The History of China - #276 - Qing 18: Kangxi Gets Personal

Episode Date: September 30, 2024

The Kangxi Emperor of Great Qing squares off again Galdan Khan of the Dzungar Khanate in the sociopolitical-religio-military showdown of the late 17th century! Kangxi wants to flex his imperial muscle - in person! - up to and including enacting a "Final Solution" against the un-subdued Mongol peoples under Galdan, but the wily khan will amply demonstrate that all the imperial planning from Beijing in the world means nothing once your army is out in the wilds of the steppe. Please support the show!: patreon.com/thehistoryofchina Time Period Covered: ca. 1690 CE Major Historical Figures: Great Qing: The Kangxi Emperor (Aisin Gioro Xuanye) [r. 1661-1722] The Lifan Yuan (Office of Barbarian Control) Dzungar Khannate: Galdan, the Boshugtu Khan [r. 1679-1697] Other Mongols: Erdeni Qosuuci Morgen Alana Dorji Lobzang Gunbu Labdan Batur Erke Jinong [d. 1709] Prince Gandu Lamist Tibet: The Fifth Dalai Lama, Ngawang Lobsang Gyatso [1617–1682] Russian Empire: Count Fedor Alekseevich Golovin [1650-1706] Major Works Cited: Munkh-Erdene, Lamsuren. The Taiji Government and the Rise of the Warrior State. Perdue, Peter C. China Marches West: The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia. Thokmay, Darig. “Game Changers of the Tibetan Buddhist Political Order in Central Asia in the Early Eighteenth Century” in The Tibet Journal, Vol. 46, No. 1. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

You're listening to an Airwave Media Podcast. Four hundred years ago, a trio of tiny kingdoms were perched on some damp islands off the coast of Europe. Within three short centuries, these islands would become the centre of an empire which ruled a quarter of the globe and on which the sun never set. I'm Samuel Hume, a historian of the British Empire, and my podcast Pax Britannica follows the people and events that built that empire into a global superpower. Learn the History of China. Episode 276, Tang Shi Gets Personal The Emperor has sent us to tell you to advance slowly, because the Great Army will soon arrive. Prepare your troops, but do not engage in battle.

Every night send out patrols and wait for reinforcements. If Galdan receives orders and retreats, then stop him and tell him not to retreat. If he does not stop, have the armies attack immediately. The Kangxi Emperor's Orders to His Armies, 1690 I cherish peace with all my heart. I don't care how many men, women, and children I need to kill to get it. The Peacemaker from Suicide Squad Last time, we left off with the confrontation between the all-powerful ruler of Great Qing, the Kangxi Emperor,

versus the step-up-and-comer, Galdan Khan of the Jungar Khanate, operating out of what is today Xinjiang. For all their blustering, the two had seemingly reached an accord of peace as of 1689. Yet, for all of the careful maneuvering, plotting, and wheeling-dealing ongoing by all parties in this era of sensitive negotiations, it would be none other than Galdan Khan himself who would, in a bout of peak chaotic energy, blow it all up in his own face. It is with this pull-grenade-throw-pin incident that we will continue our tale today. So the skinny on this issue is that among the Eastern Mongols, again, as opposed to Galdan's Western Mongols,

there was a conflict that had been long-standing between two sets of their leaders. On the right wing, the Jasaktu and Altan Khans, respectively, and on the left wing, the Tsusiyetsu and Chechen Khans. These chieftains had been feuding since the first year of the Kangxi Emperor's reign way back in 1662, when the then-reigning Jasaktu Khan had been assassinated by none other than our old pal Lobzong, who then fled to Russian territory after being put to flight by the avenging forces of Tusiytu Khan, who also agreed to take in many of Jasaak II's routed followers. The problem came in 1670 when Jasaak II, having at long last returned to his homeland, sought the return of, you know, his people.

Tuish-tu-si-etu said, Nah, I think we're good here. Eventually, this disagreement spiraled to the point where Galdan was asked to step in as a mediator, and when that proved insufficient to reach an agreement, Galdan began lobbying for the Dalai Lama to come in on the side of Jasaktu's claim. But even after more than a decade and a half, Jasaktu had still not found a way to induce Tsu-si-e-tu-han to relinquish his

people back to him. So it was that Jasaktu decided to enlist the help of not only the Dalai Lama, but escalated even further to the ears of the Kangxi Emperor. Kangxi, probably wisely, opted to defer to the religious leader's unimpeachable judgment, writing, You, Dalai Lama, are compassionate. All respect you. Kalka lords worship you. Respect your teachings and laws, and you are sincerely obedient to this dynasty.

I am distressed that the Jasaku Khan's people cannot gather together. This will create mutual killing and war. Then how can the two Khans coexist? You must have the Jasaktu Khan's people return and make peace between them, following my impartial benevolence. You can send a high lama to meet my high official on the Khalkha border, and set a time to meet." In spite of such an exhortation, and the Dalai Lama indeed sending his own representatives

to broker an agreement between the conflicting factions, no peace was reached. Before the second year of these protracted negotiations was out, Ijasak Tu Khan died, prompting the Kangxi Emperor to bestow his confirmation upon his successor. This changing of the guards seems to have precipitated a rapid collapse of the peace talks, though, as by 1686, reports were reaching the Dragon Throne that the two quarreling factions had come to blows, with brothers and kinsmen attacking one another.

Something, clearly, had to be done, and as the ultimate tributary lord of the eastern Mongol factions, if his confirmed Khalkha lords could not solve such a problem themselves without resorting to bloodshed and death, well, then he'd just have to do it himself. Even if it meant bloodshed and death. To this end, Kangxi dispatched with great aplomb and appropriately dazzling fanfare his imperial envoy, who we know only as, and I swear I'm not making this up, Arni. Arni, you see, was to make for the area known as Kulung Barkhir, where he would meet together with the assembled Khans and Nohwomen of both warring factions as well as the Dalai Lama's representatives to bring an immediate end to the senseless Intrakalka conflict.

Among those in attendance was the brother of Tusiatu Khan, who himself went by the title of Jebzong Dangba Kutukhu, who was the spiritual bastion and leader of the Buddhist Clerical Brotherhood of Mongolia, going so far as to claim equal spiritual authority with the Dalai Lama in Tibet. Great sage, equal of heaven, indeed. Once assembled and convened, the imperial envoy of Great Qing, Arni, read forth the Kangxi Emperor's imperial writ. Quote, You are all descendants of the same ancestor. If you continue fighting, you will all be eliminated. There is not profit in peace for me. There is gain in war for me. End quote. The message was clear enough. The warring Mongolian princes hastily gave thanks

to the Kangxi Emperor and his advice, though being sure to bluntly point out that it was all still very much their own choice to make. Whether we make peace is up to us two Khans, they are quoted as saying. Even so, by that October, in a grand ceremony featuring an image of the Buddha himself and co-emceed by both the Dalai Lama and the Jebzong Danbakutuktu, who I'm sure lobbied long and hard to make sure he got the exact same number of lines in the script, more than five dozen ministers, nobles, and princes of the two warring eastern khans, along, of course, with the khans themselves, swore oaths of eternal peace with one another

and vows to one and all quit this place and return to their respective homes. The following year, Kangxi confirmed the respective successions of the next Chechen and Tusi-Etukhans, bestowing unto them new Qing imperial seals, and his congratulations for having successfully concluded a peace. The matter Kangxi had clearly concluded, was now closed. It was a nice thought, but unfortunately,

not to be. Because, of Galdan. Within two months of the peace ceremony, Galdan was telling it to anyone who would listen to him, how absolutely furious he was. For there had been a, insert lightning crash here,

breach of ritual propriety. The Li Fan Yuan board was prompted to see just what the Khan of the Jungars was caterwauling about, and upon getting the gist, quickly declared the matter, uh, closed. We already did this. It really wasn't that big of a deal. Just shut up and move on. But Galdan would do neither. No, not when ritual propriety was on the line. When it became clear that the Kangxi media disinformation machine wasn't going to help him spread the good word, Galdan expanded his reader base.

He wrote to seemingly just about anyone he knew, Arnie the Ambassador, the Jebzong Danbakutuktu, and to Sietu Khan himself to inform them all of the exact nature of his very serious report of breach of conduct. That back at the first meeting of everyone out there at Kulung Barkhir, Galdan was shocked, shocked, to have noted that the Jebzong Danba Kutuktu, who, as we all know, is clearly and definitely a subordinate of the Dalai Lama and therefore should sit in deference to filial and clerical piety, had instead chosen to sit directly across from the Dalai Lama's representative.

This was in clear and direct violation of clerical hierarchical guidelines. It's all laid out in the handbook. I mean, you did pre-read the handbook, right? By July 1687, Galdan, unwilling to simply sit idly by and allow such a grievous offense to go unpunished, had moved his HQ east from the Altai Mountains, unwilling to simply sit idly by and allow such a grievous offense to go unpunished, had moved his HQ east from the Altai Mountains, as well as summoning Jasak Tu Khan to his side. Tusiya Tu Khan, understandably fearing an imminent attack, tried to request assistance from the Kangti Emperor, but the Qing wheels of state were turning far too slowly for his liking.

Instead, by that October, it had become all too evident that Galdan was indeed planning an attack, one that would be conducted via two prongs. Even so, Kangxi did nothing but continue to counsel both sides to maintain the peace and not do anything crazy. You, Galdan, the emperor wrote, Yet, interestingly enough, for all the dramatic build-up to that end, it wouldn't in the end be Galdan who broke the peace. Instead, it was the forces under the command of Tusiatu Khan, who that December launched a preemptory and surprise attack into Jasaktu Khan's territory, killing the rival Khan and scattering his band of people to the four winds.

In addition to the Khan himself, among the dead was also Galdan's younger brother, who had been struck down while attempting to aid the defense of Jasaktu's encampment. Quote, In revenge for the loss of his brother, Galdan's troops crushed the Tusiatu Khan and invaded Ardeni Zoo, the greatest monastery built during the Ming Dynasty at the old Yuan capital of Karakorum. Galdan remained in the rear while 6a was nothing less than a shattering blow. The Chinese chroniclers reported that in the aftermath, the Kalka tribesmen had been put utterly to rout.

Quote, Abandoned their tents, possessions, horses, sheep, and fled south, day and night, without stopping. End quote. Not just south, but every direction. Some made their way to the Russian diplomatic outpost at Selenjinsk, where they petitioned the envoy Fedor Alexeevich Golovkin to offer them amnesty. Golovkin, in return, demanded their eternal loyalty to the Tsar, a concept alien and unacceptable to the Mongols, even in such a desperate condition. Some at least made at accepting such conditions, at least until Galdan's threat was no more. But other of the Kalkas balked at the idea of subservience to the Tsar, and instead turned back south toward Dzungar lands in the hopes of now joining with the rising might of Galdan Khan. Word of the attack inevitably reached Beijing, and the Kangxi court reacted

as though it expected Galdan's move against the Kalkas to be just the prelude to a more general attack against Qing itself. A force of about 2,500 imperial troops were dispatched to the border, initially tasked with staving off the feared Jungar advance, but soon enough it became evident that their true task would be to try to turn away the tens of thousands of fleeing Khalkhas streaming through the border zone seeking Qing protection. Quote, the emperor ordered a full discussion by the deliberative council on whether to drive the desperate refugees away from the border or protect them from Galdan's pursuit.

The council advised that it would be impossible to drive the desperate refugees away, but if they stayed long in the area, they would destroy the local grazing supply. End quote. Kangxi, as much at an impasse about what to do as his council, apparently, decided to simply wait another month and then see how things had developed before feeling compelled to decide upon a response. Meanwhile, Galdan sent a letter explaining his rationale for punishing the Khan and the Kukutu, that he, quote,

fought for the Dalai Lama's soul by destroying their dwellings, end quote. Further, he urged Kangxi to reject their offers of surrender and instead have them arrested. Yet again, the Kangxi Emperor showed an unusual amount of wishy-washiness for him. He refused to assign blame to either party or to take action. But just a month later, as the pressure continued to mount on the already overtaxed border region by the continuing stream of displaced Kalkas, Beijing was finally compelled to send troops of its own to protect the Ketuktu. By this point, Galdan had reached Kulun Bayir,

little more than a week's march from the Qing border, which was, to be clear, deemed as entirely too close by the Qing themselves. In response, the emperor mobilized ten banner companies, totaling some 10,000 men, to defend the border zone against any assault by Galdan's forces. Appointed to lead this contingent was... Emissary Sintagaldan heard him say, quote, Appointed to lead this contingent was the Khorasan Tusiutu prince, Shahjin. Emissary Sinta Galdan heard him say, If I make peace with the Tusiutu Khan,

who will recompense me for the loss of my brother, Dorjejabu? If I put out all my effort, in five to six years, I can destroy the Kalkas and capture the Jebzong Dangba Khazuktu. End quote. When Galdan withdrew from the Qing border to attack the Tusiatsu Khan, however, the emperor declined to pursue him. Then, when the Tusiatsu Khan desperately appealed for military aid from the Qing to attack Galdan,

Kangxi laid down his conditions. The Khan could retain his title, but he must surrender to the Qing and agree to be settled under Qing supervision. On August 28, 1688, the Tusiatu Khan and Galdan fought a pitched battle for three days. Galdan crushed the Khan, who fled, isolated and weak, across the desert to the Kutuktu's territory. Kangxi took further defensive measures, sending 2,000 troops to guard the Ordos Loop. Two months later, the emperor ordered a partial withdrawal. The border troops lacked clothing for the upcoming winter, their

horses were worn out, and they were running out of supplies of rations and fodder. Much of the available grain at the border had been distributed to the refugee to Sietukhan's people. By the spring of 1689, over 20,000 starving Kalkas had come to request relief, and supplies had run low. The emperor was now inclined to agree with Galdan's version of events. It was the Tusiytukhan who had violated the oath of peace, killed the Jasak Tukan and Galdan's brother, and first launched the invasion of Mongolian territory. The Tusi-Yatu Khan had brought on his own destruction, or, in the actual words of the emperor, and Galdan was not to blame.

Gerbilian also believed that the Jebzong Danba Kutuktu, the younger brother of the Tusi-Yatu Khan, had, quote, ruined his family by his arrogance, because he put himself on par with the Grand Lama of Tibet. End quote. The emperor did not even blame Galdan very much for destroying the Buddhist temples and images in Kalka territory. Nevertheless, the emperor pardoned the two Sietu Khan's crimes and refused to surrender him and the Kutuktu to Galdan for punishment. Once again, he urged the Dalai Lama to intervene and make peace between the contending parties,

proclaiming his disinterested benevolence, quote, I do not rejoice at the defeat of others as my own prophet. But if they surrender to me, I am lord of heaven and must take care of them. Who else will? I will give to all who seek help. Just as you lamas will not let people die, you will take care of them too. My goal is to dissolve the contention between Kalka and Olod, End quote. At the same time, he threatened to cut off all of Galdan's trading privileges if he did not abandon his vows of revenge. So a little carrot, a little stick.

While Galdan was moving east to meddle in Kalka affairs, conflict of its own was brewing back home in Jungaria. Tsewang Rabdan, the son of the assassinated Senge, had by this point grown to maturity and become a political threat to Galdan, who went so far as to try to have him killed in 1688. Tsewang Rabdan escaped, but his brother was killed. And when Galdan left to march against the Kalkas, he attacked Hami with his own men. This forced Galdan to move back to meet Tsewang Rabdan and relieve the pressure on the eastern Mongols, allowing the Qing to reduce their troop allotment by one half. Arne the Ambassador's interview with Galdan in the fall of 1689 indicated that the Mongol leader was still determined to avenge his brother's death even though his people were

confronting famine, purportedly eating human flesh, and facing hard battle. Galdan also indicated his suspicions that the Qing were about to forge an alliance with the Russians and the Kalkas against him, since Arni had just returned from Selenginsk with 2,000 troops. Arni assured him that he had only negotiated border issues with the Russians, and the troops he brought with him were not to be used to support the Kalkas. Kangxi's edict to the Dalai Lama at the end of the year reflected his understanding that Galdan had been defeated by Sewan Rabdan and was in desperate straits.

Asking the Dalai Lama for confirmation, he offered to accept Galdan's surrender to the Qing. Within less than a year, in the Emperor's eyes, Galdan's forces had been reduced from a serious military threat to a starving remnant band deserving nothing more than pity. Qing officials proceeded to organize the Kalkas into banners and settle them temporarily on the border. The emperor told the Kalkas that they had no discipline.

They needed a strong hand of supervision to prevent them from dispersing. Governors, or jasak, were appointed to collect the remnant Mongols, assign them to banners, and allot them fixed pastures. But the emperor also promised that they could return to their old homes when the Olaad conflicts were settled. Through the winter of 1689-90, Galdan remained in Kobdo to resist the rebellion by Sewong-Rabdon, at the same time collecting troops for a move east against the Kalkas.

Although he had a few thousand followers, many of them were tempted to desert him for Sewong, unless there was promise of significant booty from attacking the Kalkas. Kangxi continued to send small detachments to the border for defensive measures, 500 to Guihua, 1,500 into the Ordos, and at the same time, he established contact with Tsao-Wang Rabdan to find out the reason for his rebellion. The Chechen Khan promised to attack Galdan with 10,000 troops if the emperor gave his backing. For the first time, the emperor now allowed the sale of Qing military supplies to the Kalkas. He doubled the number of troops heading to the Tula River, and specified that they should bring cannons with them. Meanwhile, the Dalai Lama appeared

to diverge from the Qing emperor's goals. The regent, known in Tibetan as the Diba, the highest-ranking official in Tibet, told the emperor's emissary that he must arrest the two Siatu Khan and Kutuktu and deliver them to Galdan. This new support for Galdan aroused suspicions about fifth Dalai Lama had died in 1682 and that real secular power was then assumed by the Depa, who refused to announce the death of the Dalai Lama or to install a new one. The Depa was an active supporter of Galdan's campaigns and an enemy of the influential Koshot princes in Tibet and of the Kalkas. Kangxi, however, continued to appeal to the Dalai Lama as his ally in making peace among the Mongols. So it's a real weekend at Bernie's situation. I guess weekend in Laja. On June 9th, 1690, Galdan led 30,000 troops across the Urja River

to attack the Kundalun, Chechen, and Tusi-Etukans. Reports indicated that Galdan intended to meet up with supporting Russian troops. The Manchu envoy to the Russians at Nerchinsk, Songotu, quickly delivered them the message that Galdanburg. From the Emancipation Proclamation to Appomattox Courthouse. From the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments to the Compromise of 1877. From Abraham Lincoln and Ulysses S. Grant and William Tecumseh Sherman. To Jefferson Davis and Robert E. Lee and Stonewall Jackson. The Civil War and Reconstruction was a pivotal

era in American history. I'm Rich. And I'm Tracy. And we're the hosts of a podcast that takes a deep dive into that era, when a war was fought to save the Union and to free the slaves. And when the work to rebuild the nation after that war was over turned into a struggle to guarantee liberty and justice for all Americans. Look for The Civil War and Reconstruction wherever you find your podcasts. Act food and the Russians should not intervene. Qing generals sent more troops and cannons to the frontier. The Russians denied Galdan's request for his 20,000 troops. On July 27, 1690, the emperor announced that he would personally lead the expedition

against Galdan. Kangxi's first personal campaign as such was now underway. Three armies would converge on Galdan's camps, one led by Prince Fuquan, the emperor's brother, leaving from Gubei-ko, one led by Prince Changning from Xifeng-ko, and one led by the emperor himself. He invited the Jesuits Gerbion and Pereira to accompany him. Probably 60,000 troops participated in the campaign. This sudden shift from defensive measures to a personal campaign remained without justification at the time by the emperor. Clearly, it cannot be explained, as later historians tried, as a response to a growing threat from Galdan's rising power, for Kangxi knew that Galdan was in desperate straits. Galdan's march to the east was primarily a plundering expedition to support his starving troops. Although he had a large army, many of

them would quickly desert him if they did not get their promised loot, and Sewong Rabdan still threatened to his rear. By the end of the fifth month, Galdan was camping on the lower Keralan river with his supporters, who had dwindled to just 10,000. Their food was nearly gone, and they were consuming their horses to survive. Yet Kangxi proceeded cautiously. He did not expect a long campaign. He issued just four months' rations to his troops, half of which they would carry with them, with the rest to be bought on the way. But he ordered the advanced troops to wait until the main army had arrived with sufficient supplies of cannon and men, and to avoid battle at all costs. Other reports from fleeing Khalkhas put Galdan's

strength at an exaggerated 40,000 men, but no one knew exactly where he was. Kangxi told his Mongolian allies to mobilize 10,000 men from the Khorchian banners. Galdan, by contrast, continued to believe in making peace with the Qing and tried to confine the conflict to internal Mongolian matters. Meeting several of the Mongolian bannermen, he told them, quote, We are of the same tribe. Why do you fight us? The Khalkhas are our enemy. End quote. Not the Mongolian bannermen of the Qing. Galdan's younger brother, who commanded the troops, assured the Qing that his men would not cross the border, but all the while, Kangxi was preparing

for a full-scale expedition. He set the date of departure of the main army from Beijing for August 8, 1690, to be followed by the emperor himself two days later. He paid special attention to providing cannon for the army. In his edict to Galdan, he accused him of violating the empire's frontiers and refusing to return imperial envoys, and he claimed that Qing troops were acting purely for defensive purposes. Envoys to Galdan were not to inform him that the emperor and his princes were personally leading the campaign. In fact, Kangxi made clear his intention to destroy Galdan only in secret instructions to the armies of the frontier. Quote, Have one man take a clerk to the armies and secretly tell them,

The Emperor has sent us to tell you to advance slowly, because the great army will soon arrive. Prepare your troops, but do not engage in battle. Every night send out patrols and wait for reinforcements. If Galdan receives orders and retreats, then stop him and tell him not to retreat. If he does not stop, have the armies attack immediately. In other words, the goal was to keep Galdan from fleeing and to avoid battle until the main body of the army could arrive.

Military operations seldom proceed according to plan. As Galdan continued to pursue the Chechen and Tutsi-etukhan's men across the Kalka River, Arni, the Qing commander, instructed to observe but not to fight, got into battle unintentionally when he ran across Galdan at the Urhui River. Arni's 200 crack Mongolian troops and 500 Kalka raiders could not withstand Galdan's 20,000 men drawn up in battle formation. Galdan had both fouling pieces and cannon, but Arni's cannon had not yet arrived. The Jungar attack drove the Qing troops into ignominious retreat. Now Kangxi had to salvage the situation from Arni's blunder. First, he stripped Arni of his position and degraded him by four ranks. Then he tried to persuade Galdan that it had

never been his intention to attack the Mongolian leader, putting all the blame on Arni's illegal action. His thoroughly disingenuous edict stressed the common interests of the Dzungars and Qing and the purely defensive nature of the Qing mobilization, and evaded Galdan's main demands, the extradition of the Tusiutu Khan and Kutuktu. Once again, the envoy to Galdan indicated vaguely that Qing troops were moving to the frontier but concealed the presence of the emperor and the high princes. By the seventh month, there were already problems with supplying the troops beyond the passes. Reports indicated that the horses were tired, the sheep worn out,

the rations scarce, and requiring more grain shipments. The Qing strategy was still to advance slowly and to wait until the great army had arrived. Galdan, it was feared, would retreat in the face of such large forces, making it impossible to crush him in battle. The first army was expected to arrive at Galdan's camp in ten days, so it was necessary to stall him with the false offer of peace talks. Thus, the Qing would, quote, Galdan indicated genuine interest in peace negotiations. He claimed that he never intended to violate the Chinese frontier, but was interested only in taking revenge on those responsible for his brother's death. Kangxi, in reply, reproached Galdan severely for raiding the Qing border posts,

but offered to discuss peace under the Dalai Lama's auspices. He again claimed that the, again, huge army that he was assembling was, quote, not to punish you, but to establish discussions, end quote. The emperor invoked his recent experience with the Russians, in which troops were sent to the frontier to establish peace negotiations and withdrawn when the treaty was concluded. He neglected to mention the siege and destruction of the fortress at Albazin. Even though Galdan had now moved away to the north, the emperor was determined to persevere with his personal expedition. It seemed that the emperor

was looking for pretexts to continue his personal campaigns in the face of criticism. Instead of justifying his campaign as a personal drive against Galdan, he claimed that he needed to accompany the troops in order to put down disturbances amongst the Kalkas. The Khorkshin prince, whose supplies were running out, had already given up the pursuit of Galdan, so he returned to his pastures, despite the emperor's severe criticism. As Galdan continued to indicate interest in peace talks, the emperor asked, quote, how can we rein in Galdan so as to wait for the Shenzhen army to arrive, end quote. He sent Galdan's sheep and set a time and place to meet for talks. At this critical

juncture in late August, the emperor was forced to return to the capital at the urging of his ministers. Quote-unquote hot weather, probably the cause of an illness lasting through the month of September, prevented him from spending a long period beyond the passes. His ministers also had feared unrest when the Chinese in the south learned that the emperor had left the capital. Galdan, at the same time, supported by the Dalai Lama's envoy, requested a meeting at Ulan Butong, some 350 kilometers north of Beijing, to discuss the return of the Tusietsu Khan and Jebzong Dangba Kuduktu. It was only 40 li, or about 23 kilometers, away from the Qing army.

Fuquan, the Prince of Yu, then reported a crushing defeat of Galdan. Having advanced to Galdan's camp at Ulan Butong, he saw the enemy at noon on September 3rd, 1690. The Qing fired their deer horn cannon and ordered an attack. The Dzungar troops protected themselves in the forest at the foot of the mountains and used their camels to shield themselves from artillery fire. As Masca, an officer in Futuan's army, described it, the enemy, quote, bound the feet of 10,000 camels, covered them with felt, and lay down behind them, spread out like a wall. We called it a camel wall.

They shot arrows from the slits of the wall, end quote. The left wing of the Qing army was able to surround the Mongol troops in the mountains and inflict great casualties on them, but the right wing, blocked by a great marsh, had to return to its original position by nightfall. Although Fu Chun reported that Galdan had suffered heavy casualties, in fact, he had not driven him from his position, and he knew that Galdan was prepared to resist strongly the next day. Gerbion did not witness the battle, but heard reports of it immediately. Although he described the battle as a defeat for Galdan, he knew that the Qing troops had retreated to their camp after the first day's fighting, and neither side was prepared for further fighting. The Russian envoy, Khabirev, who was with Galdan's forces, did not see the battle as a Qing victory.

The emperor, however, was highly optimistic, and for the first time publicly announced his goal of a final solution. Quote, we must now consider how to pull up the roots entirely, wipe out the remaining followers, and clean up everything permanently with one blow. End quote. His optimism was premature. Both Fu Chun and Galdan knew that the Qing might win a second battle, but that the outcome was anything but certain. Qing troops suffered severe supply difficulties. Galdan had lost many men and horses, but remained encamped securely in the forest. Qing artillery could not ensure victory, as the Mongols were protected by both camels and trees. When Galdan sent emissaries to talk peace on September 7th,

the field commanders considered it best to hold off the attack. Galdan now conceded the main issue. He did not demand the immediate return of the Khan and Kutuktu, but asked only that the Kutuktu be sent to his superior, the Dalai Lama, for investigation. The generals told Galdan that he must move far away from the Qing borders and promise never to raid the frontier again. Their troops were prepared to advance and exterminate Galdan if he did not agree. In their thinking, they should not further weary their troops with an unnecessary battle. Either Galdan would withdraw to a remote region,

or if he remained nearby, they could wait for the planned meeting in four to five days with advancing troops to strike a decisive blow. The emperor, highly suspicious of the crafty Galdan, urged the generals into rapid pursuit, but he implicitly had to accept the logistical limitations of the frontier. He allowed his son, Yinti, to return to the capital, under the assumption that there would be no further attacks. Galdan, meanwhile, having successfully stalled for time, fled as fast as he could to the north under cover of darkness. The generals wanted to pursue him, but, quote, the horse's strength did not allow them to advance, end advance. On the 9th, as planned, they met with the Shenzhen Ula and Khorchin troops.

The great army was still 100 li, 58 kilometers, away. Galdan's envoys, who had promised to obtain an oath of allegiance from Galdan, were sent after him to get his written commitment. Galdan, in the course of flight, plundered 20,000 sheep and over 1,000 horses to replenish his army, but the generals continued to wait for his answer. Although the emperors urged a quick advance, he realized that, quote, the princes and generals are with the army, and they personally see the situation, end quote. By the middle of September, troops had begun to withdraw to defensive positions. Frontier garrisons provided for returning troops who lacked food and horses. Galdan's official oath arrived on September 20th.

He had set up a Buddhist statue in his camp, bowed low before it, and asked forgiveness for his crimes. He promised to withdraw far from the Qing frontier in search of a place with, quote, good water and grass and no people, end quote. After discussion with the deliberative council, the emperor, still distrustful, accepted Galdan's oath. Once again, he proclaimed his common interest with the Dalai Lama in peace between the Jungars and Kalkas. Galdan had violated the Dalai Lama's teaching by entering Qing territory and plundering the frontier Mongol tribes, and the proper Qing policy would be to pursue him, quote, atop steep mountains to remote frontiers, end quote, and to execute him as a rebel. The emperor made the extraordinary claim that his

princes and ministers all urged a second battle, but he alone had stopped them. On the contrary, the emperor had urged battle against his general's resistance, but by alone had stopped them. On the contrary, the emperor had urged battle against his general's resistance, but by distorting the facts, the emperor could pose as a peacemaker. In return, Galdan must not only withdraw from the frontier, but cut off all contact with other Mongolian tribes as well. The emperor promised to destroy him mercilessly if he violated his oath. Even allowing for normal diplomatic duplicity, Kangxi's craftiness certainly exceeded that of Galdan. The emperor was in fact furious at Galdan's escape, and he took his revenge on his generals.

But the brute facts of distance, food, and horses made his most desired goal, the elimination of an autonomous Mongol leader, an outright impossibility. At the end of an autonomous Mongol leader, an outright impossibility. At the end of the year, trials determined punishments for the generals who had failed to destroy Galdan. Fuquan, the emperor's elder brother, was pardoned because of inexperience in combat. Although other high-ranking Manchus accused Fuquan of negligence, the emperor's son would not criticize his uncle's conduct on the campaign. Fu Chuan was stripped of his rank and forced to remain on the frontier for several months.

Other officers received whippings and imprisonment, notably the artillery captains who abandoned a heavy cannon on the battlefield. The aftermath of the abortive campaign revealed clearly the severe supply problems that had already begun to plague the Qing troops from the first days of mobilization. Until the Qing army finally overcame fundamental supply constraints in the mid-18th century, this pattern would continue to repeat itself. Apparent smashing victories were followed by rapid abandonment of the frontier, allowing the nomadic rival to revive. As soon as Galdan fled beyond reach, the Qing generals began their withdrawal. The first troops to withdraw did not even have horses. Camels loaded with food supplies had to be sent to meet those starving soldiers on their return.

Violating regulations, Duke Zhuge Ke Tuo and Vice Minister Alami of the Board of Revenue had illegally advanced to the Shenzhen army two months extra rations and five months extra salary because they knew that official rations could not meet the urgent needs of those soldiers about to go out on the campaign. The emperor pardoned these officials because they had been moved by the troops' poverty and hunger. Two months after Galdan's flight, troops were still waiting on the frontier for word of Galdan's oaths of submission, but this army needed an immediate shipment of 400 camels with supplies to sustain itself. Instead, the emperor ordered a full withdrawal back to the border posts, including cannon, leaving only 400

men. Even before securing Galdan's official submission, the Qing armies could not support their expensive campaign beyond the wall. But supply costs had dogged the expedition from its earliest days. Masca, a Manchu general who wrote a diary of his experiences with the army he accompanied from Beijing, describes vividly the climatic extremes beyond the wall. After crossing the Great Wall at Zhangjiakou, the soldiers first had to traverse the Dabagan mountain range in cold, drenching rain on narrow paths up steep cliffs. Beyond the mountains, they entered the steppe, which was so dry they had to dig wells to find water, even though they were pelted with hailstones as big as peaches. Once they entered the Gobi

desert, the only water they found stank of rotting flesh and made them vomit because of the infestation of tamarisk roots, and they found no animals or birds except for small marmots. Good drinking water lay five feet deep under the sand. Having crossed the desert, they once again were struck by heavy rains, which nearly drowned both men and horses, and by now their grain supplies had run out, leaving them unable to advance. The exhausting struggle of the elements made it difficult for men and horses to move at more than a crawl. It took 12 days to cross the Gobi, a distance of 300 kilometers. Only when they met up with other troops could they proceed into battle against Galdan.

Horses were costly to purchase and to feed. Before the campaign, the emperor had caused a riot in Beijing when he had set prices of 12 to 20 tails per horse, probably because the excessively low price induced officials to seize horses from local people, including high-ranking literati. During the preparations for the campaign, each captain took charge of pasturing 10 horses, which he would turn over to the Ministry of War when they were strong and fat. Nevertheless, inspectors constantly reported thin, starving horses at frontier garrisons. No unit could long remain at a fixed location without quickly running low on supplies for both horses and men.

The Emperor had expected a short campaign of only two months, but as soon as he announced his personal expedition, he started to hear of exhausted troops and horses. Tired men could only travel slowly, and they were forced to depend on the local population to help them with supplies. He had to prohibit soldiers from selling weapons to the Mongolian in exchange for food and horses. Troops carried both grain and silver with them, but silver purchases drove up prices on local markets, and many soldiers were reluctant, or unable, to carry two months' worth of rations on their backs. Even though the furious emperor wanted to punish his generals who retreated, he recognized that they had suffered severe shortages, stressing that, quote,

China cannot rest on levying troops and planning supplies, end quote. Even after the campaign, supply costs took their toll in the form of heavy debts. As noted earlier, the emperor spared from punishment two officials who had illegally lent official funds to their deeply indebted soldiers. After indebted soldiers threatened a riot in the capital, and several even tried to force their way into the palace, the emperor announced that he would take responsibility for their debts at a total cost of 16 million taels. Qing officials, in spite of their intentions, had to supply not only their own troops, but also those of their Mongolian allies. For a while, they refused the military aid offered them by the Corchin princes, until he promised to provide his own grain and horses.

Even after accepting the alliance, they at first refused to allow him to purchase supplies on local markets, but finally relented. The next month, the prince had to return home when his supplies were exhausted. Even though he, quote-unquote, deserved execution for his betrayal, the emperor had no choice but to pardon him. When the Khalkha Mongol refugees fled across

the border, however, the Qing had to provision over 20,000 starving people immediately. Commander Fi Yanggu sold his stocks of tea and cloth and used silver to buy them animals and several months worth of grain. Refugee demands for subsistence pushed the emperor to attempt to finish Galdan once and for all. Even though the compilers of the campaign history fulsomely praised the emperor to attempt to finish Galdan once and for all. Even though the compilers of the campaign history fulsomely praised the emperor for sparing the common people the burdens of supplying the campaigns, imperial demands strained the edges of the local economy and central resources. Chen Feng estimates the total cost of the first Jungar campaign

at 3 million taels, or 6% of treasury holdings in one year. The Qing armies had proved that they could confront and drive off a Mongolian force in the steppe, but they had learned that the logistical costs of such expeditions were high and the economic burdens heavy. Galdan lost many men and horses, but survived to fight another day. Exterminating the rival state required more than ambitious military plans. The Qing rulers needed allies, both Mongolian and Russian, to achieve their goals, and they needed economic development to support military mobilization. And that is where we will conclude this episode today, with the Kangxi Emperor being forced to learn that he will require allies in his fight against the Dzungars, as we make our way ever more swiftly towards the turn of the 18th century. And as always, thanks for listening.

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