The Duran Podcast - Preventing Balkans war, removing colonial chains w/ Boris Malagurski

Episode Date: November 1, 2025

Preventing Balkans war, removing colonial chains w/ Boris Malagurski

All right, Alexander, we are here with the great Boris Malagorski, Boris. Thank you for joining us once again, Anna Duran. Thank you very much for inviting me once more. Thank you. It's a pleasure to have you with us, and we have some big news. You have a new documentary, which is on YouTube called Killing the Peace. Will Bosnia Explode? And you are here to talk about the documentary, and we are going to talk about,

about Bosnia and everything that the documentary talks about. So the links for that are in the description box down below. So I recommend everyone go watch Killing the Peace. And any other announcements, Boris, that you would like to make before we actually get into the documentary itself? Well, I'm really happy that in less than two weeks, the documentary received 3 million views. So I think it's $3.2 million at this point where we're talking might be even bigger.

3.4. 3.4. There we go. It really has generated quite a bit of interest more than I expected to be honest. But it is something that's really interesting. Not a lot of people know about it. So I'm really happy we're going to get to talk about the topic of the film. Alexander, Boris, let's talk about it.

Well, indeed. And it is a wonderful film. And I absolutely strongly recommend it. And one of the things I'd say about it, it right from the start is that it does something which very few commentators about the situation in the Balkans in the former Yugoslavia ever do, which is that it looks back at the history. It looks at how Yugoslavia was formed, the role that the Serbs played in it, the role in the creation of Yugoslavia that other nations, not just Balkan nations, Turkey, for example,

also played in the formation of Yugoslavia. And it explains a lot about the context of the war, the wars that broke out in Yugoslavia in the 1990s, and the history behind them. And without understanding the history, you're not going to understand anything. I think this is a key fact which very few people grasp. Now, the other point that Boris makes is that in 1995,

There was this agreement, the Dayton Agreement, which satisfied nobody, none of the three parties that were involved in the conflict in Bosnia, which was a compromise, a compromise deal. I am not myself entirely sure that I would call it a peace exactly. It was more an attempt to try to freeze the conflict as it was then. But it has provided a kind of measure of stability. It ended the fighting and it has enabled people to some extent, at least, to a great extent, to get back and sort out their lives. That piece, if you can call it that, is now being undermined. And it is not being undermined by the people who were involved in the conflict directly. It is being undermined by outsiders, by the people who are actually administering Bosnia from a distance

by the Western powers. Now, that's a brief introduction. I think the best thing to do is to go over to Boris, and I'd like to focus very much, at least initially on this programme, on this particular point that this conflict looks like it could very easily and quickly restart again. And the people who are engineering this are the people who, in the West, should have the responsibility to prevent that happening. Now, I'm going to go over to Boris, and perhaps you can provide some of the details. Absolutely. Well, your description is perfect.

That's exactly what happened. It basically froze the conflict in 1995, the Dayton Peace Agreement, as it's called. And the way I see it is, in 1992, when the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina broke out, there was an attempt by foreign diplomats to stop the war, to prevent the killing. And it was called the Carrington Coutillero Plan, known as the Lisbon Peace Plan. And all three sides, the Serbs, the Croats, and the Bosnian Muslims, who were the war, who were make up Bosnia and Herzegovina, signed it. They all signed it, and if it had stayed, there would have been no war. But the Bosnian Muslim leader, Aliyah Izabegovic,

after talking to the U.S. ambassador to Yugoslavia Warren Zimmerman, who basically convinced him that he shouldn't have signed it and he should withdraw his signature, Isabegovic listened to him, and actually withdrew his signature. And that's when the real fighting started. Now, fast forward three years later, 1995, the Dayton Peace Agreement actually gave the Bosnian Muslims less than what they would have gotten with the Lisbon Agreement. But I believe there was this sort of promise made that, okay, let's just get the fighting to stop. And then slowly bit by bit, you guys who are supported by the U.S. are going to get what you were supposed to get. And we will give you this sort of unitary Bosnia. because to understand Bosnia, you need to know what it is that people who live there actually want.

And they want different things. The Serbs living there, they want to have their own self-rule. They've been living there for centuries. They want just the opportunity to have their own rules where they live. The Bosnia-Muslim side sort of sees Bosnia as theirs, all of it. And they want to control Bosnia because they are the majority, and like they don't have an absolute majority. They don't have 50% plus,

but out of all the three groups, they are the most, you know, the biggest one. So basically they want to dominate over all the other groups. And the Croats, they want something that's similar to what the Serbs want. They also want to have their own rules in the territories where they live.

So basically what happened from 1995 up until today was that, had these high representatives, which were supposed to be implementing the peace deal, basically taking away as many rights as they can from the Serbs who live in Bosnia, Rizugvina, mostly in the Republica Serbska entity of Bosnia. So it's really simple, really. What the Bosnia Muslims and NATO couldn't achieve back in the 1990s during the war, they tried to achieve with these high representatives who had very limited power.

according to Dayton, but then they had this agreement two years later. Nobody in Bosnia really signs. Nobody asked them if they're okay with that. It's called the bond powers. And they basically gave, it's like a bunch of Western countries getting together around the round table and just saying, look, we're going to give the high representatives powers to sack politicians, to freeze bank accounts, to impose laws and all these things. And it was supposed to be this sort of last resort, but it ended up becoming an everyday thing because the high representatives basically started behaving like a dictator. And the Bosnian Serbs side bore the brunt of this assault. And they were, I mean, imagine like you're Serb living in Bosnia and you vote

for somebody in the elections. And that guy wins and it becomes the president of Republic of Sripzka. And then, you know, the high representative says, you know what? He's not listening to me. So he's not the president of Republic of Sripzka anymore. End of story. That's, for example, what happened to Nicola Poplachan, who was the president of Republic of Sripka in the late 1990s. And that's also what's happening right now to the current president, Milrod Dottig, who has been, it wasn't so direct, it was done directly,

but basically the high representative is this guy called Christian Schmidt, who is, you know, really a sketchy sort of guy. Like, he imposed this law that it's illegal to not, listen to his decrees. And Doddy is somebody who just decided not to respect this position of the High Representative because he wasn't even confirmed by the UN. I know it sounds complicated, but basically, Christian Schmidt changed Bosnia's legal code to criminalize noncompliance with his decrees, which allowed the Constitutional Court of Bosnia to indict Dotti can sentence him to one year of prison time and six years not being able to hold public office.

So now this has become such a huge undermining a democracy that people have had it. And at this point, you have a lot of Bosnia-Muslim politicians, activists, NGO representatives talking about war, talking about war again. And they're saying, like, if the Serbs don't comply, and we're ready to pick up arms again. And it's a very explosive situation that I don't think would have been caused if, you know, if the high representative had just left, and it's very scary to think that, you know, we're seeing what's happening in Ukraine. And there are parallels between Ukraine and Bosnia that people don't consider, and they should, especially, you know, I talked about the 1992

Lisbon Agreement that Warren Zimmerman, the U.S. ambassador, pushed the Bosnian Muslims to withdraw from. It's really similar to what happened in Turkey with, you know, the Russians and Ukrainians coming together to reach an agreement fairly quickly after the fighting started in 2022. And then you had Boris Johnson coming in telling the Ukrainians, you know, just to keep on fighting the Russians no matter what, you know, which brought us, you know, three more years of war. And it's just, it's sad because if we had known about Bosnia a little bit more from this perspective, I think that, you know, there could have been more insight into what withdrawing from peace agreements really means. I mean, that's sort of something that we should really strive towards, not, you know, not run away from.

Well, can I just make a few quick points? I mean, I live in London, so this is all very familiar to me. What you're describing in Bosnia is the imposition of a colonial government. I mean, it's a, you know, somebody is there. He's called the High Representative. You could call him the resident. That's what the British would have called him. Or you could call him the viceroy.

And he suddenly, quietly assumes control. He has all the machinery, none of which has been accepted, of course, by the local people. But he's got all of the machinery at hand, which is given to him by the people who sent him there from the Imperial Center, if you like to call it that. And of course, what he also does, which is very typical of colonial rule, is that, of course, he plays off one community against another and favours one against another. You can come up with any number of examples from British imperial history where that has happened. And it seems to me it's being reproduced exactly in Bosnia. So that's one thing. I mean, this is what it looks like to me. Of course, no one in the West says this. No one in the West talks about the fact that this extraordinary superstructure in Bosnia has been superimposed in that way. The second thing is that doing that, of course, makes it impossible to achieve actual peace between the communities in the sense that data. and might have worked

if there'd been a serious bona fide a good faith negotiation between the three communities to try and find and chart a way forward to achieve an eventual settlement. But when the imperial governor, to call him that,

is in fact favouring one community over another and telling them constantly you can win and telling the other community that you must accept everything that I am saying. That is by definition going to make those

who are being favoured unwilling to compromise and those who are being pushed and if you like repressed it's going to make them resentful and angry and negotiations

at that point become impossible so those are two points I wanted to make is this correct I mean is this ultimately what we are seeing in Bosnia now.

Absolutely. And I must say there was a really similar situation that was so obvious when we had negotiations over the final status of Kosovo as they were called back in 2007 when you have the West sort of saying, well, we have to have these

negotiations between Serbia and its breakaway province of Kosovo to figure out what the final status would be. And Serbia was negotiating and suggesting a bunch of different models where, you know, Koso would remain a part of Serbia as it is, according to UN Security Council Resolution 1244, Serbia's constitution, the UN charter and all these things, but would have significant autonomy, which is fine. But at the same time, you had the Americans and

the Europeans, the Western Europeans, basically saying, well, you know, if the negotiations break down, we're going to go ahead and recognize Koso as an independent country, which is what the Albanians wanted. So the Albanians were listening to these messages and thinking, well, then all we need to do is make sure that the negotiations break down. There is zero interest for them to trying to get less with these negotiations instead of getting everything they want if negotiations break down and the Western countries just go ahead and have their excuse for recognizing Costa's in Venice, which is exactly what happened. And you have a similar situation in Bosnia that runs much deeper because a Nobel laureate, Evo Andrish, actually wrote a lot of books about this mentality that exists in Bosnia, because you've always had these, you know, three different religions, three different nations living together,

and they've always sort of looked outward for their protector. still, after all these centuries, unable to realize that, you know, colonizers, they come and go, but neighbors stay, and they keep getting into the same pattern of looking for their great power instead of looking for their, you know, great neighbor right next door.

So I think it's a very delicate situation. And what's really interesting is that, you know, yesterday, the U.S. State Department removed actually sanctions that were imposed by the Biden administration and the Obama administration, the outgoing Obama administration, against Milorad Dodik. And it's actually interesting to know how these sanctions were imposed, because the sanctions were opposed for the first time against the Serb leader in the Republic of Serbskadok, some two days before Trump's inauguration, the first Trump inauguration, which is really interesting because Dori was planning on going to the inauguration, and they imposed sanctions so that he couldn't go.

So this is like days before the Obama administration is basically ending its reign. And it really shows how they wanted to punish the Serbs side and not allow any sort of warming in the relationship between the Serbs and Washington under a Donald Trump administration. Now, I think that right has been wrong. I think that's really good that the sanctions were removed. And this is really rare, by the way, like very rarely do sanctions get removed by the state government. It happened this time, and it's a good sign, but there's still a lot more to go because the Serbs have been demonized in the 1990s to such an extent that no matter what they do, they get accused of being in the wrong. They get accused of being the bad side, the evildoers and everything, no matter what the Serbs do,

it's like, oh, that's Serbian propaganda. Like even, like, our talk here, like, if some Bosniak or Croat media take a look at or Albanian media, they're going to say that you guys are probably paid by the Serbian government or whatever, and it's like you're just propagandists for the Serbs. And they don't even try to listen to what we're talking about. It's just like, oh, it's against our interest, so it has to be paid by the Serbs and it has to be propaganda. So this is really bad. And it's, you know, it's the legacy of the 1990s that left quite the imprint on the consciences of people when it comes to Serbs.

Which is why it is absolutely essential to deal with the history, which is what you do in your program. Because looking back, you can explain, you can understand. that this is not just the Serbs who were the people who created this war. In fact, this war, if anything, I mean, the Serbs would, I mean, they have an strong arguable case that they were the people who the war targeted rather than who instigated it, and that this is all connected to the collapse of Yugoslavia, which the Serbs, to some extent, form the call. But let's start to discuss something else, which is something.

I was watching your program and I was asking myself this question. These actions of the high representatives, which are grotesquely biased in favor of the Muslims and hostile to the Serbs and which are creating this crisis in Bosnia, are they doing this intentionally? if, again, I was looking back at a similar event in British imperial history, and I know the history of the British Empire a lot better than many people than Britain do, by the way, I would say that it was that this was absolutely part of a plan from the centre or, you know, the local officials to favour the community and to expand control. what do you think about what is going on in Bosnia? Absolutely. No, I absolutely agree. I think it was intentional.

I think it was intentional from the start. And the only reason they got the bomb powers in 1997 so they could impose their colonial agenda on Bosnia more efficiently. That's basically why otherwise they would be trying to reason with all sides. And, you know, there's this, you know, idea in Bosnia, when you talk to some people, especially in Sarajevo, where the Bosnia and Muslim largely lived, and they always say, like, well, if our leaders behaved better, you know, there would be no need for the high representative, which is, you know, really a colonial sort of mentality saying that, you know, if only we listen to the West more, you know, they would need to whip us, you know, our masters would know, there would be no need for our masters to whip us. it is true that they have been imposing this colonial agenda. And you can really see it from Dayton until today. I mean, the Dayton peace agreement envisioned that the governor of the Central Bank of Bosnia

cannot be a citizen of Bosnia or a neighboring country, which is really insane when you think there's no better word to say it. Can you imagine that if somebody told, you know, in the UK or in the U.S., like with the Fed or with any central bank in the West, that it can't be a citizen of that country, of which the central bank is the main bank of. I mean, it's, it boggles the mind how openly they've basically asserted their colonial agenda in this agreement and everything that the high representative has been doing.

And, you know, there's also the example of 1992. There could have been a peace, but no, it seems they wanted a war so they could come in and say, well, now, you know, we have to fix this mess that we helped create. And therefore, we have to colonize this land, put our peacekeepers there, and stay there for as long as it takes. Well, it's been 30 years of no war in Bosnia. You know, at this point, I think they're saying, well, you know, let's create another mess so that we can just justify our continued existence there, because it's been 30 years

and people are starting to say, well, what do we need a high representative for it to impose this peace agreement from 30 years ago. So then they're going to say, well, let's create another crisis. And then we're going to say, well, look, see, look at that crisis we created. So we have to stay there to fix the crisis. And I think that's just what's happening in Bosnia right now. And it's playing with fire because, you know, the last war left 100,000 people dead. And another war would completely devastate Bosnia.

And it's interesting that some Bosnia and Bosnia and Bosnia and it's interesting that some Bosnia Muslims have accused me after making this newest film, killing a beast, as, you know, why are you talking about war? It's like, you want war. No, I'm actually making this film to make sure that it prevents any sort of war happening. And I'm trying to warn people about what could happen. But, you know, it's really hard because we come back to that whole thing about not listening. It's like the biggest critics are those who haven't seen the film.

I mean, I should say I used to travel to Yugoslavia regularly before the wars began, and I used to know Bosnia very, very well. And all the things that we're talking about now would have been inconceivable to me in those days. I mean, I remember the communities that lived in Bosnia, and it was a very quiet, you know, slightly provincial, but, you know, perfectly placid place. I mean, you could certainly not imagine then that there would be the kind of ten. that developed as a result of Yugoslavia's breakup. So what about Serbia?

Because if there is a crisis in Bosnia, Serbia will in some way be involved again. And of course, there's all kinds of pressures on the Serb government. And the Serb government has been weaving and maneuvering constantly to avoid getting drawn into a crisis. But if there is a renewed war in Bosnia, which I no doubt the people in the Serbs in Bosnia, will resist any attack on them. Difficult to imagine Serbia itself not becoming involved in some way and not being criticized if it does become involved.

Well, you know, I think if a potential war, God forbid, erupts in Bosnia again, I think it's going to be hard for both Serbia and Croatia to stay on sidelines. And let's not forget that both Croatia and Serbia are co-signatories of the Dayton Peace Agreement. So they are legally obligated to try to protect the peace in Bosnia-Herzegovina. This is something that, for example, Serbia has been doing for a really long time. Like, every time that we've been – we talked about Bosnia-Herzni-Herzegovina, we've always respected Bosnia-Herzegovina sovereignty and territorial integrity. you've never heard any talks about supporting any kind of secession of Republica Serbs or anything,

regardless of how most people feel here. But we really support any sort of agreement that all three sides can come up with and live in peace. That's our main goal. But the Dayton Agreement hasn't been working for a really long time because it has been diminished, that has been destroyed so thoroughly by all these high representatives that at this point, I think it's time for a new sort of agreement. I think it's time for all three sides to sit down and say, look, this isn't working. So either we sit down and say, well, every side can choose what it wants to do and where

it wants to go and which country wants to be part of. Or let's sit together and just like forget about all the foreigners for once, and let's sit together and see how we can make this country work. And I think, you know, you've heard this from the Serb side in Bosnian-Kritzegina talking about many times. We need to talk about this. We need to find an agreement, everything. And you've seen the Bosnian-Muslim side, basically saying, oh, we're not going to talk to him or not going to talk to these guys. There are no agreement can be made with these folks.

You know, they're always looking for somebody who's going to submit to them, which is in line with how were they behaving in the 1990s. And then it's practically impossible to reach an agreement. if they're expecting the West to support them no matter what they do, they have no interest in negotiating. And this is really complicated and really hard to surpass because the entire political elite in Sarajevo is quite incompetent. And this is something that all of Bosnian Muslims like regular people agree on. Their economy is tanking. They're incapable of creating a functioning system. So I think they actually feed off of this, you know, story of the war in the 1990s.

They keep reminding people of all the war crimes that were committed. They have this sort of mentality. If you walk the streets of Sarajevo, there's like banners and everything. Let's talk about Srebrenica. Let's talk about this. Let's talk about that. They have these galleries. Everything is about the war.

Everything is about their entire tourism is about the war. They're selling the war as their main tourist attraction. And this is something that's very important. And it's imposing the sort of war mentality where you keep getting reminded of who the enemy is, so you can't talk to the enemy, or you can't make a deal with the enemy, and then they're using that as an excuse for being unable to give regular citizens a decent life in the economic sense. And nobody talks about the economy's close. Let's talk about Milorat Dotic. Let's see what Dotic is doing. You look at Bosnian-Muslim media, it's all about Dodic. Like,

Serb media don't really deal with Bosniak politicians much. They deal with their own problems. But, you know, the Bosnia-Muslim media scene is completely focused on Republic of Srip. It's like they're the reason why we're not living well. They're the reason why we can't progress. And it just confuses me because I don't understand, do they want a unitary Bosnia or do they want the Serbs to leave? Because everything they're saying points to them not wanting to live with the Serbs or they maybe want to replace them with some different Serbs that they like. It's such a insane sort of political culture there that it just feeds off of this premise that they need to be in control of Bosnia. Bosnia is theirs. They consider that the Yugoslav President Tito basically promised it to them.

That's how they see it. You know, you have Tito being, you know, the Yugoslav communist leader being very popular in Bosnia, even though he's been dead for 50 years. So he's really, you know, really popular there, and people consider their country to be, you know, very civic-oriented and all these things. But if they're so pro-Yugoslav, why they all vote to leave Yugoslavia in the 1990s?

I mean, it's like we don't want to live in Yugoslavia, but we want our own little Yugoslavia, but one with the Bosnian Muslims are dominating over everybody else. And that's basically, you know, the part that they don't say. They say that you just fall apart out loud, and the rest they try to keep quiet. In fact, during the film, you show a great deal about how the situation is in Bosnia now, the fact that there are live minefields still. None of that work of peace and reconstruction that you would have expected to happen

after a war is actually taking place because the war has not really ended. I mean, it's what we're talking about of peace. There is no peace because there's been no reconciliation. There's been no attempt to try to bind the nation together again. On the contrary, we're self-interested outsiders coming in who are there to try and increase, deepen the wounds and increase the divisions.

make them worse. You talked about war, and this is my very, very last question. I mean, is this really ultimately about Serbia itself, about the fact that Serbia is still seen in the West for some reason as a problem and that Serbs therefore in Bosnia are seen as a problem as well? Well, just a comment on the war not really ending. I've talked to a lot of people in Bosnia over the past decades. And as late as a couple of years ago, I've talked to people in some smaller communities, both Serb, both Muslim, both, you know,

I have really a lot of context there on all sides. And, you know, every time you talk about the war ending, a lot of them correct me and say, it didn't end. It's just a half-time. And that's really scary when you think about it, because it really shows that the war didn't end, in a lot of people's minds.

And when you look at, you know, how it's being promoted, how people are talking about it from day, you know, day in, day out, you really understand that they're still talking about what they did to each other, you know. And it's really tragic. It's really tragic. And I think there is hope on the horizon in the sense that a lot of people are forgetting about the propaganda from the 1990s, about Serbs and that whole story where they were basically labeled as the only cause of the wars

in the former Yugoslavia. And this was, you know, mind you a time when cable news media started exploding. And the war was, you know, the first 24-7 televised war. And people were watching it nonstop. And Christian Amunpur and CNN were there. And they were basically treating it as entertainment, not as this, you know, you know, a horrible thing that should be stopped. It was good for ratings, so to say.

But I think a lot of people, it's been 30 years, a lot of people are forgetting, especially the younger generations. They're not sure what Bosnia was all about. So I think this is the best possible time to try to change that narrative, which I think was false, and try to say that, look, it was a civil war. You know, no side would constitute as angels. You could say that all sides committed crimes, and that would be factually accurate. of course, but it was only one side's sins that we heard about.

And that point is being used by the others to promote and continue promoting the anti-Serbian propaganda and is used by the West that saying, look, we need to be there because if we don't, you know, the Serbs are going to be at it again, you know, asking for all their rights, you know, and all those silly things. So it's like, no matter what the Serbs do, it really feels, you feel a little powerless at times because no matter what you do, even when you're asking exactly what, you know, respect for sovereignty, what Serbia was asking for back in 2008, because we were told in the 1990s, you can't have an independent Republic of

Srebbekoskka, the Serbs can't secede from Bosnia because, you know, it's a breach of international law, it's a breach of Bosnia's sovereignty. You know, you guys have to stay a part of Bosnia, but you'll get autonomy. And then, you know, fast forward. 2008, we're saying the same thing for Kosovo. Look, okay, we can give them autonomy, but sovereignty needs to be respected, territorial integrity needs to be respected. And the West says, you know what? No, actually for you guys, that doesn't count. So we're going to go ahead and take Kosovo away from you guys, because it's a different case, even though now everybody's using it as a precedent for their own cases of separatism. So, you know, it really was a horrible time

to be a Serb in the 1990s because no matter what you did, you were labeled as the bad guy. And it's like that Hollywood movies thing, you know, once they label somebody as the bad guy, it's really hard to change that. But, you know, I'm hopeful because, as I said, there are very positive stories out there about Serbs that are surfacing. We have Novak Djokovic who, you know, is, in my opinion, the best tennis player in history. And you can disagree on that, but that's fine. And there are all these, you know, mostly sports people like Nikola Yoki's shoes, you know, an NBA starring, all these people.

So it's sort of changing the perspective where Serbs. And I'm trying to do the best I can in the film world, not to do like pro-Serbian like stuff, but just pro-truth. I'm not saying that Serbs are perfect. I'm not saying that we're, you know, we don't have any sins. As I said, just a while back, we did, you know, we did some bad things in our past. Every nation has, you know, stains in its history, but we cannot allow these stains to define who we are. And this is something that I try to do through these films and say, look, yeah, we've done some bad things in the past like everybody has. But this is not who we are. We are a proud nation. We're a nation who has been fighting against colonizers throughout our history.

If you look at, you know, World War I, especially the Serbs living in Bosnia, you know, they were first under the Turks for 500 years. finally they freed themselves from the Turks, and then the Austrians came and occupied the Serbs living in Bosnia. And then you had World War I, when the Serbs were freed themselves, and then we're attacked by Nazi Germany. Then we had to fight the Nazis. And then we had Yugoslavia and fought NATO back in 1999. You know, the biggest military alliance in history, the Serbs were there to fight against them. So I think to answer your question, the reason why the Serbs really are thrown in the eye of all these great empires is because we fought them. all. I mean, we fought the biggest empires of the time. We fought the biggest one in Europe. We fought the biggest one in the region. You know, we fought the biggest one in the world. So we're not scared

of fighting the big international bully, you know. And, but I think as we're going towards a more multipolar world, which is happening, I think, right now, I think the great powers are realizing, look, let's, let's try to figure out a different way to deal with what the Serbs, maybe even try this, you know, crazy thing called cooperation. This is where. I see some sort of light at the end of the tunnel with the whole Trump administration, removing, lifting these sanctions from the Dotic administration, Rukhazirvska. So it's a glimmer of hope. Let's not be too happy right away, but I'm hoping that at some point, you know, these colonial constraints will slowly be removed. We're certainly going to fight

them in any way we can, and that our neighbors are going to start realizing that we're not the problem that we basically share the same problems. Like we're just as colonized as the Bosnian Muslims as the as the Croats, you know, we share these issues and instead of fighting each other over who's going to be, you know, the, you know, the better slave, let us fight against slavery together. Thank you very much, Boris. Thank you for answering all my questions and providing interesting explanations of the situation there. And please, everybody, go and see the film. Link is in the description box down below.

Boris, any other things that you would like to say about the film before we sign off? No, absolutely. If people like the film, I would just ask them politely to share it with all their friends and leave a comment and like and all those things that help the algorithm boost the film. So, you know, we're doing quite well, but let's get as much. many people to see it as possible. So thank you again for inviting me to talk about it. Thank you very much. Thank you. I will also have the link for the film as a pin comment as well. Take care.