The Duran Podcast - UK economic stagnation. Netherlands election creates tension in Britain
Episode Date: November 29, 2023UK economic stagnation. Netherlands election creates tension in Britain The Duran: Episode 1762 ...
Transcript
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All right, Alexander, let's do an update on what is going on in the UK.
What is happening with the UK economy?
And what is the sense going on in the UK?
What's like the general vibe going on in the UK after the events of not only Argentina,
but events closer to the UK, which is the election in the Netherlands?
The UK has always had, through history, a very close tie to the Netherlands.
Many people believe the Netherlands in Germany or the Netherlands and say this central block of Europe were closer.
But historically, it's always been the Netherlands and the UK, which have had a closer connection.
So I think Gertfielders and his election window, we're still waiting to see what happens with his government.
If he can form a government, he's getting resistance.
there. I imagine this has affected the UK quite a lot. It's affected the UK profoundly, and you're
absolutely correct. I mean, the Netherlands and Britain have always been very, very close since the
17th century when for a certain and important period we shared a king. William III was king of
England or United Kingdom of Great Britain in the late 17th and early 18th century.
And at the same time, simultaneously, he was stud holder of the Netherlands.
People tend to overlook that.
So, you know, for a time, we shared a king.
Ever since then, we've been friends.
Before that, we'd had a short period of Anglo-Dutch wars, but they didn't last very long.
We, you know, the outlook has been very similar, both historically mercantile countries,
close to the sea, historically both Protestant countries with large Catholic minorities in both
them, there are very, very strong connections in the Netherlands. And of course, British people
regularly go to the Netherlands. It's a place where young people, you know, like to go to Amsterdam
and all of those places and enjoy all the things that Amsterdam has to offer. And Dutch people
you often see them in London.
We are very close to each other.
So what happens in an election in the Netherlands
undoubtedly does attract
a huge amount of attention here.
And the fact that Builders has done so well
is undoubtedly
attracting a lot of attention here.
Given that in some ways,
the political landscape
in Britain
is even
provides even more opportunities for someone like builders in some respects than the political atmosphere,
the political landscape does in the Netherlands. First thing to say is that the British economy
is stagnant. We are trapped in a situation of very low or non-existent growth, probably recessions
before very long, falling living standards and very high tax.
Now, the British political class increasingly has come to believe in magic.
I say that because we had a financial statement from the British government in which they claimed that they'd announced the highest, the largest tax, the greatest number of tax cuts that we had in 35 years.
in reality, despite all these announcements, all these, you know, declarations that, you know, we're turning the corner, we're doing all of these things, the actual tax burden for most people is rising.
And there's now been studies which say that it's soon going to overtake the level that it was directly after the Second World War when Britain, of course, was repaying all its wartime debts.
But, you know, we've had the government telling us that, you know, it's cutting taxes, even as taxes are actually, the tax burden is actually growing.
And it's announcing all of these tax cuts, and it's saying that the reason it can announce these tax cuts is because receipts from taxes have been higher over the course of this year than they expected.
And that means that there's more money that they can use to enact these tax cuts.
Because what they're not really pointing out is that we are actually in a deficit situation,
budget, a serious potential budget deficit situation.
And they're also saying that we're going to recoup all this money that we're giving away in these tax cuts,
these tax cuts which only slightly adjust down this rising tax trend.
We're going to make it all up back by cutting public spending in five years,
which definitely expects to see,
because public spending in Britain is rising.
So we have a rising tax burden, a rising public spending burden.
The Labour Party has no real plans to deal with these problems.
In fact, they seem to be planning to spend more and tax even more.
The Conservatives are taxing and spending also very heavily.
And we have a stagnant economy and a political class, which, as we've discussed many times and many programs,
basically they all agree with each other and they all still regret the fact that Brexit happened
and they agree about Ukraine,
they agree about everything else.
And suddenly we see that in the Netherlands,
someone like Wilders has been able to break through
to win a convincing victory in the Dutch elections.
And they're now becoming increasingly spooked,
the political classes, in Britain,
that the same might happen here.
And you can see that because they're all reassuring each other
Well, actually, it can't happen here because we are so different when in fact we're not.
So this is creating, this election of the Netherlands is creating a degree of tension and unease here.
And of course, it's not leading to policy change.
What it is more likely to do is it's going to lead the British government.
to hold the election in the spring,
they were previously talking about holding it in the autumn of 2024,
but hold the election in the spring of 2024,
before any particular Wilder's type party might get itself organized
and carry out a challenge.
So you could see the effect of this.
Is that even possible to have a Wilder's type of party?
I mean, we've said many times that the UK,
right now, outside of Farage, doesn't really have a Wilder's person, but it doesn't even have a party either.
Yeah, I think this is correct. I mean, there are political movements out there which reflects some of
the ideas that Wilders has. The electoral system, of course, in Britain is profoundly different from the one in
the Netherlands, and that does work against a Wilde's-type party achieving the kind of dominant position
in the British Parliament that Vildas has to some extent achieved in the Netherlands.
But bear in mind that they don't have to win in every place
if they win in, let's say, 10, 12 constituencies
and polls strongly in two or 300 others,
the entire political landscape in Britain changes.
because in every single MP, even in places where a Vildesite party becomes a second,
then becomes worried that unless they start talking the language, that kind of language,
then they might lose their seat in the next election.
So it would be a huge, profound electoral shock.
And one which would make the system even more fragile.
and at the same time, as I said, change the political orientation in some degree.
I think there is potential for a Wilde-type party to emerge in Britain.
I think wherever you go, and this is something that is now coming through apparently in focus groups,
when focus groups are spoken to, they all express the desire,
their contempt for the political system as it exists now, the political leaders that exists now,
and their desire to see new parties.
And there are small parties.
The trouble is, exactly as you said,
there is no uniting Wilder's personality.
Nigel Farage is the closest we have had to that in Britain.
But I have to say this.
At the moment, it looks increasingly as if he is simply not interested
in becoming involved in British politics,
again. But, you know, where the demand exists, the supply usually appears, where the need for a person who will
articulate these ideas exists, it's plausible to me that before long somebody like that
will appear in Britain and well, then, as I said, potentially the politics of Britain could change.
It's really interesting that you have these types of game-changing, like personalities, political personalities, like a Wilders, at least in Europe, coming from, I guess you could say the right, let's say, and you don't have the traditional
left putting out people like this in Europe.
I mean, I guess Javier Malay is he considered, he's considered a libertarian.
But in Europe, you don't see any like a traditional left.
Still believes in free speech, anti-war, against censorship, human rights.
You don't have that anywhere in Europe.
I mean, if the change is going to come in Europe, it seems like it's coming from,
from, let's say, the right, center right or right type of patriot nationalist type of personality.
If you had to put a label on it, I hate putting the left-right labels at this point in time now.
It seems like you're either globalist or anti-globalist.
But what happened to the left?
Traditional left.
Well, it's abolished itself.
And it has in Britain, by the way.
I mean, the Corbyn movement was the last flicker of life that it had.
It has imploded.
Corbinism does not exist as a political force in Britain today.
I mean, it has been absolutely smashed.
Partly, it must be said, as a result of political mistakes that Corbyn himself made.
I mean, he was never a convincing leader of a left-wing political.
insurgency. And one has to say this. I mean, it's party, you know, old and, you know,
polite, if you like, to do that convincingly. So, I mean, it doesn't exist. You're absolutely
correct. The political, all the political energy that you see across Europe and Britain is very,
very much to be found now on the right. And that is an extraordinary fact, but it is a true
one. Now, if we come back to Wilders, Vilders is much closer, it seems to me. If you track the issues that
he is concerned about, he's much closer in spirit to the kind of things that you would expect to
see an insurgent leader on the political right express in Britain, then you would find,
from, say, the IFDA in Germany. Obviously, Vilders,
I mean, his major focus is immigration.
His big focus has been in immigration.
That is also the key issue for many, many people in Britain.
I'm not saying it's not important in Germany.
But in Germany, if you look at the themes that the eye of debt are pushing,
I mean, they're also talking about an industrial strategy.
They're also talking about a rediscovery of, you know, the essentials of what Germany is or should be.
They're talking about changes in orientation, not just, you know, making up with the Russians,
but a fundamental rethinking, recasting of foreign policy in Germany.
They have a more, if you like, philosophically ambitious program than you would find from Ville,
or you would probably find from a political force in Britain. So in Britain, it would be very much
focused around the things that you said. Firstly, I mean, concerns about immigration, which are
enormously important for many people than Britain. But also, there would, I suspect, be a libertarian
side of this. I mean, this idea of ending much of the, many of the restrictions that we have seen
on free debate and free discussion and perhaps also an anti-woke agenda as well.
What about the finish off the video?
What about foreign policy, at least with relation to Russia?
Do you think you could ever find a candidate who would,
I don't want to say friendly to Russia,
but at least not be enemies with Russia?
Because when you talk about Britain,
you talk about a history of being enemies with Russia
if you take out, of course, World War II.
And even then, you know, I have my doubts that Russia and Britain were really friends during World War II.
Maybe they had to partner out of necessity rather than out of want.
But could you ever find that in a party or a candidate in the UK?
I think for the moment that would be beyond reach, actually.
I mean, even Wilders, who is very skeptical about Ukraine,
in the Netherlands. To my understanding, I mean, he's not looking, were he ever to become
prime minister, which I personally doubt he would become prime minister, but I doubt that he would
be seeking a full scale on, you know, rapprochement with the Russians. And I can't imagine anybody
in Britain wanting to do that. But an intelligent British prime minister, I could put it like
that, always an oxymoron to say that, would at least try to establish a,
a civil relationship with them and to manage the relationship on a much more positive level than
what we're seeing now. I mean, that was what Margaret Thatcher did in the 1980s. I mean,
people always imagine that Thatcher wanted close relations, to improve relations with Russia
when Mikhail Gorbachev became leader of Russia, the Soviet Union.
But this is actually a misunderstanding.
People aren't aware of the fact that the very first foreign leader
that Margaret Thatcher met was the Soviet Prime Minister Alex E. Korsigin.
She actually is within just a short time of being elected Prime Minister.
She was going to a G7 summit in Tokyo, I think.
and she arranged for her plane to stop off on Moscow airport.
And she, at that point, sought to establish a discussion with the Russians.
And that kind of return to that kind of dialogue with the Russians, I think, is within reach.
It has happened before.
Churchill, by the way, worked towards that end in the last period that he was Prime Minister.
So I think that is possible. Friendship, full rapprochement, the kind of relationship with the Russians that Orban has, for example, or which Germany might potentially have.
I think that is completely out of reach here. But, you know, a lowering of tensions, a reestablishment to some trade links, a steps to avoid Britain becoming.
the spoiler in every conceivable step that the Europeans are taking to develop their
relationships with the Russians. That, that I think is just within the realm of the possible.
But not from the political establishment we have now, but conceivably, if a sort of wilders,
well, dare I see even a farage if you were to come back, if somebody like that were to appear,
I can just about see that.
All right.
Okay, we will end it there.
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