The History of China - #179 - Yuan 4: Traditional Family Values

Episode Date: November 18, 2019

Khubilai must face off against his most potent threat - his own traditionalist cousin, Khaidu. Meanwhile, Khaidu frets over his daughter Khutulun - a girl as desirable as she is formidable, and will brook no husband who cannot best her at wrestling. Time Period Covered: ca. 1265-1306 CE Notable Historical Figures: Yuan Dynasty: Khubilai Khan Prince Zhenjin Prince Nomukhan Prince Kokochu Prime Minister of the Right Antong General Bayan Chagatai Khanate: Khaidu Khan Princess Khutulun Rebel Princes: Togh Timur Shiregi Yobukhur Melik Timur Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

You're listening to an Airwave Media Podcast. The French Revolution set Europe ablaze. It was an age of enlightenment and progress, but also of tyranny and oppression. It was an age of glory and an age of tragedy. One man stood above it all. This was the Age of Napoleon. I'm Everett Rummage, host of the Age of Napoleon podcast. Join me as I examine the life and times of one of the most fascinating and enigmatic

characters in modern history. Look for the Age of Napoleon wherever you find your podcasts. Hello and welcome to the History of China. Episode 179. Traditional Family Values. Last time, we tracked Kublai Khan's dealings with his neighboring states and the varying outcomes, from the very positive, as with the case of the Korean Goryeo Kingdom, to the difficult and ongoing, as with Song China, and at last to the very negative and embarrassing, as with the UN's costly boondoggle off the coasts of Japan. Yet there remains another front that we've not yet directly addressed, one only recently, at least in our timeline, opened against the nominal Great Khan of the Mongols.

It is the widening chasm between himself and his own vision of the future, and that of his extended family, that will prove to be one of Kublai's most vexing challenges, and one that will, in the end, prove to be perhaps his greatest defeat. As we covered in episode 177, Brother Mine, Kublai's claim to the title of Great Khan had opened up a long-standing fissure among the various branches of the Borjigin family. From the time of Genghis Khan's carving his newly-won empire into four sub-khanates for each of his four sons, the potential had always loomed large over the Mongol nation that, at some point or another, no consensus would or could be reached over who their next emperor would be. The 1260s had seen that festering boil erupt into fratricidal violence

between Kublai and his youngest brother, Arik Boke. But even with Arik's surrender in 1265, Kublai had been unable to secure a firm grasp over the wider empire. Though he had successfully defended his claim to the throne, he was still viewed by many among his extended family as little more than an illegitimate usurper who would defy tradition and law to do so. This lingering hostility would prove itself to be a far more threatening challenge

than even the mightiest Pacific typhoon ravaging any fleet or the largest Song army. For while Japan and China might frustrate his will, for a time at least, neither could seriously challenge his overall supremacy. In marked contrast, the foe Kublai would face to his west could, and would, threaten his very claim to lordship over the entire empire. For he was no foreign subjugant, but another of his very blood and line, a prince of the blood, and scion of the second great

Khan himself, Ogedei. Moreover, whereas Japanese pirates might occasionally harass shipping lanes, neither they nor the Chinese were in any position to effect trade across the wider empire. His challenger in Central Asia, on the other hand, was positioned to, if he so chose, choke off the very lifeblood of trade that had made Mongolia and northern China one of the richest regions in the entire world. Without at least a non-hostile relation with his family member to the west, Kublai's border with the Central Asian Khanate was as indefensible

and as vulnerable to hit-and-run raids as it had ever been, with the now largely infantry-based Yuan military as powerless to stop or pursue the nomadic attackers as any previous Chinese imperial army ever had been. Professor Rossaby writes, quote, After these raids, the nomads could simply flee into the vast open spaces of the Central Asian steppes or deserts to evade their pursuers. Even more threatening was the proximity of Central Asia to Mongolia. The traditional Mongol homeland was vulnerable to attack from Central Asia. For Kublai to abandon his native territories was unthinkable. End quote.

This chief antagonist, this nemesis amongst Kublai's blood relations, this time around at least, was none other than his cousin, Kaidu, who was some 15 years Kublai's junior. The grandson of Ogedei, through his fifth son, Hashin, Kaidu would, upon his father's early death, via, what else, alcoholism, become the heir apparent of the Ogedei line of the Borjigin family. The familial relations between the Ogedeids and Kublai's own line, the Toluids, had of course been poisoned since at least 1251, and Kublai's eldest brother, Manka, acceding his great khan following Goyuk Kion's death.

Following a failed attempt at a coup d'etat at Manka's own Kurultai, the new great khan had ruthlessly purged any and everyone associated with the rebellious faction, which included almost the totality of the Ogedaid clan. Yet Kaidu himself had been spared, likely owing to the fact that he'd spent much of his early life being raised in Manka's own household and was therefore deemed trustworthy enough to not have been part of the failed coup. Thereafter, this Ogedaid prince was given his own appanage called Kayalik in modern Kazakhstan to serve as his own base of power.

Physically, Kaidu was described in the annals as being a man, quote, of average height who held himself quite erectly. According to the Persian chronicle, he had only nine scattered hairs across his face, end quote. In marked contrast, and likely as a reaction to his father and grandfather's own fatal excess of drink, Kaidu himself was a rarity among Mongol men, joining perhaps only his late great-uncle Chagatai as being a renowned teetotaler, and even refusing to imbibe the traditional Mongol airag, the fermented and slightly alcoholic mare's milk. Nor, apparently, did he indulge in salt when he ate his food,

apparently strictly keeping to the traditional Mongol dietary habit of cooking his meals in their own juices and eating it otherwise unseasoned. Apart from his noteworthy sobriety, Kaidu was otherwise as stringently traditionalist in his habits as he was in his diet. Unlike many of his kinsmen, who had often adopted the beliefs and lifestyles of those they'd conquered and now ruled over, Kaidu had kept to the old ways. While the Mongols in Arabia had largely adopted Islam, those in Russia, Christianity,

and those in China, Tibetan Buddhism, quote, Kaidu adhered to the native Mongol religion, rising before dawn to meditate and bowing down to the sun several times daily. End quote. Perhaps the most famous aspect of Kaidu of the Ogirades was his daughter and chief lieutenant both on and off the battlefield. Known by several names, Marco Polo, for instance, calls her Aizharuk, derived from the Turkish for moonlight. She is best known as Khutulun, itself stemming from the Mongolian Khotol Sakan, meaning all-white. Born around 1260, Khutulun, as she grew into young womanhood, became renowned across the empire as much for her combat prowess as her

desirability. From Weatherford, quote, Charitably described as beautiful and much sought after by men, Khutulun had a large and powerful figure. She excelled in all the Mongol arts, riding horses, shooting arrows, and even wrestling. She became known as a champion wrestler whom no man could throw, end quote. Marco Polo himself wrote of her that she was, quote, Very beautiful, but also so strong and brave that in all her father's realm, there was no man who could outdo her in feats of strength, end quote. So she's basically all of the

fearsome combat prowess of Brienne of Tarth, combined with the social status and desirability of Sansa Stark. It was her love of wrestling, a favorite sport of the Mongols, but typically reserved only for the men, that led to some of the most famous tales about Princess Khutulun. Like all parents, hers wished that she be matched with and marry a suitable husband when she came of age, yet Khutulun would not consent to just anyone. Firmly of the position that she would brook no man weaker than herself, her standing condition for any and every suitor was that he must first best her in a fair and open competition of strength and martial skill, namely wrestling. The challenge was open to any prospective man, provided that he could afford the wager's price, for he must put up as his

collateral no fewer than 100 fine horses to be added to Khutulun's personal herd should he fail to best her. Time and again, strapping, confident young men would arrive at Khidu's encampment, full of swagger and bravado, asking for Khutulun's hand in marriage. And time and again, they would depart with their tail tucked between their legs, beaten and sore, and one hundred horses poorer. In time, the herds of Khidu and Khutulun numbered in the thousands, yet her parents grew more and more concerned. When would a man arrive that could defeat and thus betroth her? And if no man could do so, what then?

By 1280, with their daughter's 20th birthday approaching, Khutulun's herd had reportedly grown to more than 10,000 horses, and she remained very much undefeated, very much single, and by all accounts perfectly happy with both conditions. Yet another challenger, a quote, handsome, self-confident, and skillful young prince, end quote, arrived at Kaidu's encampment to test his luck and skill for Khutlun's hand in marriage. The prince had brought with him not one hundred horses, but instead a thousand, so confident was he that he would at last best this unbestable woman. Impressed as much by the prince's physical stature as by his own rank and status, Khutlun's parents

were delighted that one such as he had at last arrived to end this worrying competition once and for all. After welcoming him to their home, they privately pulled Khutlun aside for a brief parental word. He was, quote, young and handsome, fearless and strong in every way, insomuch that not a man anywhere in his father's realm could vie with him. End quote. In other words, daughter dearest,

this hunk of prince is broiled horse in a skin sack level of good. He's a bow hewn from a single perfect piece of the finest ewe, if he catch my drift. What we're saying, dear daughter, is that you should let him win. I mean, it's not like you're going to catch a bigger fish. To this, however, Huizlun responded haughtily, that, quote, she would never let herself be vanquished if she could help it. If, indeed, he should get the better of her, then she would gladly be his wife, end quote. And then she walked off, leaving her parents powerless to stop her. As Rosabi writes, quote, Among the Chinese of that day, the young and the female were dominated by the old and the male.

But Mongol noblewomen had minds of their own and did not hesitate to assert their views. the Chinese of that day, the young and the female were dominated by the old and the male. But Mongol noblewomen had minds of their own and did not hesitate to assert their views. End quote. Throw the match? For a man? How could she ever respect him, knowing that she hadn't given her all? And more important, how could she ever respect herself again? No, if he wanted her. No matter how wealthy or powerful this prince might be, he would have to beat her fair and square, just like all the others. The day arrived soon enough, and a large expectant crowd had gathered to see the prince face off against the princess. Apart from the main wager, a thousand horses against Cotillon's hand in marriage, undoubtedly no small number of side bets were placed that day as the two grapplers faced each

other down. The contest began, and the two began to grapple with each other. For a long time, the pair found themselves evenly matched, with neither finding purchase taking in the upper hand. Quote, when both had taken post in the middle of the hall, they grappled each other by the arms and wrestled this way and that, but for a long time, neither could be the better of the other. End quote. Suddenly, with a flash of motion, Khutulun whirled and flipped her opponent onto his back, pinning him and ending the competition. She had won yet again. Disgraced and embarrassed, like all the others, at having been bested by a mere woman, the defeated prince hastily packed up his belongings and rode off without so much as a

goodbye. But he was at least sure to leave behind the thousand horses, which Quithlin was only too happy to add to her tremendous herd. It seems that from this time on, whatever his personal feelings on the matter, Kaidu resigned himself to the fact that his daughter simply could not be forced to marry unless and until she and she alone chose to be flipped. And until, unless, that time came, she would serve far better in a position that she truly excelled, at his side, on the field of battle, commanding and leading men to victory and glory. From Polo, Not a knight in all his train played such feats of arms as she did. Sometimes she would quit her father's side and made a dash at the host of the enemy and see some man thereout as deftly as a hawk pounces on a bird, and carry him to her father.

And she did this many a time." In time, Khutulun would receive a rare honor from her father, a gerige, or as Polo termed it, a paiza, a large stamped medallion which acted, in effect, as an official passport and signet of power and station all across the Khanate. Quote, consisting of an engraved disc or rectangular plate worn on a chain around the neck, made of silver or gold, it stated the power of the holder and that it was granted by the Khan under the will of the eternal blue sky. End quote. Such a signet of office was, much like wrestling, almost solely the domain of men,

and indeed, Khutlun was the only woman in Mongol history ever recorded as having been issued a of her own. Though, at least to some extent, Khutlun's unusual nature must have frustrated her parents and their heartfelt wish that she be married, it's indicative of their respect for her and the status of noblewomen altogether under the traditional Mongol laws that Khutulun was allowed to make her own way, so to speak, even in such an unorthodox manner as being a female battlefield commander. Rossaby writes, quote, Khutulun represented the virtues Kaidu found most praiseworthy. She was proud and brave, and she valued physical strength and endurance. She enjoyed the life of a warrior, not the life of a governor.

Her habitat was the open spaces, not a grand palace in a populous, though splendid, capital city. She sought a mate who was proficient in combat rather than in scholarship or in ruling. In short, she favored the pastoral nomadic society over a sedentary agricultural society ruled by a central government. She was everything that a traditional Mongol, man or woman, could and should be. And it wasn't only her father who saw it or felt that way. Many among the Mongols of Central Asia looked at Kaidu and Khutlun and saw in them the purest and most noble version of themselves, the kind of people they once had been when Genghis himself had rode across the lands as the embodiment of Tangri's wrath and the punishment of God.

Before they had acclimated themselves to their new roles as governors and conquerors of distant peoples and places. Before they had slung themselves down from their noble horseback to sit atop thrones, and forget the life of the steppes. Before they had traded away their fur and leather deals for fine silks and gold-plated armor, and become like the farming animals they lorded over, and to become something less than they once were. To the Mongols of Central Asia, those of their kin who had left their homeland had, to put it mildly, gone soft.

They'd forgotten the very aspect of themselves and their people that had won them the empire in the first place. That aspect that Kaidu and Khutulun still managed to embody. This simple, hardy nature that only a life lived amidst the herds and hills of the grasslands could produce, and that now so many of their kind had traded away for the quote-unquote finer things the settled societies had on offer. To them, no Mongol so represented this fall from grace as he who now, at least as they saw it, had gone so far as to even deny his own Mongolian heritage by claiming to be a Chinese emperor. Kublai might have laid claim to the title of Great Khan of the Mongols, but there seemed to be little Mongol left in him at all. His children spoke and dressed as the Chinese. He no longer observed

the sacred tenets of the Great Blue Sky, but dabbled into foreign cults like Buddhism and Taoism. Day by day, it had been made clear that Kublai had violated the yasa, the letter of the law as laid out by the great lord Genghis, as well as the yosun, the spirit of Mongolian custom and tradition, in favor of foreign Chinese institutions and comforts. And a great Khan such as that could be no true Khan at all. Of course, that is certainly not the tale as told from the Yuan side of the brewing conflict. The Yuan Shi and other Chinese-derived records depict Kaidu not as a noble protector of traditional Mongol values against the encroachment of foreign customs and

ideas, but instead as a stereotypical rebel, very much in the same vein that they speak of Arik Buk and his own doomed struggle against Kublai's ascendancy. A cruel, treacherous, duplicitous, barbarous savage, interested solely in pillage, theft, and destruction, and to unmake all of the civilizational traits that had made the Mongol nation great. Close study, however, shows this depiction for the oversimplified and often outright false characterization for what it is. In spite of what the UN commentaries claim, Kaidu did not fight against Kublai for material or personal gain, nor was plunder his soul or even frequent objective. To him, the vital task was to preserve the nomadic society without the inroads imposed on it by End quote. The cities of Andijan and Tirmid both stand as potent examples of Kaidu's process of rebuilding or constructing a new population center previously devastated,

that quickly themselves grew to become thriving and vibrant centers of trade and culture along the Central Asian Silk Road, and, quote, offers sufficient proof that Kaidu did not recklessly seek to devastate the oases and towns of Central Asia, or to expand the territories available for herding at the expense of the region's traditional economy. He simply tried to restore Ogedei's line. Kaidu was willing to work with and accommodate these settled peoples and societies that existed across his territories, as well as acknowledging their usefulness, yet he still identified primarily with the nomadic peoples like

himself. To that end, then, he believed that his cousin, Kublai, had fully capitulated to the hedonism and material pleasures of the sedentary world, and that was a fundamental betrayal of the shared Mongol heritage. He was therefore not to be trusted and unfit to lead the empire. The exact date of the outbreak of formal hostilities between Haidu and Kublai is murky, since it seems to have been more of a gradual deterioration of pro forma niceties and polite declinations of requests for one to visit the other over a period of several years. Both were clearly aware by the mid-1260s, however, that a conflict was unavoidable and eminent, as he met Kublai appointing his fourth son, Nomukhan, as the Beipingwang,

a prince of northern pacification, on the 9th of July 1266. The intent was undoubtedly even then to have the young man take command of the military affairs of northern China and defend it against his hostile second cousin Kaidu's advances, as well as his 40,000 Ogedei soldiers. Like his elder brother, the heir apparent to the throne, Prince Zhenjin, also known by the Mongolization of his name, Jing'an, both meaning true gold, Nomukon was a product of Kublai and his queen and life partner, Tabi. But whereas Zhenjin had been prepared and educated from an early age in the affairs of statecraft, governance, and Chinese culture and ideas, Nomokon was much more educated in a more militaristic and one might even say traditionally Mongolian skill set. By the time of his appointment as Beipingwang,

he'd only had a Chinese tutor for some two years. Prince Nomokan, therefore, seemed to be the obvious choice of who could best deal with the threat posed by Cousin Kaidu, when it became clear that armed confrontation was inevitable circa 1271. Kublai would dispatch alongside his son several other princes of the blood, including several sons of the late Arik Boke, to aid and advise Nomakan in his campaign, a decision that would prove unwise to the point of disaster as the campaign ground on. From his own perspective, as the relations between Shangdu and his own mobile court continued to deteriorate across the 1260s,

Kaidu turned to the others among the various Borjigin branches, who felt as he did, regarding cousin Kublai and his fallen family line. Though initially at odds with one another, which I should point out was at Kublai's own bequest, Kaidu was able to eventually rally the Khan of the Chagatids, Barak, to his cause circa 1268, along with the leader of the Golden Horde of Russia, the grandson of Batu Khan, Mankatimur. From Atwood and Rakib, quote, the three, Barak, Kaidu, and Mankatimur, came to an agreement, swearing an alliance at Talas

in the spring of 1269, and charging Kublai with having abandoned the old Mongol Yasa, end quote. Barak Khan of the Chagatids, however, would not be long for the world, as he was only a few years later defeated and killed by the forces of the Ilkhanate of the Middle East and Persia. That would turn out to be all well and fine by Kaidu, however, since he was able to swoop in in 1271 and sweep the election for the Chagatai Khanate's next Khan, thereby usurping the line of Chagatai with that of Ogedei. Hi everyone, this is Scott. If you want to learn about the world's oldest civilizations, find out how they were rediscovered. discovered, follow the story of Mark Antony and Cleopatra's descendants over ten generations, or take a deep dive into the Iron Age or the Hellenistic era, then check out the Ancient

World Podcast. Available on all podcasting platforms, or go to ancientworldpodcast.com. That's the Ancient World Podcast. Unlike military campaigns among settled societies, where two armies will often crash against each other in the usual way that we often think of it, the war between the Yuan and the forces under Kaidu was largely a war of position and motion, rather than direct clash and conflict. Quote, The two armies hardly had a direct confrontation. Minor engagements characterized most of the actual fighting.

Nomakan rarely, if ever, encountered Kaidu's forces during these battles. Prince Nomakan moved his armies westward to Al-Malik, ahead of which Kaidu retreated, leaving only a nominal force behind to harass the enemy army. Peleo puts it, The war ground on, from Kublai's perspective at least, with frustrating inconclusiveness, like trying to hammer water flat or strike a swarm of gnats with a battleaxe. Though Nomukhan and his armies were able to move into the population centers and ostensibly take them from Kaidu,

the opposition simply scattered to the four winds, regrouped, and continued to harass them as persistently as ever. Even so, through tireless efforts, Nomukon was able to not only establish a permanent presence in Al-Malik, but expand it to the far more fertile region south of the Tien Shan range, and even secure a stable supply line back to Shangdu, from which his father could send generous requisitions of supplies and reinforcements. Even so, progress was frustratingly slow, and by 1275, Kublai had decided that perhaps Nomakan's efforts might be sped along

by some sound advice from his cousin, the nephew of Empress Chabi, Prime Minister of the Right, Antong. Minister Antong, a capable and decorated military commander in his own right, was duly dispatched to the northwestern frontier to assist his cousin, and quickly assessed that a great portion of the Prince Nomakan's difficulties lay directly at the feet of the family members Kublai had dispatched along with him in order to assist him. In short, the princes of the blood had factionalized against one another, and were pulling the prince of northern pacification in mutually opposing directions, with no satisfactory effect. Yet rather than proving able to cleave through these internal divisions to get to the heart of the matter, and achieving unity among these

quarreling princes, Antong made the mistake of throwing himself into the fray, antagonizing a prince of one of the Toluid cadet lines, named Togtimur, and thereby was dragged down into the ongoing mud pit of princely infighting himself. By late 1276, the infighting had devolved even further, erupting into a full-blown plot to betray and overthrow Prince Nomokon to Kaidu and his allies. From Rosabi, quote, The conspirators included Tog Timur, Arikbok's sons Yobakar and Melik Timur, and Monka's son Shirge. Each of them may have harbored feelings that he, not Kublai or his sons, had a greater claim to the Great Khanate. Tokhtimur and Shirge were apparently the principal conspirators.

Rashid al-Din writes that they met secretly and said to each other, now quoting from al-Din, Thus resolved, they waited until the dead of night, and then snuck into Nomakan's encampment, taking their prince commander, his younger brother, Kokuchu, and Prime Minister Antong captive, apparently all without bloodshed. The three were thereafter delivered up to their foes,

the brothers, Nomakan and Kokuchu, to Monka Timurkan of the Golden Horde, while Antong was given to Kaidu directly. The conspirators, of course, had hoped in so doing to buy their way into Kaidu's good graces and secure a place for themselves among his court, yet they would depart bitterly disappointed. Kaidu responded with thanks for these prisoners and their help, but equivocated about any kind of real remuneration. When asked if the conspiratorial princes would be welcomed in his court, Kaidu demurred.

In his written reply to the traitorous prince's request, Kaidu responded, We are grateful to you, and it is what we expected of you, since there is good water and grass in that region. Stay where you are. End quote. In other words, don't come here. It was an understandable position for Kaidu to take. After all, what real use could he have for people, even family members, who'd proven themselves so faithless to their own? Still, for the princes themselves, they'd already burned their bridge back to Kublai, only to

have Kaidu now pull up their own drawbridge, leaving them, in effect, stranded right where they were. Left with little more than a so long and thanks for all the fish, the conspirators had little recourse but to withdraw to the most remote place that they could think of, the furthest reaches of the Mongolian steppe

itself, along the upper course of the Yenisei River, where Arik Bok had himself once been forced to retreat to avoid Kublai's wrath. The three captives, Nomakhan, Kogshu, and Antong, would be kept as captives in their respective camps for nearly the whole decade that followed. Kaidu would at last release Antong in 1284, and upon his return to Xiongdu, he was swiftly reinstated as Prime Minister of the Right by Hublai. As for Nomakan and Kokuchu, the brothers were apparently greatly assisted by one of their close cousins, a granddaughter of Tolui by the name of Kelmish-Aka, who resided within the court of the Golden Horde and was very influential. Taking pity on the pair, Kelmish pulled what strings she could

to ensure that the brothers were well cared for during their lengthy captivity, and ultimately proved instrumental in securing their eventual release. Rashid al-Din writes of her efforts, When Nomakan was captured by his cousins and dispatched by them to Monka Timur, Kelmish Akka exerted her brothers would once again return to their father's court, which, in the interim, it should be said, had been moved from Shangdu to Kublai's new great capital constructed atop the ruins of the former Zhongdu, which was now called Dadu, or Khanbalik, the City of the Khan.

Or, once again as Marco Polo manages to flub it, Kambiolak. As with his cousin, Anton, upon his return, Prince Nomakan was swiftly reappointed by his father to his old position, though it was now slightly renamed in honor of his exploits across Central Asia, indecisive though they might have been, and was this time entitled as the Be'anwang, or the Prince of Northern Peace. Kublai, of course, had not been simply resting upon his laurels during the decade of his son's captivity. Much to the contrary, upon news of his nephew's treachery, the great Khan had dispatched his greatest commander, General Bayan, to hunt down and retrieve his lost sons. Bayan had proven himself an unstoppable force in crushing campaigns against the southern Song, and so Kublai now had high hopes that he could repeat his

successes in Central Asia. Alas, Bayan would find quickly that, much like Nomakan and Antong before him, his best-laid plans were frustrated at every turn by Kaidu's refusal to openly engage with him. Minor skirmishes were conducted, frequently resulting in a nominal victory for Kublai's armies, but without any significant gain, either on the field itself or toward the larger war objective. Ultimately, Kublai would be forced to do what likely came hardest of all to the proud old Khan, concede that Cousin Kaidu was an enemy that could not be defeated through mere force of arms. He would never publicly admit such a thing, of course,

and nor would Kaidu ever concede that Kublai was far too powerful for him to be anything other than a thorn in the emperor of the Great Yuan's side for the rest of his life. Officially, the two would never reconcile, and both go to their respective graves still locked in eternal conflict with the other. Kublai in 1289, and Kaidu still conducting raids against the Great Yuan until his death in 1301. Nevertheless, in terms of practical, de facto administration, Kublai was compelled to tacitly accept that he could not compel the Chagatai

Khanate nor its holdings across Central Asia to submit to his will or achieve his desired suzerainty across the region. There would never be peace, but there was a clear period of détente after the return of Kublai's son in 1284, as well as the death of the Khan of the Golden Horde that same year, resulting in the disintegration of the Chagatai-Altan alliance. Kublai would pull his own armies, and thereby effective borders, back, abandoning Nomakan's former headquarters of Al-Malik and all territories north of the Tianshan Range. Even these outlying holdings, however, across the western borders were tenuous, costly, and insecure. Though the Great Khan had invested no small amount of material and manpower attempting to make regions like Gansu, Uyghuristan, Turkestan, and the Tarim Basin self-sufficient and able to provide for the garrisons necessary to defend them against Kaidu's periodic raids, they would never achieve the necessary critical mass of production to achieve anything approaching success. The final humiliating defeat of this endeavor to project Yuan control over the southern Xinjiang region would come in 1285 with the loss of its capital city,

Beshbalik, to Kaidu's forces, along with the capture of the Yuan commander and the resettlement of large numbers of Uyghurs eastward to the much more defensible Gansu region. Roseby writes, quote, From this time on, Kublai was compelled to abandon any plans for the domination of Central Asia. Like so many Chinese rulers from the Han period on, Kublai encountered enormous difficulties in seeking to impose his own rule over either the steppelins or the oases in the modern province of Xinjiang.

The supply lines needed to maintain both the Yuan armies and the friendly local inhabitants were long and fragile. The constant harassment and the elusiveness of the nomads irritated and intimidated Kublai's soldiers and allies, and the self-sufficiency he craved for the oasis was never realized." It wasn't all doom and gloom for Kublai against his cousins, however. There was at least one region where his efforts did prove successful, and that was the most important one of all, Mongolia itself. Following the defeat of Arik Buk, the beating heart of the empire had enjoyed more than a decade of peace and restoration from the travails and ravages of warfare. And Kublai had wasted little time, and spared no expense, in ensuring that his homeland would be better prepared to resist any future conflict. Far from allowing Mongolia to simply revert to its uncultivated and import-based state,

Kublai recognized the severe strain and hardship placed on the region by his brother, and himself, during their mutual civil war, and aimed to relieve those burdens once and for all. It would not do for the holy birthplace of the Mongols to face starvation simply because it was over-reliant on imports from far-flung regions of the empire. In addition to this perhaps somewhat sentimental notion, Kublai's plans for his homeland were also buttressed by the purely pragmatic truth that a Mongolian population kept well-fed and self-sustaining

would be far less likely to turn against their overlord should another war break out. Full bellies, after all, rarely produce rebels. Chief among his objectives in Mongolia prior to the outbreak of hostilities against Kaidu then was fostering significantly more agriculture in Mongolia prior to the outbreak of hostilities against Kaidu then, was fostering significantly more agriculture across Mongolia. To that end, he sent entire caravans of farming tools, oxen for labor, seeds and saplings, and of course, knowledgeable experts from the farmlands of the south to help teach the traditionally nomadic hunters and gatherers how best to work and produce from the soil of the steppes. When natural disasters and crises occurred, as was ever the case, Kublai was sure to send

generous supplies and food rations to the afflicted areas, while also encouraging the local populace to recover their own production and get back on their own feet as quickly as was prudent. He took special interest in the cultivation of the regions immediately surrounding the old Mongol capital, Karakorum. Quote, the great Khan Ogedei had promoted farming in such areas adjacent to the town, and Kublai renewed the commitment to a self-sufficient Karakorum. End quote. These efforts were met with a large degree of success. Indeed, Mongolia as a whole required markedly less importation of grain from China. Even so, true self-sufficiency was never quite reached, in spite of the Great Khan's sincere efforts.

In acknowledgement of that fact, Kublai ordered and supported additional agricultural zones to be stimulated across northern China, to better and more easily send in additional rations and supplies to Mongolia when the regents are required, especially around Ningxia. Kublai also found success in his smaller war against the treacherous Princes of the Blood that had sold his sons out to Kaidu. As mentioned earlier, the ringleaders of the betrayal, Pog Timur and Shirige, had taken refuge along the upper Yenisei River and used that as a headquarters to strike out against Karakorum and the Yuan dynasty's holdings at large. Their efforts, however, were stymied not only by the successes of Kublai's agricultural programs across Mongolia, facilitating better mobility and provisions for the troops that he would

deploy against his foes, but also thanks to the conspirator prince's own ever-treacherous ways. Again from Rossaby, quote, The tensions and rivalries within the enemy camp certainly facilitated Kublai's attempts at pacification. Though Toghtemir and Shirgi and the other leaders were, on the surface, allies, they were each ambitious and had not settled upon one ruler. Each harbored a desire to be the principal decision-maker, and these ambitions subverted the unity they needed to resist Kublai's forces. End quote.

Able to capitalize on this internal disarray among his enemies, Kublai was able to overwhelm the army commanded by Tolg Temur in 1279 outside of Karakorum. Though the rebel prince was able to escape the melee, he was subsequently captured and then put to death by his own erstwhile co-conspirator and ally, Prince Shirami. Justifiably unnerved by this blatant turning of the cloak within their own ranks, and at their highest levels, the rebel alliance grew quite shaky indeed following Shirami's betrayal. Within the year, it had collapsed entirely, with the rebel princes breaking and submitting themselves either to Kublai directly

or otherwise making for the other Khanates of Central Asia and beyond. Prince Shirame would be among the former, perhaps hoping that his former relationship with his uncle, the Great Khan, would spare him the worst of potential punishments. Kublai, however, was unmoved, and refused to so much as allow the wayward prince into his presence. He went on to sentence Shirami to live out the rest of his days in exile, according to Rashid al-Din, on a, quote, island with a very unhealthy climate, end quote, where he died shortly thereafter. Though low-grade hostilities would remain between the Chagatids of Kaidu and the Yuan of Kublai, by 1279, in truth, the outcome

had been determined as a stalemate, with neither side willing or much able to break it. Kublai had preserved his hegemony over the core of his empire, that is, China and Mongolia, but had been forced to concede that he could not effectively control the depth of his empire, that is, China and Mongolia, but had been forced to concede that he could not effectively control the depths of Central Asia against Kaidu's depredations or his effectual governance. Both would have to live with the other for the rest of their respective lives. Kublai would therefore now turn to how best to govern this thing that somehow was, and yet also was not, the Mongol Empire. He had conquered China, Korea, Tibet, and Mongolia beside. But now the real question remained whether he, and those who would come after him, could

effectively govern such a sweeping stretch of multitudinous peoples and cultures, and how that might yet be achieved, if it could. Let's leave off today, though, by circling back around to our warrior princess, the indefatigable Khutulun. Following her victory over the Khaki Mongol prince in 1280, Khutulun would find that she was the center of a veritable hurricane of rumors and gossip about her, and especially the curiously close relationship she shared with her father, Kaidu. A definitive accounting of her life is, sadly, not on offer. Instead, we have multiple conflicting accounts of her exploits, both alongside and apart from her father.

Weatherford writes, Numerous reports maintain that she considered marrying Ilkhan Ghazan, one of her cousins, who ruled Persia and Mesopotamia, and that they had an exchange of correspondence and an envoys. But she showed no inclination to leave the steppe and live the life of a proper Muslim lady. Because of her reluctance to marry, her detractors alleged that she had entered into

an incestuous relationship with her father and thus would take no man while he yet lived. In the wake of the salacious accusations against her and her father, she married Abtaqul of the Chorus clan. He was described as, quote, a lively, tall, good-looking man, and the chroniclers state clearly she chose him herself for her husband. End quote. Even this marriage, however, only increased the rumors that swirled around this singular and most intriguing Mongol princess. Whispers abounded that Abda Khul had, in fact, infiltrated her father's court as an assassin. When his plan to murder Kaidu had been uncovered and foiled, and he taken captive by the Khan, the tale went,

his own mother had offered her life in exchange for his as punishment. Yet, when Abtaqul had refused and insisted that the punishment be meted out to him and him alone, Kaidu had come to feel deep respect for both mother and son, both willing to sacrifice themselves for the other, and thus had decided to spare them both. Instead, he took Abta Khul into his own retinue as a commissioned officer. He'd thereafter been wounded in battle in the service of Kaidu, and while recovering back at camp, had met Khutulun for the first time, and they'd fallen in love, and eventually married. In spite of her marriage, Khutulun would not retire to her yurt to engage in the activities

expected of a typical Mongol woman, but had continued to campaign alongside her father all the way up until his death in 1301. When Kaidu was wounded with aerofire outside of Karakorum that January, they had retreated as per usual. Yet his wounds had worsened and become infected, resulting in the aged Khan's death around age 71, somewhere between the Ili and Chu rivers, where he was thereafter entombed. Some of the tellings state that Kaidu, on his deathbed, had attempted to name Kutulun as the next Khan of the Tagatids. Kutulun, however, declined,

stating that she preferred to remain a battlefield commander rather than administrator. And while there was likely truth in those words, it stands to reason that she knew that regardless of Kaidu's wishes, there would be few Borjigin men who would brook a mere woman being raised to the position of Khan, regardless of her personal skills or qualities. The tales go that the princess Kthulhu would not abandon her father even after his death, and would spend the rest of her life guarding his burial site until her own death circa 1306 at the age of 46, perhaps in battle, or perhaps herself assassinated by actors

whose benefactors and motivations have been lost to the mists of time. As Weatherford puts it, these speculations only heighten the mystery of this unusual woman. Kutlun, the all-white princess, returned to the fog of history. If today only Marco Polo's account of her had survived, we might well imagine that she was merely a mythical figure, a product of travelers' tales and the fervid imagination. However, part of the story of Kutulun appears in the account of the 14th century Arab traveler Ibn Battuta. Similarly, some elements of Kutulun's life appear in a Ming Dynasty novel published in the 15th century. Yet both the European traveler and the Persian chroniclers recorded stories about her with different details, in different

languages, and from different perspectives, but without contradiction." The respective deaths of Kaidu and Kutulun would mark the end, in many respects, of the wild, or traditional, Mongolian men and women, and their place on the world stage at the dawn of the 14th century. Asia would thereafter be held in the hands of the so-called civilized despots and emperors. And so next time, we'll take a closer look at the policies of the greatest of these potentates, Kublai, the emperor of Great Yuan, and how he hoped to affirm and pass his legacy on to the generations to follow. Thanks for listening. never set. I'm Samuel Hume, a historian of the British Empire, and my podcast Pax Britannica

follows the people and events that built that empire into a global superpower. Learn the history of the British Empire by listening to Pax Britannica everywhere you find your podcasts, or go to pod.link slash pax.