The History of China - #17 - E. Zhou 6: Qin's Reformation And Ascension

Episode Date: April 9, 2014

A brief synopsis of Tomb Sweeping Festival, it's traditions and expectations... then onto the state of Qin's early defeats at the hands of a combined Wei and Han. It's Qin's subsequent reforms at the hand of the Legalist Shang Yang,however, that are the real focus of this episode. Newly centralized and militarized, the now Kingdom of Qin begins it it's expansion, beginning with the independent realms of Sichuan. And for his efforts, Shang Yang will find himself pulled apart by chariots, and his family annihilated. Some thanks, indeed. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

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Hello, and welcome to the History of China. Episode 16, Qin's Reformation and Ascendancy. Last time, we went over the splitting of the once hegemonic state of Qin into three states, Zhao, Han, and Wei. This time, we'll be going over the early states of the three genes' interactions with one another as separate entities, before launching into the real player of the Warring States period, Qin. Before that, though, a bit of an explanation. I neglected last time to mention that I would be traveling to my wife's hometown for Qingmingjie, literally meaning Pure Brightness Holiday, but more accurately translated as All Souls Day, or more popularly, Tomb Sweeping Festival. It is observed on April 4th or 5th of the year, and as the name implies, it is the annual

event in which family from all over the country are recalled to their ancestral homes in order to clean away overgrowth, dust, dirt, and general disrepair from their family tombs. These are, unlike flat western cemeteries, overwhelmingly situated on the mountainsides, with many generations' ashes and or remains interred within. Further, according to Chinese folk and Taoist beliefs, it is the time to make offerings and sacrifices to the venerated ancestors, including a ritual meal of their favorite foods, memorial candles burnt, incense, and prayer effigies of money burnt for use in heaven. I managed to take a few pictures of the goings-on for my own family, and will be posting them on thehistoryofchina.wordpress.com in this episode's companion post.

From a historical perspective, it was interesting that though the holiday traces its origin as far back as our current focus, well, a little earlier in fact, the spring and autumn period when Duke Wen of Jin instituted the Cold Food Festival as a memorial to his loyal retainer in 636 BCE. Due to its association with old Chinese culture, however, the festival was officially banned in 1949 as a part of Mao Zedong's Communist Party campaign to modernize China and free it from its imperial ties. It was, of course, still widely observed in a private manner inside the PRC, and officially so in Taiwan, Macau, and Hong Kong for that duration, but it was only in 2008 that the holiday was once again officially recognized by

Beijing. That said, once again, I'm sorry for not letting you know beforehand that I'd be going dark for a week. The blame is mine, and I hope I can make it up to you with this week's installment. So, let's get right to it. Though formal recognition of Jian's split didn't occur until 403 BCE, the reality of the situation was that it had been acting as three independent states since the conclusion of the War of the Clans in 453, which we discussed in the last episode. From the outset, the Wei clan had asserted military

and political dominance over its sibling states, and thus donned the mantle of leadership over the three Jinns. This balance of power resulted in something that Jin, either unified or divided, hadn't experienced in generations, a kind of tenuous harmony and a state of cooperation between its powerful factions. United under the authority of Mar E. I of Wei, the three genes were able to swing their collective clout to considerable effect both domestically and abroad. Assuming, of course, the three heads of the giant could agree on a course of action, which is an iffy proposition at best, especially considering their history. Still, under Marquis I, he managed to do a decent job of orienting the unwieldy colossus.

Marquis I, born in 475 BCE as Wei Si, came to power at the age of 30 in 445. Whereas his father had merely been a Viscount, Wen was the first of his line to be granted the title of Marquis of an autonomous state, along with his peers in Han and Zhao. Historian Sima Qian praised Marquis Wen for heeding the advice and philosophies of both Confucian and legalist scholars over the course of his reign,

which should be noted is no mean feat, especially considering the two philosophies were virtually 180 degrees opposed to each other in terms of worldviews. Historian Sima also credited one with possessing an insatiable drive to learn and improve both himself and the state. Legalist philosopher Li Kui, who directly advised the Marquis, formed the basis of his patron's political philosophy, stating, quote, to eat one must labor, to receive a salary one must provide meritorious service, those who do not will be punished, end quote. As we'll see later this episode, the legalists were not the most friendly of philosophers. They were, however, remarkably effective,

as brutally draconian methods can tend to be. Following Li Kui's counsel, Mark He-Won transformed Wei from just one of three genes into the effectual leader of the triad in a remarkably short span of time. By 408, in fact, Wei had grown comfortable enough with its position to begin posturing in an expansionistic direction, beginning with the territory of Zhongshan on the opposite side of Zhao. Wei needed, but easily secured, Zhao's permission to move its forces through the state, and just as quickly subdued the outlying Semi-Han region. At virtually the same time, the pre-eminent general of Wei, Wu Qi, opened hostilities against the neighbor to the west, Qin, by seizing and holding five cities within its Shihhe border region

along the west bank of the Lu River between 409 and 406. Taken together, these bold moves, not to mention their successes, secured the state of Wei's position as a force to be reckoned with in its own right. Now, I know this episode has quite a lot of names and places already, and by the end it's going to have a lot more. I'm well aware that it's quite confusing. So, to that end, I'll be putting up a map of this episode's companion post of the seven states, some of their minor states that survived into the era, and the directions those

states were expanding or contracting into. I hope you find that helpful. As is sometimes the case, however, the opening season for Wei turned out to be the career highlight, and the rest of Wei's career is a long, slow slide into oblivion. When Duke Wen died in 396 BCE, so too did the thrust of Wei expansionism. Though his successor, Marquis Wu, would do a fair job of holding onto territory gained, with the notable exception of Zhongshan, which would once again declare independence, and heck, while they're at it, outright kingdom ship in 377 BCE, Marquis Wu's successor would be his son, Marquis Hui. And what Hui lacked in, let's call it, talent, he made up for in marketing. Sure,

Hui was no longer expanding, was losing ground to its neighbors, and was sliding into a distant second place militarily as its not-so-friendly neighbor to the west underwent an extreme makeover. But hey, Marquis Hui could counter that by no longer deigning to be a mere Marquis, but King Hui instead. That shift happened in the 26th year of his reign, and, newly minted monarchy was, decided that the time of Wei's ascension was really, truly, we totally swear, at hand. Following up, albeit rather belatedly, on the easy victories of his grandfather in Shihe, Qinghui renewed Wei's efforts to absorb more territories from Qin.

After all, said Qinghui's intelligence, most of Qin was a desolate wilderness devoid of population centers, uncharted, and what settlements there were, backwaters. Their military and political systems, if they could be called something so organized, were laughable. Thus, such information in hand, in 364 BCE, Qin Hui entered into a pact with his sibling state, Han, to invade and conquer the easternmost portions of Qin and divide them amongst themselves. There was just one minor hiccup to this foolproof plan,

which was Qin was no longer the weak and unpopulated backwater from Grandpa Wen's golden years, and was no longer willing to be anybody's whipping boy. Sixty years old at the time of Wei and Han's invasion, Duke Xiaoleqin was more than ready for the attack. He had spent his twenty years on the throne, overhauling Qin society, military, and politics, and modernizing the state. He had outlawed the practice of human sacrifice. Slaves being sent to the afterlife with their master was still a fairly common occurrence in much of pre-imperial China. He also divided his states into bureaucratic areas of control for better management, and of course had spared no expense in beefing up the Qin military.

And so, when the Wei declaration of war arrived in Qin, Duke Xiao mobilized his army to confront the invaders. The two forces would clash on the arid, windswept plains of Shimen, on the southern border of modern Shaanxi. Details of the resulting battle are disappointingly sparse, but what is clear from the accounts of Sima Qian is that Qin absolutely wiped the floor with Wei and Han's combined military. He cites the death toll at more than 60,000 men for the Wei army alone.

The king of Wei, suffice it to say, took the hint, recalled whatever was left of his thoroughly battered army, and sent messages of congratulations and surrender to the Duke of Qin. He was then forced to grit his teeth in silence as his foe declared Qin the new hegemon of China. Duke Xian, however, would not have an especially long time to enjoy the spoils of victory, as just two years after crushing the Wei army as he did, he left the throne of Qin to his twenty-one-year-old son, Prince Ying Chuliang, who would become Duke Xiao of Qin in 361 BCE. In spite of his father's ample accomplishments, Xiao was not content to simply ride the coattails of his predecessor's successes, and sought a way to further reform and improve Qin's standing in the empire.

To that end, he put out a call for statesmen and philosophers from across the empire to come and use their ideas and talents to transform Qin into a cutting-edge power. He was, in effect, offering the myriad schools of political theory a sandbox to build their dreams. Assuming, of course, they convinced Duke Xiao that their plan was the right one. In addition, for improving and strengthening his state, Xiao offered them high titles and lands, and respond the philosophers of the age did. Quickly, Duke Xiao heard, and then dismissed, the overtures of Confucianists, Taoists, and many of the other hundred schools of thought.

It was only when a man named Wei Yang, though history would remember him as Shan Yang, gained an audience with the Duke and discussed his vision based on the legalist school, a vision of unwavering rule of law, strict social order, and enforced absolute authority of the state above all else, that Duke Xiao's ears pricked up. Over the course of several more audiences, Shan Yang won over the man who would be his patron,

and over the strenuous objections of Xiao's court officials, he was immediately employed and empowered to enact his glorious vision. The Duke's officials had raised such strong objections for a number of reasons, all of them based around their own self-interest and changes to the status quo. In 356 BCE, their worst fears were confirmed when Yang enacted his first of two waves of reform. And let's be clear, calling these changes reform is an understatement. Shan Yang was doing no less than pursuing near-total social revolution. A legal code was introduced based on the canon of laws by Yang's contemporary, Li Kui.

It spelled out the new laws of the land and the punishments for infraction, and was to be applied equally to everyone in the state, regardless of station or title. Though Li Kui's original works have sadly been lost to time, since it's the basis of law of the Qin state and, spoiler alert, the eventual Qin Empire, its contents are still more or less known. The laws were divided into four categories. Theft and robbery, treason, possession, and, oh so helpfully, miscellaneous, with two other chapters dealing with arrest procedures and the treatment of prisoners.

Punishments were widely considered draconian and excessive, even at the time. Moreover, Xiangyang made a pivotal addition to Li Kui's Book of Laws, stipulating an additional crime of aiding and abetting, meaning that anyone who knew of a crime in Qin but failed to report it would face punishment equal to the actual perpetrator. But a code of laws was just the beginning. Yang systematically stripped the nobility of their land monopolization as well as their exemption from punishment under the law.

And he proved he meant business when Duxiao's own young son, crowned prince Ying Si, committed a minor infraction of these new policies. Yang's system threw the book at the prince, harshly punishing the heir of the state as one would a common peasant. Lands, which under the old system would have been apportioned out to lords and heirs were now given to common soldiers along with promotions as rewards for battlefield successes farmers were given along with their lands and slaves to work it, while those who failed to meet the state's expectations were, yep, enslaved and their lands confiscated. Yang's reforms also prioritized expansion and colonization into the vast, unsettled areas of Qin.

And to do that, they would need more people. A lot more people. Citizens were compelled by law to marry at a young age, and tax policies set to encourage producing large families. To supplement this push towards growth, immigration was heavily incentivized from the other states of Zhou, promising lands to settle and plenty for all. This had the dual benefit of allowing Qin to grow while draining the populations of its potential

rivals. Their powers, lands, and legal immunity stripped, it's not difficult to understand the complaints of Qin's nobility at this drastic social upheaval. But Duke Xiao would hear none of their complaints. He saw only success, unparalleled success, in Shan Yang's progress, and continued to shield and encourage the philosopher to continue his work in reshaping the state. And continue Yang did. In 350 BCE, his second wave of reforms went into effect, strengthening and reinforcing the first wave, as well as further expanding the powers of the state.

Still ravenous for population, for the rapidly expanding state to expand even further, prisoners were now offered to have their sentences commuted if they agreed to colonize far-flung areas of the state. Familial clans were broken up into their nuclear units to be dispersed, along with their power, by double taxation on households harboring more than one adult son. The powers of the nobility were further infringed on when their right to inherit titles and lands through blood was abolished. And to distance the power of the throne even more from the clutches of nobility, Yang had the capital moved to physically create distance.

Rapid expansionism and political centralization of power were Yang and Xiao's goal, and draconian social upheaval the method. Whatever else it may have been, it was undoubtedly effective. By the time of Duke Xiao's death in 344 BCE, Qin had been utterly transformed by Xiangyang's policies from an underpopulated rural backwater to a rigid, militaristic, and expansionist authoritarian state with a highly centralized and effective system of administration and burgeoning population. Alas, even such success would not be enough to save Xiangyang from the wrath of the nobility he had so upset.

He'd overturned not just one, but basically all of their apple carts, all at once, and they would have their comeuppance. Fortunately for this slighted nobility, Xiao's successor was his son, Prince Ying Si, who, doing the fashionable thing all the cool states were doing in 338 BCE, declared himself not Duke, but King Huiwen of Qin. And King Huiwen had a score to settle with his father's favored servant. You'll recall from earlier that in his youth, Prince Ying Si had suffered an egregious humiliation at the hands of Xiang Yang's impartial justice system. Sure, countless others had suffered far worse fates, but he was nobility, darn it,

the heir to the state, and should have been above such petty laws or punishments. Now, at the helm of the machine Xiangyang had spent his life building, the newly minted King of Qin would have his retribution. King Huiwen indicted Xiangyang on charges of treason against the state. What treason? Well, you know, stuff. Treasonous treason, that's what. Found guilty by the overwhelming evidence presented by the king to the king, Shanyang was sentenced to the harshest possible punishment, extermination of the nine familial relations.

In a course of action that would make modern North Korea proud, the condemned's living parents, grandparents, children, grandchildren, siblings and their spouses, uncles and their spouses would all be rounded up and put to death, all before the criminal himself met an even more grisly end, fully aware that he had just watched his entire family line wiped out for his actions. It must be noted that such a punishment, stemming from the Confucian philosophy that an individual's actions reflects on the whole family, was actually rarely employed in Chinese or Asian history, and served far better as a deterrent than an actual punishment.

Xiang Yang's end is a study in tragic irony. On hearing of the royal proclamation damning him, Yang attempted to flee into hiding, first into an inn while trying to avoid giving away his identity. However, the innkeeper, who cited Yang's own law as the reason, refused him entry. You see, admitting a guest into an inn without proper identification was illegal and punishable by steep penalties now. Thus, with nowhere to run or hide, Zhang Yang was quickly captured and dragged to his own punishment,

one that, again, was stipulated by his own laws against treason, 刺猎. The penalty of 刺猎 involved the condemned being strapped arms and legs to four chariots, which were then driven off into separate directions, tearing the victim limb from limb. Thus was ended Xiangyang, or at least, almost. Now, one might expect that someone so vengeance-driven as King Huiwen, one willing, even eager, to kill an entire family as revenge for not being able to skirt the law, would have had the good sense to kill Xiangyang's legacy as well as his person

and family. It's reasonable, you know, in a complete psychopath sort of way, but in fact turns out to have been incorrect. Wei Wen looked at the fantastic militaristic machine his foe had built for him—efficient, centralized, rigid, expansionistic—and decided, hey, now this is something I can put to good use. This is something I can put to good use." As such, Xiangyang's final irony is that while he and his entire clan were executed on the orders of the King of Qin, his brainchild not only survived that purge but became the very foundation of Qin's supremacy over its neighbors and eventually the outright domination over the empire as a whole.

King Huiwen would rule over Qin for 27 years alongside his consort, Queen Xuan. Over the course of his reign, he pursued a policy of aggression expansion against both his neighboring Zhou states as well as the independent kingdoms of Ba and Shu to Qin's southwest in modern Sichuan. Ba and Shu are fascinating, because until quite recently, they had been entirely erased to time and history, since the time of King Huiwen, more than 2300 years ago. It was only in 1929 that any indication at all all of these two kingdoms cultures and long-lost heritages were at last uncovered while tilling his field near the village of san which, upon inspection, were markedly different and older than any records yet found in Sichuan. Further excavations were slow and frustrating, yielding little to nothing for almost 60 years, until in 1986, when two large sacrificial pits were at last uncovered.

Along with the remnants of animal bones, there were pieces of worked jade, copper, bronze, earthware, gold, and stone that were discovered in what was ultimately deemed to be one of the Shu Kingdom's largest settlements. Moreover, the quality of the workmanship uncovered threw into question long-standing assumptions that had been until that point essentially canonical to the peoples surrounding the Hua Xia civilization. Namely, that such quote-unquote barbarian peoples were significantly undeveloped in terms of culture compared to their Yellow River Valley neighbors. On the contrary, the artifacts reveal a people distinct from,

but just as culturally sophisticated as the Hua Xia, capable of rendering beautiful and intricate works of ceremony and art from their region's abundant natural resources. Unfortunately for the Ba and Shu kingdoms, that cultural sophistication would prove no match for the military sophistication of the 4th century BCE Qin army. The Sichuan Basin had long been known to be a rich agricultural area, but had largely been ignored by the bordering Gua Sha states because it seemed to hold little military or strategic value to justify the expense of taking and holding it.

But all that changed when Qin realized the area's potential military importance to future conflicts. The name of the modern province, Sichuan, is derived from the Song dynasty name for the region, Sichuanlu, or the Four River Highways. The rivers flowing through the Sichuan Plains were large and navigable, near perfect as a large-scale amphibious military staging point aimed straight at the heart of the southern Huaxia states. Moreover, it could be a haven for political refugees seeking asylum from enemy states' wrath. Qin's army easily crushed whatever the Ba and Shu had to throw at the invaders from the northeast by 316 BCE. And when the kingdoms finally fell, the Qin forces committed the coup de grace against

their vanquished foes, destroying every record of their existences, every piece of writing, every civil engineering work, and every architectural wonder they had ever achieved. They had secured total victory, an abundant breadbasket, and a key military staging area from which to strike to the east and south. positioned as such, Qin would once again turn its attention and expansionistic impulses toward its quarrelsome neighbors in the Yellow River Valley and it wouldn't have to wait very long or even find much of a reason to push eastward because the states of Zhou had taken notice

of Qin's growing, worrisome power and were preparing to put aside their own differences to take the burgeoning superpower down for good. Next time, the states of Zhao, Wei, Han, Yan, and Chu form a series of complex and often conflicting alliances to check Qin's power before it consumes them all. But they learn through trial and error that their houses divided amongst themselves to check Qin's power before it consumes them all. But they learned through trial and error that their houses divided amongst themselves could not long stand. Amid the chaos, betrayal, and shifting ephemeral alliances, the regional interstate wars that had long been the norm for the Zhou Empire

will all at once flash into the ancient Chinese equivalent of World War I. Thank you for listening. You don't have to be living an ocean away to dread the idea of going to the post office. The lines, the jostling, it's a real bother. Thankfully, there's stamps.com to save you the hassle. By using stamps.com, you can easily print your own approved and exact U.S. postage right from your home computer and printer to be mailed anywhere in the world, even China. Just print the postage directly on labels, envelopes, or just plain paper. Drop it in your mailbox, and away it goes. And right now, Stamps.com has two great offers for you. The first is a four-week no-risk trial, including $25 in postage coupons, a free digital scale to help you weigh your

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