The Duran Podcast - Trump throws Orban under the bus, as he rides escalation escalator

Episode Date: October 23, 2025

Trump throws Orban under the bus, as he rides escalation escalator

All right, Alexander, let's talk about the Budapest summit that, according to U.S. President Trump, has now been canceled. But he also said that it's going to take place at a later date. A foreign minister of Hungary, Peter Siarto, was in D.C. And he met with Mark Arubio. He is also saying that the meeting is going to take some, is going to take place sometime into the future. Okay. But the Russians are actually saying the same thing as Ciarto, to be quite honest.

They're saying it's going to happen, but we don't have a time frame or a timeline, and we continue to speak with our American partners. And the one thing that is definite is that this summit is not going to take place in two weeks or in three weeks or in four weeks, I guess. You could say it's going to take place sometime, maybe a year from now, maybe five years from now. Who knows? But then again, you are talking about Trump. So maybe he's going to fly to Budapest tomorrow and post about an entreat social, given the way Trump flip-flops back and forth.

So anyway, let's discuss this fiasco, which is the Budapest summit. And Trump's constant flip-flopping and erratic behavior. and escalation. Now he's escalating again with Russia. He was not escalating with Russia or pretended. He pretended not to escalate with Russia. Now he's escalating again with Russia. And Russians are, and the Russian side of things. They're still talking about how wonderful President Trump is. Anyway, let's talk about this. It's a complete fiasco on all sides. Fiasco for the United States, a fiasco for Putin, a fiasco for Iran. Yeah, I'm going to push back on one thing. I don't get the sense that the Russians are taking this easily. I get the sense on the contrary, that they're very, very angry. And I say that because, again, the person to go to is Lavrov. And Lavrov has been making some very, very strong comments. And I think he actually reflects very much what the predominant prevailing view in Moscow now is. I personally,

think that the prospects of another Putin-Trump summit happening any time soon has now been very drastically diminished. I'll tell you what I think has happened, and I'm taking this mostly from the various things that Lavrov has been saying in various places, but also from Putin as well. The first thing to say is that apparently Putin and Trump came to some what the Russians call understandings in Alaska. Now, we don't know what those understandings were. Zelensky says that one thing that the Russians have consistently insisted upon is that Ukraine must withdraw completely from Dombas. There is a very widespread narrative. It's all over the media. You get it repeated in private conversations that the Russians also said in Alaska and perhaps,

previously to Wittgolf, that if the Ukrainians did withdraw from Donbass, then they would be prepared to ceasefire in Zaporosier and Herson region. We have had no public statement from the Russians about this. I have always thought that it might have been initially an American initiative, and one which the Russians said that they would consider, provided perhaps the Americans crystallized it and put it together and got Zelensky and the Europeans to agree to it. Anyway, what Lavrov is telling us, what Putin, by the way, is also telling us in various places, is that there was an agreement that Trump would go away from Alaska and he would speak with various people in Washington and he would come back and respond further to what was discussed in Alaska and explain to the

Russians, what his stance was. And the Russians have heard nothing from Trump. He has never come back to them. He's had one, made one statement after another. He's talked about sanctions at various times. He's talked about tariffs against India and China. He's talked about giving Tomahawks to Ukraine. He's done all of those things. But he has never responded to what the Russians were expecting, which is that he was going to come back and provide them with some details as to what it was that they discussed in Alaska and whether there was a way forward to it. So, over the course of the last couple of weeks, as the Tomahawk story has grown, as we've discussed in many programs, this has brought Putin himself under increasing

pressure. And people have been saying, and they've been saying quite openly, and they've been saying in interviews, and journalists have been saying in interviews to Lavrov and to Putin himself, look, this person that you're dealing with, not only is he not coming back with anything positive, he is now talking about deploying Tomahawks in Ukraine. Anyway, one way or another, in some means or rather, there was a telephone call last week, as we know, lasted two and a half hours. It was not a friendly call. If you go back to Ushikov's briefing, that makes it fairly clear. I mean, no sincerity, no warmth.

It talks about a quite useful call. That is all that it says. And Putin explains to Trump, we're winning the war. All this nonsense that is the Ukrainians that are winning the war is. nonsense. We are not going to accept Tomahawk deployments. If you press forward with that, that's the end. We're no longer in a position to talk about anything further. What are you telling me about what we discussed in Alaska? So Trump then comes up and offers another summit meeting this time in Budapest. Now, it is important to say that the Russians have never agreed

to that summit meeting. Now, I've been, again, been checking what the various Russians have been saying about this. They've discussed a possible summit meeting in Budapest. When Putin had a telephone conversation with Orban, the Kremlin readout again says that Putin said to Orban, look, we're going to have all kinds of discussions. we will see whether or not this is going to lead to a summit. And it doesn't even say a summit in Budapest, by the way. And what after the telephone call happens is that Trump has this meeting with Zelensky. All the reports say that he tried to get Zelensky to agree to pull Ukrainian troops out of Dombas.

in other words, to provide Trump with something that he could take back to Putin. Zelensky obviously said no, as he was bound to do. So what then happens is that Trump calls the summit off because he doesn't want to go back to Putin and say to Putin, I'm coming to meet you empty-handed. I can't follow through on what we discussed in Alaska. And that, I think, is the whole story. So, Auburn has been completely humiliated here. I was reading Lavrov's comments at the press conference he gave with the Ethiopian foreign minister.

And it was clear that he was very angry. And, well, Putin has said himself, absolutely nothing. But there is no doubt at all, in my opinion, that he has been further embarrassed as well. Orban, of course, has been thrown under the bus because Orban was told, the world was told, that there was going to be this summit meeting in Budapest. Orban and Seattle were busy trying to prepare it, and it looks as if it's never happened. So there we are. That, I think, is the entire story.

Trump doesn't want to come to Putin and say to him, What we talked about in Alaska, what we're talked about in Anchorage, is never going to happen. Because that, it seems to me, it is now clear, especially if you go to the Russian accounts, is what the whole story of the last few months has been. Then why doesn't Trump just stop funding Ukraine and providing weapons to Ukraine? Because he's unable to make a decision. This is the fundamental problem. If he's upset, he's upset with Zelensky, right? Yeah.

So just walk away. Well, what we have been. Instead, he throws Orban under the bus. Bus, yeah. He throws Orban under, who supported him during the campaign. Yes, yes. And he sides with the Europeans who bashed him during the campaign, who openly supported Kamala Harris during the campaign.

All of them, all of them openly supported Kamala Harris. All of them have not hidden their disdain for Trump. The one man who supported Trump throughout the entire. campaign, Orban, he throws under the bus. Zelensky who insulted Trump in the White House and insulted J.D. Vance and insulted the office of the president of the United States. Trump bows down to him as well. I mean, if Trump doesn't want to go to Budapest because he doesn't have anything to negotiate

with Putin about, fine, I get it. So then why doesn't Trump just say, you know, Vladimir? I can't get anywhere with these guys. So we're just out of this thing. Instead, he did the opposite. He's now escalating. Yeah, absolutely. He's going back.

So explain that. He's going back. In fact, he's going back on what we know. He and Putin agreed in Alaska. Now, this isn't just what they might have agreed in private. We don't have all the details about. But what they publicly agreed with and what Trump himself actually confirmed in writing in a true social post after Alaska. In Alaska, Putin and Trump agreed that there would

be no temporary ceasefire, no freezing of the conflict on the existing conflict lines, that they would move forward to discuss the root causes of the crisis. And Trump confirmed it. Now, he has this meeting with Zelensky. The meeting went apparently badly. There were raised voices. there was apparently foul language used. And by the way, it's always made out that it's Trump who uses the foul language. Perhaps he did. Quite possibly he did. But it's very likely, given that we're talking about Zelensky, that it was Zelensky as well.

We know that he used a bad word in Ukrainian, it must be said, over the course of the meeting, the February meeting in the Oval Office. But anyway, he goes back and he reverts again to the formula of, of a ceasefire on the existing conflict lines. The one that he himself decided back in August when he met with Putin that that wasn't workable. He said at the time it wasn't workable and so he dropped it. Now he's gone straight back to that.

And if you follow, the commentaries in Moscow, they are absolutely disgusted with this. I mean, people in Russia, I mean the people and the foreign ministry and those are using much more measured language. But Lavrov again says, where has this thing come, this whole idea of a ceasefire come back from? Why are we talking about something like that all over again? And this is one reason, by the way, why I think it is much less likely now, much less likely that we're going to see another summit meeting between Putin and Trump very soon. Notice again, Putin is saying nothing. Undoubtedly, there are recriminations and further criticisms of Putin going on in the Kremlin. They're saying to him, look, you thought you'd come away, even with these

small agreements with Trump in Alaska. And you see that he's walked it all back. As to why Trump does this, well, I mean, this is always problematic to read Trump. My own personal view is that he's scared. He doesn't want to take on the neocons. He's surrounded himself with them. He doesn't want to argue with Kellogg. We've said many times he's never screwed up the courage to sack Kellogg. He's never wanted to argue with the Europeans.

He always goes along with them in the end. So why he does this, why he puts himself through all of this, I find very, very difficult to understand, but I get the sense ultimately that he is still very intimidated by the power of the neocons, by the Lindsay Grahams and the donors and all of these people in Washington. And for that reason, he doesn't do that which we said he should have done way back in August of last year before he was even elected, which was simply walk away. He doesn't do it and he's not going to do it. He's never going to do it. And on the other side, Putin has shown an unwillingness to achieve victory as well. So, I mean, you know, you have a situation where Putin is desperate for diplomacy with the United States.

And the United States understands this. And on the other side, you have a Trump who refuses to actually, well, engage in diplomacy. He doesn't really engage a diplomacy. And he's not really committed to resolving the conflict in Ukraine. He just does whatever Zelensky or the Europeans or the neocons tell him to do. I mean, I get the sense that the neocons and the Europeans and Zelensky, let's say the globalist, because Zelensky at the end of the day, he's nothing but the avatar of the globalist agenda. That's all he is.

So he's that representation. He's that avatar, that frontman for the globalist agenda. And you just get the sense that they allow Trump to play foreign policy president. So they say, go ahead, play your little foreign policy president, make your little comments. But when it comes to the real decisions, we're going to make them. And Trump, I think Trump is starting to understand this, maybe, or maybe he doesn't understand this. Maybe he's being kept in the dark, and he actually thinks that he has some decision-making power, but he actually doesn't have any foreign policy decision-making power. But I think the forces,

which are above Trump, are basically just allowing him every now and again to play a little bit of foreign policy president of the United States. But at the end of the day, he doesn't really have any real decision-making power. And I think that's where we get to more sanctions. That's where we get to long-range missiles, which are coming. Whatever Zelensky asks for, which once again, avatar of the globalist agenda, that's Zelensky, whatever he asks for, he will get. He's going to get the $140 billion. He's going to, he got the sanctions, and he's going to get the long-range missiles. Call them Tomahawks, call them tourist missiles, call them something else. Everyone is playing with words. Trump said, you know, we're not going to, we, we're not going to fire Tomahawk

missiles into Russia because it takes so long to train the soldiers. That's why. That's the only reason. You know, where we as the United States, we give weapons to NATO. And then NATO, I don't know what they do. That's what he said with Mark Ruta sitting next to him. We, you know, we sell, no, we don't even give. Biden was giving that idiot Biden. He was giving weapons to Ukraine. But I'm the smart guy.

I sell weapons to NATO. And then NATO does whatever they want. And they actually, he looked at Ruta. And he actually said, I don't even know what you guys do with the weapons. I mean, that was pretty much what he said. I mean, it's stupidity at such a high. high level, the fact that people actually believe this and buy into this is ridiculous. I mean, Trump is not making any decisions at all, at all. The problem is that Putin actually believes

that Trump is making decisions, right? That's the crazy part. But anyway, go on and push back on everything I've said. I'm going to push back on everything you said. I'm going to push back on some of it because I think that Putin undoubtedly, and we've discussed this already, has heavy over-invested in Trump, and we can see that he's been very embarrassed by this. He assumed that he thought, he hoped, that with Trump he might be able to find a way forward, and Putin always has a proclivity to seek diplomatic solutions to the conflict rather than, you know, kinetic ones. And he does this for, you know, I've said this many times. He does this for very rational reasons. He wants a stable situation on Russia's West

border. He's talked about this many, many times, and he's pursued this thing to the point of exhaustion. I think that a point of exhaustion. Can I just say something? I'm not talking about Putin looking for a kinetic solution either. I mean, everyone wants a diplomatic solution and an end to the conflict. My point with Putin is that he's not dealing with someone that can make a decision. That's my point, right? A diplomatic decision, A diplomatic decision. He can't, Trump can't make a decision. But that is where we've now been. That's the point, I think, that we have now reached. So we had a period in the spring, the early summer that were supposed to be negotiations.

It all led to this meeting in Alaska. The meeting in Alaska lasted all of 90 minutes. As I said, some kind of understanding was reached. Putin clearly assumed, believed, told people in Moscow when he came back, I've reached an understanding with Trump. You could see the people in Moscow, the people he was talking to. I've discussed this many times now, looked very unconvinced. And now it's all fallen apart in Putin's hands. And he's left in a situation where, as I said, it's become, I think, even for him now, it must be obvious that he does not have a negotiating part.

Now, as with the Europeans, again, I'm going to push back on one thing, because everything I'm hearing is that the mood in Brussels and in London is of one of deepening gloom, that they don't feel that things are going their way at all. In fact, there is even an article in The Economist, which, all right, it is the Economist, but I think it is actually, for once, representative of the actual mood, which says that Brussels today feels like the capital of a country at war, that they feel that everything is falling apart around them, that they are under pressure from China, that they're under pressure from Russia, that the United States is becoming increasingly erratic and unreliable, and that

they don't feel that things are going that way. And I think that is probably true. So I don't get the sense that these people are confident or happy. The problem with Trump, is that he has the power to make decisions. He just doesn't have the will to do it. And until he discovers that well, which of course he never will, no decisions are ever going to be made. So we're going to have this constant circus, in my opinion, for the next couple of years until this conflict ends,

in which he's going to try to talk to Putin, talk about negotiations, fivered back to Zelensky, go move backwards and forwards one way, or the other. The Russian position in the meantime doesn't substantively change. The European position doesn't substantively change, as Mearsheimer said in that program that I did with him, which has recently been published, which has just been published. The only thing that changes is the Trump sometimes says one thing and seems to tilt in one direction, Sometimes says something else, sometimes appears to tilt in the other direction, but the war itself goes on.

And I think that is what is going to happen for the next stretch of time until the war ends. I'll disagree with you and Meersheimer on that one as well. Stuff does happen. Stormshadows are launched into Bryansk. you know, long-range missiles are launched into branch. Sabotage operations are happening in Hungary, allegedly, allegedly, in Hungary, in Romania, in Russia as well. I forgot the region. Chelybiansk, I believe, is the region.

Chelyabinsk. That is now being denied that it was, that there was apparently an industrial accident, that's what they said. Okay. An industrial accident. I think, sir. I mean, I think, I've been looking at the reports here, and they didn't. They look like, they look fairly detailed.

It doesn't look as if it was an industrial accident. They do happen. It happens, yeah. A day after an industrial accident in Hungary and in Romania. Okay, maybe, maybe it's just coincidence. I think, I'm absolutely sure that it was. I mean, I think that is, I think that's, I don't think there's any connection. The bottom line is, is the way I'm viewing things is that with each round of the

or fake round of diplomacy with each Trump call with Putin and dangling some sort of of U.S. Russia reproshmoan and building of tunnels between Alaska and Russia, which is fine. Great ideas. All of it is great ideas, right? The U.S. getting along with Russia is a great idea. But every time this is dangled to Russia, what you have is another. uptake in escalation from the collective West. Whether, you know, the Europeans are in panic or they're upset or whatever. But the bottom line is that with each iteration of this fake diplomacy

or these phone calls, these eight phone calls that they've had with each other or six phone calls, you always see that Trump, his administration, pulls back, they find out a way to pull back. They end up talking with the Europeans. Someone flies into the White House, whether it's Stub, whether it's Ruta, whatever, Macron. And then you get an uptick in escalation. And they're pushing Russia a little bit, a little bit more. But it seems like Putin is lulled into this belief that, okay, okay, just next phone call, I'll sort it out.

Okay, next phone call. And then after the next phone call, just another small escalation again from the West, a different type of long-range missile or a different type of sanction or something else. And it's this salami slicing that you talk about, which you can see the collective was doing with the understanding that Putin is eager to get along with Trump. And it seems that they understand this. And that's what I see happen. I mean, I don't see just a proxy war between the two powers in Ukraine. I see a proxy war between the two powers in Ukraine as well.

as the collective West chipping away at Russia's deterrence ever so slightly with each passing phone call and each diplomatic engagement. I don't think it is the diplomacy that is causing the escalations. And the escalation, the pattern of escalation began seriously after the fall of Abderafka when Macron started to talk about deploying French troops to Ukraine. I think what is causing the escalation is that they're losing the wall. I think that is the simple, that is the simple reason why they are trying to escalate all the time. They need to, they're trying to find some means to get the Russians to stop. And unless the Russians stop, they won't stop escalations. Of course, if the Russians do stop, then we're going to see escalations of a completely different kind.

But this is what this is about. It's not about the fact that Putin and Trump have a telephone call or anything of that kind. It's because ultimately, they are running out of other means to get the war to turn. They thought in 2022 that the Russian economy would crash. They thought in 2023 that they would break through to the Black Sea. Since then, the Russians have pushed all that aside and have been advancing. And that is one. why we have this constant pattern of ever more feverish escalations. And why, by the way, we're also getting the gloom that people like the economists and people who talk to me are telling me because nothing that is tried ever in the end works. And that's why there is the escalation. Now, you can argue, and this I think is a valid argument, that when the missiles were launched into Russia back in November last year, whilst Biden was still president, that was the moment when the Russians should have stamped their foot and said, this is enough enough. We're not accepting any of this.

As we know, at that point, Putin was indeed lulled into taking, you know, lesser action because he thought Trump was going to come along. Trump said, I vehemently oppose missile strikes into Russia. I'm going to try and find a way to end the war, all of those kind of things. I think at that point, yes, you can argue. In fact, I would argue that the Russians should have acted more strongly. But I don't think that is the situation today, actually. In fact, I again go and read what Russians are saying. And I think that from this point on, it is the war. And I think that is what they're going to focus on from now.

But, I mean, how do you explain the coincidence, the coincidence, that as Trump is backing out of the Budapest summit, as he's saying that he's canceled this Budapest summit, as he's saying that the United States, will not fire Tomahawks into Ukraine, that the United States has nothing to do with other missiles being fired in Ukraine, which, by the way, is an outright lie. And the Wall Street Journal actually called Trump out on his lying, good on the Wall Street Journal. Because in their article, they take issue with Trump saying that the Wall Street Journal's report is fake news where the Wall Street Journal claims that the United States has greenlit Ukraine strikes into Russia, long-range missile strikes into Russia. And then Trump said, oh, no, that's fake news what the Wall Street Journal is reporting.

We're not launching any, we have nothing to do with any missiles going into Russia. And the Wall Street Journal actually reported, hey, wait a minute, the targeting data and all of that stuff is coming straight from the United States. So don't try to, yeah, I mean, they completely, they completely demolished Trump on that, completely demolished him. So he ended up looking really stupid. I mean, how do you explain that Trump is saying all of this, while at the same exact time, UK storm shadow missiles are being launched into Russia?

I mean, I know Russia is going to say, well, this was Ukraine that launched these missiles. Everyone knows it's not Ukraine. Everyone knows that this is the British. And everyone knows that it's the British with the US targeting. And the Wall Street Journal says as much. The Wall Street Journal says as much. Well, the Russians haven't spoken about this yet. No, they probably will and we'll see what they have to say.

But the point I'm trying to make is this. I think that point about Stormshadows was conceded in effect. I mean, they didn't take the step that they should have done last year, a year ago, when this thing happened the first time. It's also fair to say that up to now, the Stormshadows and the attackers have not been particularly, in fact, they haven't been effective at all. We don't yet know whether there really was any damage done to the Brienz chemical factory, because we haven't yet had information about this.

About the tourist missiles, I've discussed this many times. I've no doubt at all that they're coming. About the Tomahawk missiles, I have no doubt also that they are eventually coming, just as you do. But these are escalations that are now baked in the cake. I think the Russians should have reacted more strongly when they first began. And if you don't react strongly, then it becomes much more difficult. In future, Putin warned Trump back on that call on Thursday. If the Tomahawks are deployed in Ukraine, then it's all over.

And I think he did at least give that warning then. And I think he will probably stick with it. What if the goal of the neocons of the globalists is to normalize, strikes, into Russia. You whittle away at Russia's deterrence. You whittle away at something that was considered very much off limits, which is one superpower attacking another. I mean, this is unheard of. I mean, for me in my lifetime, I never, I never believed that I would never imagine that I would see the United States or the UK or France launching missiles into the Russian Federation. But they are. They're doing it.

What if the goal here is just about lowering or extinguishing Russia's deterrence or Russia's red lines as far as attacking the Russian Federation? For the future, for the future, say. I think they have normalized missile strikes on Russia whilst this war is underway. The question is what happens when the war ends. I mean, that's when the situation changes. The war must end in some way if there's not going to be a negotiated resolution. There will be a military one. I mean, I've discussed this many times.

I'm going to say what I think here. I think that once the war ends, we're going to revert to normality. I think the idea that there's going to be constant missile strikes on Russia beyond the end of the war is extremely unlikely, provided, of course, the Russians see this thing through and achieve a victory. Dimitri Bervetov posted, if any of the many commentators still had illusions, here you go. The USA is our enemy. And their talkative peacemaker has now fully taken up the path of war with Russia.

Yes, he doesn't always actively fight on the side of Bandera-Kiev yet. But this is now his conflict. not the Cynal Bidens. Of course, they will say he had no choice that Congress pressured him, et cetera. That doesn't change the main point. The decisions made are an act of war against Russia, and now Trump has completely sided with mad Europe. And he goes on to say more about Trump and how Russia just needs to focus on a military victory.

But anyway, that's the main point of Medvedevs. I mean, actually, I wasn't aware that he had written that. That's what he wrote. There we go. I mean, that is exactly what I've been saying over the course of this program. I think a line has been crossed. Of course, Medvedev's comment, and it must be understood, is directed also at Putin himself. There is implicit criticism of Putin here. I mean, he's telling Putin, look, you've engaged in these illusions about Trump. You now see what he's really about.

Forget it. This is the end. We've got to focus on the wall. And Medvedev is saying this, undoubtedly as a spokesman of what I have no doubt at all, is the prevailing current of opinion in the Kremlin. Orban, what does he do now? He's taken a huge hell. I would really worry about Orban's prospects. He could still be kissing up to Trump? I would really worry about Orban's prospects. getting re-elected as Prime Minister of Hungary now.

Because, I mean, one of the things that he would have wanted was a summit meeting in Budapest to shore up his position in Hungary, you know, him acting as the mediator, all of those things. He has been, I mean, the way Trump has treated Orban is just unbelievably ugly. And I don't know what Orban does. Orban himself must be looking at this. He understands that the situation, the people in Europe are losing their minds, which they are, by the way. I mean, the rhetoric is awful now. And he must also sense the shift of mood in Moscow.

And he must also feel how the Trump has portrayed him. What he does, he'll do whatever he can, I think, to protect Hungary. but from this point on, he must sense that he's in a much more vulnerable position than before. He has some cards to play. He's on good terms with Fizzo, as we know, but then Fizzo is also under pressure. There's been an election in the Czech Republic. He might hope that he can get some kind of good terms with Babish. Babish is often spoken very warmly about Orban.

My own view is that Babish is a broken read and will never play through. But as I said, Orban is in a very, very difficult position indeed. And the cynicism with which, and the casual way in which Trump has thrown him under a bus is something that I think people will always remember. Medvedev says this is now Trump's conflict. True. Then Medvedev said that Trump has completely sided with mad Europe. Also true. Yeah.

Well, there you get. One final question. Why doesn't Putin just call out Trump on this and just say, I mean, Medvedev is calling him out. Medvedev is calling him out. You have sided with Europe. You're now on the European side, not even on Orban's. I mean, he's not with Orban anymore. He's not with the rational Europe.

He's sided with the mad. The mad Europe is the words that Medvedev uses, not the rational side of Europe. Orban feed so. maybe Babich, as you say, Alexander. So why doesn't Russia or Putin, why doesn't Putin push back against Trump? That's my final question because he doesn't. Well, I'll tell you why, because it's not his style, what he's going to do. And as I said, remember, he's very embarrassed by this.

I think he's going to lie low. He's going to have other pictures made of him with the military launching the missiles, as he did the other day, all of that. He's going to focus on economics and all of those kinds of things, and he's simply not going to talk about Trump very much anymore. I think that is his style. That is what he always does. In some ways, talking about Trump directly would be embarrassing, would remind, would make clear

to everybody that, you know, Putin himself basically over-invested in Trump and made a serious mistake by doing so. Yeah, absolutely. All right, we will end the video there. Thedran.com. We're on X, we're on Rumble. We are on Telegram. Go to the Duran shop, pick up some merch. There's a link to the description box down below. We are also on Substack, by the way, as well. Take care. We all. We absolutely all. Take care.