history, I know very well. This pattern in France of an elite in Paris, controlling everything, succeeding in doing so for a very, very long time, until everything suddenly breaks down, it didn't just happen in the 7th, 1880s and 1790s, it has happened in French history repeatedly. And it's quite plausible that it will happen again. All right. Final question, Macron, does he stay? Does he go?

Oh, no, he's going to stay. I mean, you know, all that business about him retiring. I mean, why should he go? I mean, you know, this is the thing to want to say. I mean, if LePé has his successor already, he may have his successor already. He might even have his successor now. you know, who, you know, he can also claim, you know, well, you know, I didn't really, she's, you can't say that she's the person I have chosen because the left chose her.

And initially, I was concerned and suspicious about her. She's obviously independent of me. I mean, you can see the kind of narrative that is being spun. That is going to be spun. But as I said, this is where we're heading. And as I said, don't be surprised, as I said, if Lucy Castetz, who, by the way, in 2027 will be, I think, 40. So she's very young for a political figure. He's going to be the next president, the candidate for president of France.

I mean, they'll be projecting her as, you know, this young, you know, force for change in France. When, as I said, everything, everything about her backstory. tells you that that simply isn't so. All right, we will end the video there. The durand.orgas.com. We are on Rumble Odyssey, Bitchue, Telegram, Rockfin, and TwitterX and go to the Duran shop, pick up some new merch like the t-shirt that I'm wearing or a limited edition,

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