The Jordan B. Peterson Podcast - 196. Australia: Lockdowns and Location Apps | John Anderson
Episode Date: October 11, 2021This episode was recorded on September 9th.Dr. Jordan Peterson and John Anderson exchange ideas about the freedom of conscience, policies, and mandatory vaccines. Dr. Jordan shares his experience with... policies while Anderson shares tips on conducting proper debates while commenting on the governmental debates. See how Australia connects to their discussion and how social media came into play.John Anderson is a sixth-generation farmer and grazier from New South Wales, who spent 19 years in the Australian Parliament. After serving in politics, Anderson launched a web-based interview program, Conversations with John Anderson, featuring interviews with public intellectuals. He continues to serve the interests of Australia’s rural and regional communities.Find more John Anderson on his website https://johnanderson.net.au/Check out his YouTube channel: https://www.youtube.com/c/JohnAndersonConversationsCheck out his Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/johnandersonaoFollow him on Twitter: https://twitter.com/JohnAndersonAO/————————————Shownotes————————————● [00:00] Dr. Peterson introduces this week’s guest, John Anderson.● [03:32] "The problem with fighting fire with fire is that you end up burning." Dr. Peterson● [03:54] What’s happening in Australia and the west?● [04:26] John’s tips for proper debates.● [06:17] How Anderson views Australia’s regime.● [06:40] China’s imposed threat on Australia.● [09:09] John quoting Henry Kissinger on freedom.● [09:47] The legality of mandatory vaccines in western culture and the blitz story during WWII in Britain.● [11:48] Anderson’s analogy of democracy.● [14:31] Dr. Peterson’s advice on policies.● [16:05] The lockdowns in Australia.● [22:07] Dr. Peterson’s perspective towards proper political force on vaccinations.● [21:26] The cost of safety.● [25:29] John’s opinion on debates.● [26:56] Breaking down trust in the government.● [31:53] How governmental debates should be conducted.● [37:21] Freedom of Conscious.● [43:10] The best rationale for mandatory vaccines.● [53:01] Lockdowns and the dangers of mandating medical procedures.● [59:46] The power of social media and John’s thoughts on moving forward.● [01:02:19] Social media and John's podcast.● [01:06:47] Anderson’s thoughts on freedom and governments.● [01:10:15] Australian politicians' understanding of social media.__________Visit www.jordanbpeterson.com to view more information about Jordan, his books, lectures, social media, blog posts, and more.Jordan B. Peterson is a professor of psychology at the University of Toronto, a clinical psychologist, and the author of the multi-million copy bestseller 12 Rules for Life: An Antidote to Chaos, #1 for nonfiction in 2018 in the US, Canada, the UK, Australia, New Zealand, Sweden, the Netherlands, Brazil and Norway, and slated for translation into 50 languages.Dr. Peterson has appeared on many popular podcasts and shows, including the Joe Rogan Experience, The Rubin Report, H3H3, and many more. Dr. Peterson’s own podcast has focused mainly on his lecture series, covering a great deal of psychology and historical content. Jordan is expanding his current podcast from lectures to interviews with influential people around the world. We hope you enjoy this episode and more to come from Dr. Peterson in the future.
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Welcome to the JBP podcast season 4 episode 50 this episode features John Anderson A.O.
An Australian politician who was deputy prime minister of Australia and leader of the national
party from 1999 to 2005. Him and my dad discuss COVID-19 and Anderson shares what's been happening
in Australia, which is crazy, and the West in addition to the lockdowns and the threat China's imposing on Australia.
It is a doozy of an episode.
They also discussed the cost of safety and how social media played a big role in today's
mandatory vaccinations.
I hope you enjoyed this episode.
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Hello everyone, I have the pleasure and privilege of talking with one of the most impressive men. I've had the good fortune to meet in my travels and my investigations, the honorable John Anderson,
the former deputy prime minister of Australia. Elder Statesman, a sixth-generation farmer from Northwest New South Wales. He studied history at
university and led the national party, Australia's rural political party from 1999 to 2005. As Deputy
Prime Minister, he partnered in one of the most successful governments in Australian history,
overseeing enormous economic reform, tax modernization,
and a string of budget surpluses,
which are, in my experience, virtually unheard of,
especially a string of them.
These delivered an average annual GDP growth rate
of 3.6%, restored Australia's AAA credit rating,
and saw average household income increased by almost 70%
between 1994 and 2008.
Mr. Anderson has worked on numerous community service projects following his career in politics
and now hosts a video podcast which has become the preeminent one of its kind in Australia.
On retiring from parliament, Mr. Anderson was saluted by figures on both sides of the political fence.
Then Prime Minister John Howard said of him, I have not met a person with greater integrity
in public life.
And so, and that's, I had the pleasure of meeting Mr. Anderson, you know, Australia, when
I was touring there, and that's exactly what struck me. And so I've done a couple of podcasts with John.
And I thought we could concentrate on something tonight,
discussing something tonight that I'm very ignorant about,
like all of us perhaps, and about COVID
and the response to the epidemic, the political response,
and not only what the response has been, but perhaps what it should be and what the dangers of
the response are. And when I was thinking of who I would like to talk to about this, to explore
it, I couldn't think of a better person than John Anderson because of his reputation, well deserved reputation for integrity, his vast political experience.
And also because, at least from the outside, it looks like the responses, the political
responses to COVID in Australia have been quite extreme and caused a fair bit of trouble,
justified though they perhaps may be at least
people make that argument. And so I thought we could dive into that terrible
mess and see what we might conclude and bring everyone along for the ride. So
thank you very much for agreeing to do this and where we go. Jordan, thank you. It's terrific to be with
you. I respect you enormously for the way you make us think, for the way you encourage
people who feel discouraged. For your four parents, the model you set when you're under
attack for not responding with fire, but rather calm reason. And above all, just to
rific to see you up and about and again, and active and looking well.
Well, thank you very much. I have been feeling substantially better. Thank God. And I'm hoping
that we'll continue. And the problem with returning fire with fire, I suppose, is that you
you end up burning. And I've had plenty of enough of that, I would say. So it's best to try to calm things
down if you can possibly manage it and hopefully I'll have done that at least to some degree and
might continue to do it. So we'll see. So what have you seen happening in Australia and the West?
And what have you been thinking about this?
And what have you been thinking about this?
Well, it's incredibly messy and hard to think you way through it all. And I don't, I, the very bottom line, I don't want to sound like I'm smug,
sort of has been who knows it all and could have done it better.
These are sobering times and we've got to ask a lot of questions.
I think by starting point, that Jordan would be to say, and this is our little mantra with my own video series, you can't get
good public policy without a good debate. And there's a lot of elements to a good debate.
You've got to have a decent level of understanding. You've got to ensure the debate's not
truncated. You've got to ensure that everybody's involved. You've got to try and demystify it and depoliticise it.
I think on all of those fronts, there have been severe failings, internationally and in Australia.
Australia's response has been quite unique, partly for historical reasons, partly for geographical reasons,
partly because of the unusual nature of our federation, partly because the Australian
people are surprisingly comfortable with a big state, with a lot of government involvement
in their lives. We are, as I understand it, getting some quite even mocking press internationally
at the moment for the nature of our lockdowns. They have been very severe, at longer and more severe in Victoria and in Melbourne.
Our second largest city, I think, than anywhere apart from in Brazil of all things.
And I am concerned.
I'm concerned about the balances that have emerged.
I'm concerned about the misinformation, about the lack of ability for the Australian people to think through clearly. They started out
trusting governments and medical authorities. That trust has been badly damaged. There's
no acceptance we can't go on like this. So I have to say in the end, I am optimistic, I
think, that our institutions will survive this. The Australian people will say, this is enough.
We've got to come back to a pragmatic middle ground where the governments will give back
everything they should.
There's a big question, but I make this point.
In the context of the horrendous range of really difficult challenges at confront us,
one thing you must note about Australia, I think internationally, and has been noted,
is that we have clearly chosen the democracy and freedom in the face of an attempt by an
authoritarian China to say, bear your knees to our authoritarian regime in way of life.
So there's cause for real optimism there that Australians understand freedom even though
we don't talk about it much in this country.
And so, well, let's talk about that example
with regard to China to begin with.
So, can you flesh that out a little bit?
What did you see, what threat did you see,
China imposing precisely when?
And what did you see the Australian people managing
in response to that?
Well, the China, of course,
we're one of the few countries in the world that runs a massive trade surplus with China.
They suck in massive amounts of our product, around a third of our exports go to China.
And even though we import a lot back from them, we do, I think, perhaps along with the rest of the world assumed that with
liberalisation in trade, with rising living standards, more opportunities for a Western
star life, liberalism would take over in China.
We know that over the last seven or eight years, those hopes have been well and truly
dashed that it's becoming a very authoritarian regime.
And Australia called for a full and proper inquiry into COVID so that we could better understand it and cope with future pandemic threats more effectively. We certainly led a little with a
chin I'd have to say on that one. The reaction from China was very unfriendly indeed and ultimately
they issued a list of 14 major grievances and so that we have broken the relationship. No one will
pick up the call in China at a senior level in response to our senior people. Canada has experienced
a similar freezing hour but it's been very focused on Australia because we're in the region
and because of that call for the COVID inquiry., also I think the other thing, and was listed in the
14 grievances, was our insistence that highway, we were the first country that said that the
telecommunications giant should not be allowed to implement itself, embed itself in our telecommunications system for security reasons.
America followed Europe, the rest of the world slowly, and I think that's been a cause
of real angst.
But the point is that I think the Chinese thought we would bend quite quickly, and Australia
hasn't.
Notwithstanding the fact that in common with other countries, you've seen a lot of business
leaders saying,
oh, don't go too far, this trade's important.
But as Henry Kissinger put it, a little trade loss can always be recovered.
Freedom lost is almost impossible to get back.
Yeah, well, okay, so there's a number of conundrums that sort of emerge out of that because,
you know, you're making the case
that the Australians have girded their loins so to speak in the face of an external political and
economic threat, despite the fact that there might be relatively serious economic consequences to
that. And so that will to maintain freedom and that that fear of external, not fear precisely, but weariness of external authoritarianism.
We still see that as alive as well, and well, but we've seen throughout the West and maybe
it's exacerbated in the case of Australia, the willingness to dispense with civil liberties
on the domestic front in the face of the pandemic threat.
And I wonder, first about the legality of such moves.
It seems to me that if the lockdowns
and the mandatory vaccination policies
are in fact constitutionally valid
in countries like Australia and Canada and perhaps the US.
And of course Europe,
that our civil liberties aren't very well protected at all.
And then I also wonder what would happen to us, what will happen to us, broadly speaking,
when the next influenza pandemic sweeps through, like now that we've established lockdowns as
acceptable, what level of threat justifies their imposition? How serious does it have to be?
And these are, so then I worry about the lockdowns and certainly about the ethics of the mandatory
vaccination campaign. Now, I'm vaccinated twice, and my wife is as well, although I have family
members who have refused it. And so the division that you see politically and philosophically runs through my family. And I'm not claiming any moral superiority in the fact that I got vaccinated. There were a variety of reasons for it.
And I won't go into them. But I'm sympathetic to those who are leery of the mandatory vaccination as policy or the vaccinations per se for because they have health objections or ethical objections and so
well those are that sort of my domain of concern and so i'm wondering how it appears to you
well i've been doing a lot of thinking about it and I offer these as thoughts only, I think is
and there's so many of them drawing on, I hardly know where to stand, to start, but I think the
first thing I'd say is that in a democracy we do enter into a contract, if you like, a compact
in which we say, well, surrender those rights but hopefully no more than those rights, which are
necessary to secure the rights and freedoms of others. And that may from time to time vary.
That's a logical conclusion.
So if you think of, as a friend of mine pointed out here
the other day, think of the blitz during the darkest days
of the Second World War in Britain,
I think the social contract, if you like,
was strong enough that people do accept that you had to make sure there was
no light escaping from your house at night.
You had to have black curtains drawn, so there was no light, so the Luftwaffe pilots couldn't
see London and you and your neighbours were safe and it was accepted that the police would
have the right to barge into your house and say there's a chick of light showing there,
cover it up.
And you had no right of conscientious objection almost to that.
That was an extreme example.
So we're talking proportionality here.
It's important to note, of course, that if you follow through to its logical extent,
by well before the war technically ended, the British people said, right, we've been
through this terrible disaster, we want our freedoms back.
And they actually voted Winstonured out of office. I see that there's a strong declaration
that crisis has over. We have made unaccepted unbelievably punitive measures, restricted our freedoms,
placed ourselves at great risk, it's over, we now want to normalize. Then you come right back to the situation
that we're now fronting. Well, the legal implications are massive in this
country. I've just literally learned from my new service here in Australia that
President Biden has decided that all companies in America who employ more than
100 people must ensure that all their workforce
is vaccinated. That's 80 million Americans, compulsory.
The companies must do that.
Sorry?
You said that's the company's responsibility to ensure that. So does that mean that the
decision about what healthcare is appropriate has now been ceded by the US government to
corporate interests and where the hell is that going to end precisely.
I mean, COVID is a nasty illness, but it's not as bad as it could be by any stretch of
the imagination.
And it's some multiple worse than a bad flu epidemic, but it's in the same general ballpark.
And so these precedents are being established at an unprecedented rate.
And there's a principle underneath it, which is, well, you can't be too safe.
And the answer to that is, or the rejoinder to that is, that may be true, but don't be so sure that the policies that are put in hypothetically to ensure your safety are going to have that effect and no others. And so, and I know there's a professor in Canada who's,
and I only know the edges of this story.
She's a professor of ethics, and she has been questioning
the mandatory vaccination policy on, on Nuremberg grounds,
essentially, that it's a violation of, that, that enforced
medical treatment, the idea that medical treatment can be enforced
by the state.
In one of our provinces, there were no exceptions, no religious exceptions, no exceptions for health reasons, no exceptions period.
It's like, okay, but where does that end? Like, what is it?
What? I do all sorts of things that are hypothetically dangerous to other people.
Like drive, for example, which I suspect is far more dangerous
than COVID, and yet I'm allowed to do that.
You know, we're setting a very strange precedent here, and that's a hell of a law that's just
being passed.
So...
Yeah, well, you and I are not Americans, so we look at America and think of it as a very
litigacious country.
I would imagine the president was just opened up endless disputes, endless at every level from, you
know, social media meltdown right through to challenges right through to the Supreme
Court. And you raise the issue of what is legal and what is not. Now that varies a bit from country to country. I would imagine
in this country
one of the keys to understanding Australia's response has been to note that
when it comes to health the state governments remember Australia's a federation that's a young one that was created well after the United States in very different circumstances
We inherited freedom. Rather than having to fight for it, so maybe there was never much focus on the philosophies
of freedom, the underpinning thinking around it, although to be fair to Australians, they
fought fiercely to defend their freedoms.
They've not had to sort of design them, think through them, have those incredible arguments,
think of Alexander Hamilton and the debates from the founding fathers about how to avoid mob rule, preserve individual
freedoms, get the balance right, extraordinarily deep thinking.
It's created a democratic garden in the jungle that is the normal nature of human relations
and governments down through the ages and then indeed today.
But we're not tending the garden very well.
The jungle's re-encroaching because we haven't focused much on what's necessary to keep
the plants healthy, put it that way.
So the states have control here.
They've approached this issue differently.
It's been hard for the Commonwealth Government to maintain a uniform approach.
And one of the big legal questions is, have the state-based lockdowns been legal at all?
Can Queensland legally say to me, as somebody from New South Wales,
no, you cannot come here? And the balance at the moment would be the courts have said,
well, the emergency up until now has been such that they are within their tight, entitled powers and so forth to do so. That would be
very interesting to test again now, and it may be in Australia that our Commonwealth
Government will have to test them again, because as we journey through this, and I mentioned
I'm very aware of the interesting international press Australia is getting in the
money, but the polls are showing now that Australian people are saying that we now get it.
We went for de facto elimination. Originally the idea was flatten the curves so our health system
can cope. It morphed into a de facto, we're so far from anywhere, we're so privileged, we're so
fortunate we can go for elimination. I never thought that was realistic. But the polls are now clearly
showing that whilst the Australian people are taking a probably not unreasonable
sort of insurance policy, related to the vaccination. As we get the
vaccinations up, we think things should be opened up again and we'll have to
live with this. At that point point I think there will be in this
country tremendous resistance and reluctance to lock down again because they've been so severe,
particularly in Victoria that people have said no, the costs are so high. And part of the
problem we've had is a sensationalization of it all by the media. I'm sorry to say that, but remarkably little
really balanced commentary.
It's been politically driven from the right
and particularly from the left and the left
and those in secure jobs,
particularly with a publicly funded broadcaster,
their jobs go on even in a lockdown situation.
They feel safe for their own families. Now, I'm an
essential worker, believe it or not as a farmer, I can't go into complete lockdown. I socially
I'm in lockdown, just about to come out of it now out in rural Australia, but in terms
of my occupations and like, like, in the health hospitals and nurses and doctors, they've
got to keep going. It's a bit of hypocrisy on this. Oh no, we want to be safe in our secure jobs, in whatever bureaucratic
enclave or media or enclave you're working, but those people who look after me and feed me in
all the rest of it. No, no, no, no, they've got to keep going.
Filling all of us together, I think it will be very difficult after this, frankly, for Australian
governments to introduce lockdowns again without very sound reasons. So there's a building
awareness we're going to have to live with this. And I think there's a building, it's quite
strong, you can feel it, and it's reflected in the polls, and it will be a payout on governments,
I think, state governments, as well as the Commonwealth, if they ignore
the feeling that this has gone too far in the future. So we've got two state governments
that are holding out. They're still effectively saying we can eliminate this, which I think is nuts.
And I think their people will ultimately realise that as well. So bundle of issues in there,
but a rising awareness that has been a lot of emotion and a lack
of balance at now emerges that the mental health crisis amongst young people in Victoria
is really serious, not being given proper waiting in the debate, nor is the economic impact
and the fact that we are using our children's money to prop businesses up, no country has blown out its public debt in percentage terms as quickly
I don't think Australia has.
Mind you, we had a very low debt basis because of certain past governments.
To begin with, and even after this debt to GDP ratios will be relatively manageable by
international standards, but the trend lines are not good. And we are
borrowing from our children. This is our children's money. Right. Well, yes. So we need to talk very
seriously all of us about the cost of the safety because the cost isn't safe. Right. So we're
taking one risk to prevent another. And so it's always a matter of balance of risk. There isn't a pathway to safety through all of this.
And so I am also concerned, like,
to make the vaccine's mandatory is going to do
and to punish people who refuse them
for whatever reason they refuse them,
is it seems to me that it's a sign of the failure
of the vaccination arguments, essentially.
If you haven't made the arguments credible enough to convince the percentage of people that you think should be vaccinated, to be vaccinated, then that's a failure of your argument and then to move to use political force and police force for that matter,
obviously, to insist is only going to increase the distrust that's driving the resistance to
the vaccines to begin with. You know, you spoke at the beginning of people's decrease in trust
in the medical establishment, so to speak, and also in the political establishment, when they
have to, when those systems resort
to force to impose their view of
what the proper pathway is to safety,
that's going to produce a long term,
permanent, serious damage in the
credibility of those institutions, and
that's going to have a tremendous cost in terms of health as well. So I don't understand. So, and then I've been trying to think through
a solution. So in Canada, we have a fairly high percentage of people that have been duly vaccinated.
And it seems to me that the appropriate approach is something like, for the governments to say, very honestly and carefully to people, we've made the vaccines as available as possible
to all of you.
There's nothing standing in your way but your own choice that's preventing you from being
vaccinated. As a consequence, we are going to reopen our country radically on this
date. And then your destiny is in your hands as it should be. And it seems to me that hoping that
the vaccination rates are going to exceed 90 percent, I think that's a high end estimate. And I
might be wrong about that is a pipe dream. There, there, there too much force is going to have to be applied to people to get them
to do that.
And many people will just not do it.
And then what are we going to do with those people?
Are they now pariahs?
Are they now criminals?
And if they are, it's going to be a big chunk of the population.
How exactly are we going to deal with that? So I see that we're in danger of
exchanging the possibility of
pandemic damage with the certainty of the danger of authoritarian imposition. So
well, so that's, I'd like you to respond to that, I guess, and tell me what you, so I,
that's what I think the policy should be, is that we have the vaccines that they may
not be as accessible in Australia yet as they are in Canada.
We have plenty of vaccines in Canada.
It's like, I think the government and the health authorities would be much more credible
if they said, look, we really think these vaccines work, but we're not...
We're not in the business
of forcing them on you.
You can make that choice.
We've done what we could to provide them for you.
And now it's in your hands.
And is that a stupid idea?
Like, because I don't know, but I'm not impressed by this creeping authoritarianism in the name
of public safety.
I just can't see that that's going
to go well. I think it's going to cause more damage than it's going to do good.
Yeah, I think it comes back to this initial proposition, I think, that the quality of the debate
is critical to getting good outcomes. And the quality of the debate in many ways has been very
badly interrupted. So we had an unbelievable situation in Australia where we had some quite senior people saying
AstraZeneca was dangerous because of blood clots.
In fact, you know, you infinitely less likely to get a blood clot from AstraZeneca than
a girl on the pill.
So we're going to say, well girls should, on the pills would come off the pill. I mean, because there's a danger of blood clots, we're not going to say that.
But we had some quite senior people driving that. And
yet in Britain, of course, the people, the lady, Liza Cove,
inventor and developer of the product, a lovely lady whose name is sketching at the moment,
went to Wimbleton and they gave her a standing ovation.
And people were saying, well, if you can't draw straight, you would probably send her to our
equivalent of Siberia. The different responses are extraordinary, who's right. Now we have one of
our leading medical experts who was one of those casting data on it, saying that, perhaps, it's the best one of all.
So you're getting this confusing advice, how are people meant to find their way through that?
And that feeds into your narrative. And I think in the mind, the quality of public debate becomes very important. I just wonder what on Earth's going to happen in America now. It'll
be very interesting to watch as we speak if I understand the news correctly, you
know, that 80 million Americans are going to be told you will have a vaccination.
Now, this is the land of.
Good law.
Good law.
That will be another war on drugs like that.
That's not that's not implementable.
As far as I can tell, in the US in particular, I mean, the people there who are anti-COVID vaccination,
they're not doing this trivially,
like they're committed to it.
And the Americans can get committed to something
like no one else.
And so this isn't gonna produce a minor backlash.
And it feeds into these conspiracy narratives
that are starting to undermine our society as well,
is that the government is fundamentally untrustworthy and so are the health organizations. And so anybody who's
vaguely conspiratorial in their outlook, that's just going to be like, get a massive boost
by this sort of political move. That's how it looks to me.
And then you go back to the social contract that I talked about earlier, then in a democracy,
we agreed to surrender some of our freedoms in the broader common good, and that we then
in proportionate ways that are proportional, agreed to limit them in emergencies, and we're
all often willing to do that, because if we're frightened, we will flee for security over freedom,
we will, if we'll frighten, we will flee for security over freedom, we'll then demand that back again.
Now, this breakdown in trust that is common to all Western countries, and it's very interesting
in Australia, the Australian National University, one of our best universities, has been tracking
confidence in our Commonwealth governments, plural since 1971.
I think that's right. And it's been a dismal picture. The graph is
gradually drifting away. We're less and less trusting of governments and people in them.
Although, finally enough Australians, I think, are still quite sort of ideologically
friendly towards government. They're very cynical about politicians. That's what's happened there.
There's a bit of a disconnect there.
But if you look at that long-term trend,
you used to get a blip when there was a change of government, a massive surge in confidence,
and then you'd have to dissipate away until as a government became unpopular and made tough decisions or lost its way,
and then there'd be a lift, you're not getting those lifts anymore. So we went into this COVID situation with politicians knowing that they're not widely
trusted and that lots of people in the community would think, oh, well, they're doing that
for his political reasons or looking after their own hide, they're not concerned with us.
So they rolled out experts at every point, medical experts.
Now we have wonderful medical services in this country,
and I do not want us to end unnecessarily critical.
However, of course, they focused very heavily on saving lives.
That's their job.
And so they gave advice all the time that was designed
to save every life possible.
And then it's extraordinary.
We got to the end of last year, I think,
with population 25 million and the 810 people
that died of COVID.
But it meant that the Australian people,
how they meant to get adequate information
when they're only getting one side of the debate.
There's nothing about the payoffs,
what will it mean for mental health?
The suicide unit at the University of Sydney
estimated at one stage that the suicide rate
would increase threefold and that that increase would be vastly higher than as I understand
it, than the number of people who have lost their lives to COVID.
Remarkably little attention paid to the realities that the people who were being
badly affected were in certain age cohorts and often had medical problems,
common morbidities. In fact, an average of four amongst the people who have died,
as I understand it, and those uncomfortable things. Right, exactly.
That very frequently, and I may be wrong about this. I'm about as perhaps as ignorant
as the average person in this domain. And that might be just right for this conversation in some sense.
But I also, with regards to the death statistics, my is it the case that no matter what the pre-existing condition was, if the person was positive for COVID and
they died, the death is attributed to COVID.
And that's like, that makes the basic statistics upon which all these decisions are being made.
Well, questionable.
I'm not saying that it's wrong, but it's certainly questionable.
Can we trust the death rate statistics? Do we actually know how dangerous this illness is?
Now, people look at such markers as excess mortality
over a given time period, and that seems
to me to be more reliable.
But it's not unreasonable to ask these questions.
And that's partly your point about the necessity of debate.
And that opens up a broader issue too, you know, about how those
sorts of debates should be conducted. And I can't help but think that it's going to become
incumbent upon our political leaders to use the kind of platform that you and I are using
right now and actually talk to people. Yeah. That's never going to be possible, right?
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episode. Yeah, I think that's I think that's important because part of what's
happened, I want to sound overly critical of our health offices and one
have you. Many of whom I have a high regard for some of whom I think have I want to sound overly critical of our health officers and one-have-you.
Many of whom I have a high regard for some of whom I think have brought into the sensationalism,
but keeping in mind that their job is to present the medical side.
But then a magnificent health service of the sort that we enjoy in Australia, people
cynical about it, but by international standards, it's pretty darn good.
It costs a lot of money. What are we going to do if we
can't afford those intensive care beds in the future? That depends on a prosperous society.
Our children are going to inherit a vastly larger debt. They will not be as prosperous.
And we know from the research that they're quite distraught about this, quite despondent.
They're wondering whether Australians are very aware that our economy has been blown off course
It's been magnificent and it's held us in incredible stead and that's why we've been able to spend a lot of money on insulating people
It's an irony isn't it government shut economies down deliberately and knowingly and then try to put the system on life support
By pumping money in directly and Australia's been able to do a great deal of that because of its economic strength in the past. But we're dissipating it away at
a very time when we face other huge challenges. The demand that we do more on climate, which
will cost money, the reality that Australia will have to spend more than 2% on GDP, on
defense we're going to have to. The whole range of other things that we're going
to spend money on that must be fed into the debate as well so that people can make informed decisions.
And this has been a big part of the problem. Politicians have had to say, listen to the experts
because they know they won't be trusted. Worse in reality, if the system was working properly,
people would be saying, we put the politicians there to balance these things and the leaders through it.
So they can say, here are the real dangers of COVID that we know about.
And then along comes Delta to be fair and that makes it even harder. It's different. It affects more people and it's more contagious.
But here are the realities on the health side. Here are the trade-offs
in economic terms. Here are the trade-offs in terms of the education of our children.
Here are the trade-offs in terms of depression and anxiety and self-harm. The right way through
this is, such and such, a road, but that's not what's been fed to the populace. It's saved
every life, every life lost. Well, of course, it's a tragedy. But there's another
reality, and that is that the delayed diagnoses of other illnesses, as we try to keep our hospitals
free and de-clog the system and delayed operations on cancer and so forth, over time, we'll realize
that there were real trade-offs within health as well. And the job of my point is that we actually
elect politicians to guide us through this on the best available information
But when trust is broken down and the compact, it's very hard to get that right and part of what's happened here is that politicians have had to say
We're taking medical advice sometimes they don't tell us what that was by the way
Rather than we're balancing that with all of these other factors and and I'm putting it before you, the people
I lead on behalf of the government.
Hard to do that when trust is broken down, and we all know how important that is to relationships
in the end.
Then it's easy to default to expert advice, but what is happening as a consequence, that
what that means in some sense is that
the medical profession starts to bear the weight of political decisions. And to the degree that people are skeptical about political decisions, then they're going to start to become skeptical
about the experts. So the politicians are by relying on experts, they're avoiding their
responsibility. They're they're they're shunting the risk off on people who they're avoiding their responsibility.
They're shunting the risk off on people who have enough on their plates.
As far as I'm concerned, and then we have the breakdown of trust in the medical system,
which I really believe is going to be tremendously exacerbated by mandatory vaccines.
I agree with you.
I agree with you.
This is, I think, one of the,
if the greatest threat to our freedoms in the West
is our own self-loathing and the breakdown of trust
and confidence in one another,
those sort of cultural issues,
we're now extending it into other areas,
you know, into science and so forth.
Sciences often sway through,
but then you have this serious, in this country,
in my very serious, and I'm
warranted undermining a confidence in AstraZeneca. It did really wade me at the time, and I look
back on it, and I think I hope people have learned some lessons out of that. I've had
the first dose, I'm waiting for my second. It wasn't very pleasant as it happened, I did
get a reaction, and so did my wife. But, you know, no hesitation, we're lining up for it. We go back
for the second one. I'm just very, very thankful. We actually have these vaccines. How wonderful
is that? That's a big tick to science. But then you've had medical officers saying, no, no, no,
this is bad. And then they switch. Well, that's also why we shouldn't be hitting people over the
head with the necessity of those, you should do this because it's good for you. It's like, no,
no, look, that you don't understand the history of vaccinations has been very
positive.
Now, we understand that we're doing this in a bit of a rush and that you might be
lary about that, but it's our considered opinion that this is actually of great benefit
to you.
And we're not going to twist your arm.
We're not going to force you.
We're not going to put in draconian measures to to insist that you do this, but I believe
that that would be much more compelling narrative and that many, many more people would for certainly
fewer people would object to the vaccines that way. And I think more people would take them this
this force and that the force as well, this this next issue, you know, the idea that it violates
the neuroburgr conventions. that's a very interesting argument.
I think it's possibly true, but even more so, it's like what are the dangers of alienating people
from the health system entirely, from the scientific establishment entirely, by politicizing it in this
manner? We're not thinking that through as far as I can tell. And part of it's just tremendous
difficulty, right? I mean, all these things you talked about,
the secondary negative consequences of the health measures,
it's also taken everyone a while to see what those were.
Like COVID was an immediate threat.
It was gonna happen right now.
Some of these other things that you're talking about,
like the increase in suicide rates,
that sort of downstream, right?
It's, and so no one was,
that wasn't on the table when the decisions were originally being made.
No, and to be fair to policymakers, we've always got to be fair in these things. No one saw the
nature of the second sort of round of mutant variance, and there would be more of them,
and that's worrying and it's soft. So we don't quite know what we're facing but I didn't want to pick up on
something and I think it's critically important to things that you said.
Firstly leadership here is that appeal to reason and to a sense of responsibility to yourself
and your neighbour.
So I buy that in completely and I would argue again that it's been undermined by this
reliance on experts.
No matter how highly you think of the experts, they're not the people we elect to leaders, if you said I'm driving it.
They should advise leaders, leaders should lead.
And that's been a problem across the West because of the breakdown of trust in our leadership.
It shot through the roof when it looked as though we could eliminate this thing in Australia.
Governments were immensely popular.
One very incompetent state government was reelected because it was a perception that they kept
their people safe.
And it didn't deserve to be reelected by any stretch of the imagination.
And I think I'm a reasonable judge of those things.
On all the broad indicators, they had not served their state well.
But the other point that you raised that I think
so important, I'm always struck by a hacksaw ridge,
the film at Mel Gibson put together.
Now it's about conscientious objection.
Now, you stop and think about this for a moment,
proportionality, and the darkest days of the Second World War
when there were real doubts about whether or not democracy and
freedom would survive. In the end and subject to some pretty tough processes, you could claim to be
and be recognised as a conscientious objector, that's what the film's about. You could say no,
I really, my conscience does not allow me to do this. So this is Frank Farood's point, I think,
my conscience does not allow me to do this. So this is Frank Farood's point, I think. I don't want to verbally am any a simple man, but as I understand it, our first freedom is
freedom of conscience. Without that, every other freedom, I'm not a believer in the hierarchy
of freedoms. Freedom of conscience, freedom of belief, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly,
the right to meet with people or not meet with people. And there's no hierarchy
there. They're a package. But in a sense, the first is freedom of conscience, you know,
to think through what do I really believe? And then to be able to act out on that conscience,
that is the mark in the end of freedom. Now, it might be the dream that Second World War
society says, well, there will be some downsides
for you.
We respect that.
You don't have to go to the front line.
And there may have to be here too.
I mean, I suspect that airline customers, he's an interesting fact for you.
Globally, airline travels recovered to 70% of its pre-covid levels.
Australian air travel is down to 26% still.
Quite interesting reflection on our
caution and our isolation in this country, and yet we're one of the most interconnected
nations in the world in terms of trade and in terms of tourism inbound and up and so
it's an interesting reflection on where we're at in this country. But my point in all of this is that you have to... I mean, I think it's
going to be hard to be able to engage in all activities if you've not been vaccinated
unless we can find a very quick way of testing. And I might be wrong on this, but a friend
of mine was telling me that her son's in Germany and he went out for a coffee the other day and the standard procedure is that you get a little test on the way to the coffee shop,
takes a few minutes, and if you're clear you're right. So it's not a question of vaccination,
it's whether you've got COVID. Now that's an interesting way of looking out and if technology would
allow for that, it might ease a lot of these things. I was running the other day by the
the minister, a very thoughtful man from a church in my local area, and he said,
I'm not sure what we're going to do if the state tells me that I can't allow people to come and worship in my church, if they haven't had a vaccination, he said, I'm deeply troubled by that idea.
And I thought, well, I haven't thought of that particular angle, that's troubling to me too.
angle that's troubling to me too. So what do you think the best rationale is for mandatory vaccination? It's like what is the danger that what is actually the danger? What's the best description of the
danger that's posed socially by people who refuse to be vaccinated. I mean, is the argument that there are also a
terrible danger to those who've been vaccinated? I mean, as the vaccination rates increase,
and they're fairly high in Canada, I think we're near 80%. I hope I'm not wildly off the mark by that
with that estimate. I know it's much lower in Australia. I believe it is.
estimate. I know it's much lower in Australia. I believe it is. I'm unclear about exactly the danger that the unvaccinated are posing. So what's your understanding given those vaccination
rates? What's your understanding of that? And what's the justification for their restriction
of civil liberties? I have to say that's a very good question, Jordan, and I'm as unclear as you are.
I mean, if...
Well, we shouldn't be unclear about that, right?
You'd hope that in the positions that we occupy, we wouldn't be unclear about that.
And it seems to me that if we're unclear about that, that plenty of other people are unclear
about it as well.
And that's obviously not a good thing.
So to illustrate the point that you're raising, if I've got this right, now our
condos of Australian airline has said that all of its staff must be vaccinated. And as I understand it,
one of the very senior people has a conscientious objection and has left the organisation,
I think I'm right in saying that. Now, his perspective, presumably, it's a very important one. He would be asking a
question, not only about civil liberties, but the practicalities, which is what you're posing as
I understand it to tease us out. If I'm about to get, go through an airport through all the procedures involved there and get on an airplane with people
who are even if it's just one person on that plane who's not vaccinated. If everybody else has
been vaccinated and they're safe, what's the problem? Well, yeah, precisely exactly what's the problem
and to what degree is that sufficiently problematic so that civil liberties should be importantly curtailed. Right.
Because, and so I'm unclear about exactly what permission being vaccinated grants me,
and I'm unclear about what precise danger the unvaccinated pose to the vaccinated.
If it's extremely high, then you think, well, then what is the use of the vaccination?
And I don't want to overplay that obviously because I believe the evidence suggests that
the vaccinated are much less likely to suffer severe consequences from COVID and much
likely to much less likely to catch it.
But what I'm still unclear about this are the unvaccinated primarily posing a danger
to the other unvaccinated.
And at some point, and maybe the worry is,
well, that's going to overwhelm our health system.
It's going to overwhelm our intensive care units.
And so I guess a corollary to the policy
that I thought up earlier, and I didn't mention this,
was we announce a date past which, once the vaccines mention this was, we announce a date passed which once the vaccines
are universally available, we announce a date passed which things open. And we quadruple the money
that we've devoted towards ICUs. And because it's not as if the lockdowns themselves aren't
expensive, they're extraordinarily expensive, they're insanely expensive and we haven't yet begun to pay for them. So we
settle in that we tell people, we inform people that the vaccinations are available and then
we prepare for the fact that many people won't become vaccinated, but I still don't get the
exact danger and that could easily be my my profound ignorance. But if it's the unvaccinated
or dangerous to the other and vaccinated, it's like, well, at some point,
what are you gonna do about that?
Force people?
That's not a good president.
Two thoughts come to mind.
One is that one of the things that policymakers
would have to take into account, I'd imagine,
is the emergence of new variants,
more contagious, more dangerous,
resistant to the vaccines and spreading those very quickly.
There may be dangers in there that have to be thought through.
The other thing about is there's a world of difference between saying you must be vaccinated
per se, and saying, well, if you choose not to boot, that's okay, but there may be some situations
where you have to stay at bay.
Hypothetically, it might be to say, you don't have to be vaccinated, but you can't fly.
I'm just plucking that out of the year.
So you're absolutely free not to, but there are some things you can't do if you're not
vaccinated.
In fact, one of the things that we did in this country is, you say Australia,
one of the characteristics of the country that I live in and love is that we're amazingly
open to being regulated. And a bit weak on conscientious objections, who, historically, not as strong as America and
other Western countries. And that regulation maybe it comes from the benign way in which
governments regulated so much of our lives. As I say, we've never had the turmoil, a little
civil war of independence, of the agonies and intellectual exercises that went into designing
the American Declaration of Independence.
We've not had those sorts of things. Essentially, we were a series of British colonies
put together by an act of the British Parliament in 1901 that federated us.
In the 1880s and 1890s, our best thinkers often pretty flawed people and pretty with selfish ambitions of being
statesmen and so forth in their own little palm, though, I suppose, but they put
together a constitution that reflected the very, very best of the thinking and
the experiences and the learning of particularly Britain and American.
But my point out of all of that is that so governments have been relatively benign,
notwithstanding, as I said earlier so governments have been relatively benign, not
withstanding, as I said earlier, Australians have been prepared to fight for freedom or
to defend it.
They haven't had to fight for it in the first place.
And they've been very, we're amazingly accepting a regulation in this country.
We were the first country in years, by years, to mandate compulsory sick-butt-weary.
There's a whole plethora, a whole raft of things. We're Australians have just been quite happy to accept being told what to do.
A smoking advertising was banned here before any of it all, so I think that's right.
And so forth.
And to take your point up, governments explain this is not being done for public health reasons.
And there was a wide scale sort of acceptance of it. So it comes back to this,
if vaccinating is important, then it ought to be positive arguments for it and leadership that people respect.
And they say, well, I don't feel threatened by this. I accept the arguments that the reasons A, B and C it makes sense. And I should be responsible, whereas coercion would ordinarily create
that resentment, that suspicion, that distrust and the pushback that you're talking about.
So that's why the recognition of conscientious objection, I think, is so critical to the
maintenance of freedom in any genuinely free society that
wants to, if you like persuade people of the value of freedom, are there some thoughts?
Well, I mean, perhaps to persuade people to become vaccinated for that matter.
No, I don't know what these new regulations in the US are going, what kind of response they're
going to produce, but I can't imagine that it's going to do anything but exacerbate the
tension between the left and the right that already exists in that country and that is
severe enough to be somewhat destabilizing already.
We're going to introduce vaccine passports in my home province in Ontario, despite the
fact that there's a conservative government in power
at the moment.
And there won't be as much of a reaction to that
in Canada as there will be in the US to similar measures.
But it just seems to me that that default to force
is an admission that the argumentation has been stunningly
inadequate. And instead of addressing the problem that the argumentation has been stunningly inadequate
and instead of addressing the problem
of the inadequate argumentation,
the shortcut is, well, those people are too stupid
to know what's good for them.
And so it's, and in this, and for the sake of everyone
else's well-being, it's justifiable to force them.
That might even be okay if it was gonna produce
the results that are intended,
but I don't think it's going to.
I think it's going to produce a kickback
that will make things worse on the vaccination front
rather than better.
And we might ask ourselves too, it's like,
you know, part of the reason the US has given up
on the war on drugs is because it was unenforceable.
You had to push the state so far in a police state direction to stop people from using substances
like marijuana that everyone eventually just said, look, man, it's just the cure is worse
than the disease.
And, well, that's the danger that we're facing, I would say.
And it's always the case with policy.
I understand that, that the cure can be worse than the disease.
But it reasonable people can certainly make that argument, that there's tremendous danger
in making an active invasive medical procedure
mandatory.
There's terrible danger from a president perspective.
Now, because what if it does turn out, for example, that one of these vaccines has unforeseen
long-term consequences, and it's been given to hundreds of millions of people?
We could be wrong.
And I understand medically that there is a distinct possibility that precise thing will happen.
And then it's certainly not zero the possibility.
And so, and the fact that a percentage of the population perhaps exaggerates that possibility
because they're more conspiratorial in their thinking or less trusting or less more skeptical of That is what it is. It is a very important thing. It is a very important thing.
It is a very important thing.
It is a very important thing.
It is a very important thing.
It is a very important thing.
It is a very important thing.
It is a very important thing.
It is a very important thing.
It is a very important thing.
It is a very important thing.
It is a very important thing. conscientious objection, objecting.
It's like you said that even when we were fighting the Nazis, we weren't so certain that you
couldn't say no because you had a different set of beliefs that were truly and validly held.
So. And then I am also concerned about the president we're setting. And I suppose people who were
opposed seat belt laws and helmet laws and that sort of thing had the same sort of notion, which is,
well, once you let the government decide what's good for you,
what's good for you? Where does it stop? And like I'm firmly convinced that maybe this is my own pair. No, I'm firmly convinced that if the automobile had been invented today, that the average person
would would not be allowed to drive. I don't think we would allow that level of risk. And I think
that's really unfortunate.
So it's a good thing that it came along slowly
and sort of snuck in, but because driving
is a very dangerous act and it's publicly dangerous too,
you kill lots of people with your,
we kill lots of people with our automobiles,
yet we're allowed to do it, so to speak,
and to think that we're even,
that the right way of phrasing that is that we're allowed
is that's not a good way of thinking about it. So...
It's inc, it's sort of, if you like, get a helicopter view of all of this. It seems to be
the things we're talking about here go to the issues of the sort of...
of the sort of, the strength and the unity,
because you can't separate the two of the Western Democratic model at a time
when the alternatives are really starting to muscle up globally.
So this line that COVID's accelerating history
strikes a chord with me.
We're dividing more than ever, and I suspect to go back to what and I don't want to misrepresented. I'm only really
referring to literally before we came on what looks to be the news out of America, which
I think is going to be very contentious. 80 million people being told you will be vaccinated.
These sort of divisions, this polarization, this tribalization, this lack of confidence in ourselves and
our institutions. At a time when the world was looking more like the 19th century with multiple
power centers, many of them very hostile to democracy, to America in particular, that
sea places like Canada and Australia as sort of, sorry, get states of that sort of the great state in
America. None of this fills me with a great deal of confidence that we will be, we'll
even recognize the freedoms that we have now in the societies we live in in another four
or five generations. Another four or five decades.
I say that because of where we are geographically, I suppose, in this region here,
we're a long way,
where Australia is a very valuable bit of real estate.
It's sparsely populated,
the large landmass,
it's a long way from the other democracies
with the exception of,
and the honorable exception of Indonesia. We're
in an area where there is rising authoritarianism led by one place in particular. Do we have
collected willpower to pull together and say, we're going to have to make tough decisions. We've
been very comfortable for a long time. And the first tough decision here is the one that's now being
openly spoken about in Australia, they're actually saying it. And as I said, I have confidence
that Australians have been realistic about this. I actually think we will come through this,
but it's so important we have these debates. We now are saying we're going to have to live with
COVID and accept that people die. Or something to say, but we're all going to die. And saying we're going to have to live with COVID and accept that people will die.
All for thing to say, but we're all going to die. And if we're not careful,
we'll make this into such a mess that will die of, more of us will die of more causes in worse circumstances than worse. Right, under more authoritarian system.
And it's worse.
The worst to both worlds.
You know, I mean, you've got enormous economic challenges too.
I mean, let's not kid ourselves
with a reasonable degree of prosperity.
It's very important to having a health system
and nutrition and the educational,
one of the opportunities in table
that give you lives worth living where human beings can flourish.
Great. Well, and we've been able to, in some sense, devalue, I suppose, devalue our currency by
distributing money extraordinarily generously during this time of crisis and
extraordinarily generously during this time of crisis and fair enough in some sense, but that isn't a sustainable response.
And God only knows what damage we're doing to our future economic prosperity
by continuing to make it extraordinarily difficult for many people to engage in productive activity,
how disheartening that is for people to watch their,
the businesses that they've poured their heart and soul
and to take a terrible hit
and to have people adjust to this new reality
that may never allow them that opportunity again.
So, okay, so practically speaking, I mean, it's easy to sit and complain and say, you
know, doesn't this look grim and shouldn't we be making smarter decisions?
I put forward for what it's worth, you know, my thoughts on what a reasonable policy
might look like when that balances concern for health with the possibility of continued freedom.
What do you think might be done concretely by political leaders in the West to deal with
the COVID crisis more appropriately? What do you see as a reasonable pathway forward?
This may say a strange reaction, but it's where I genuinely come from. I think we need to lift people's eyes to the real threats to our future freedoms. And I think the economic and strategic.
And I think out of that should be the message that we really in Western countries,
within our countries and actually amongst ourselves, have more in common that is more durable
and important and imperative to preserve and work on, if you like, more interesting common,
than those which divide us and that requires a sort of leadership that that that we saw,
you know, I keep thinking of myself, we saw so much of it out of America,
Britain and America, frankly, you know, in the whole sort of mess of the 1940s and then coming out of it.
This this this appealing to people to look to the broader interests, to recognise that hope lies in putting
the foundations out and securing them for our future, which is our children and our grandchildren.
In other words, break out of the fear. We're carrying in the corner in fear. Fear is a terrible
inhibitor. You know more about this than I do professionally,
but we've become very afraid.
A lot of what's happening at the moment
is being driven by fear.
And it's fed on by saying those who want to sensationalize
the issues and distort the numbers
and not talk about the costs of a given line of action,
not talk about the fact that there are issues here
other than the medical ones,
those sorts of things. And I think only then can we develop the right sort of set of perspectives,
but the subset of that one's on this, that I don't think any of us yet have worked out how to
handle social media with its capacity. No, that's the next thing I wanted to ask you about, actually, because I've been thinking about,
look, I invited the leader of the opposition who's now fighting an election in our country.
So he's the leader of the Progressive Conservative Party and the Liberals are in power under Justin
Trudeau and the leader of the opposition is Aaron O'Toole and I invited him to come on my podcast
The opposition is Aaron O'Toole and I invited him to come on my podcast over the last couple of weeks and he refused.
And he might have had his reasons and I asked him at the last minute, but these podcasts
and I would like to hear your experience about them.
There's no reason for politicians to be using the media anymore as far as I can tell.
It can talk directly to people and maybe this opens up the possibility
of getting deeper insight into who our
potential political figures are, right?
Because for so long, a politician had to think
in terms of delivering his message in a way
that the media would carry.
But that's just not necessary now,
because we can sit down like you and I are sitting down
and actually talk things through and then people can be involved and engaged in that. And
and that seems to me to be a hopeful technology for the future. And now you've been, how long have
you been running your podcast? Why did you do it?
And what do you think about that politically? I'm very curious about that.
Well, look, there's a bunch of issues in there. The problem with social media, the downside is
it gives a megaphone to people who to spread serious misinformation conspiracy theories
about AstraZeneca or whatever it happens to be. That's the downside and the danger. The upside is
you can fill the terrible vacuum in public information that's out there for people who want to
know what's really going on and what are engaged with ideas. And as I've said probably ad nauseam,
I was driven by that feeling that in my country there is a hunger for higher quality debate that a content more information.
And it struck me and a couple of my friends that one of the ways to help counter that in my country might be what we embarked upon. In fact, I launched with you. Thank you very much. I had several in the
can ready to go with, but you were in Australia at the time and what you were saying, so struck
me as topical under the interest, that we launched with it and found an extraordinary appetite
for ideas and for content. And the thing that encourages me is that while I look to be honest,
I often the spare of young people's lack of understanding of their history of the basics of their freedoms and democracy.
They say cynical about it. They've been fed the lines by their teachers who have fed the lines out of universities often.
That participation in democracy is to be cynical and to be an activist, not a participant and a contributor. And some of our best schools
are letting us down in this area in this country. Some of our very, very best schools, as well
as many of the mainstream ones now. There are many honorable exceptions. I want to add that.
But it just seemed to me that there is this hunger and this appetite. And as you said to me,
young people don't often read so much now, but they're still hungry for content and changing technology,
they get it in different ways. There's an earlier version of it that when we were in government,
the Prime Minister of the time John Hart, Brickie Goes. By past mainstream media, even in those days,
the grabs were too short and the bias was all too often you know there were too many people in the media seeking to campaign rather
than then for but he recognized a talkback radio in those days was a brilliant
way to reach a lot of people and I think that's right he was able to go
over there you could talk directly you could find hosts who would let him
get his message out even though some of them might have interrupted a bit he
could still connect with people and that was important. How do you do that now
the way you and I are doing it? And I think that's invaluable. And I don't pretend in this
conversation to have had all of the answers, but at least I think we've teased out the issues
and recognised that there's a lot of food for thought in all of this and fundamental to it is to
recognise at the end of it
our freedom's matter.
Governments should be functions of our will.
We should not be the puppets of government
in the democracies.
That's incredibly important.
We've got to establish that we should respect them
whilst they are there, but they are our servants.
At the moment, we don't respect them. It's
strange enough and yet we expect them to solve every problem and the system breaks down people
become cynical. So what have I found? Well I found. I am constantly amazed at how often people will
pull me up in the streets and say, heard your conversation with that person or this person
or whatever.
And because I try not to feed my own opinions in too much,
most people know what I think.
But most of the time, I'm trying to provide a conduit
for people to listen.
And to hear what others have got to say,
when partly because of bias and positioning,
a lot of views are hard to get out.
And partly because it's such an
instant world. The 32nd Grab doesn't work if you want to draw the great lessons
out of the Gullag Archipelago as you and I did in our first conversation. You
can't do that in a 32nd Grab. It's impossible. We're dumbing people down unwittingly
because technology has and the mainstream, sort of led to that
outcome.
We're breaking the finances of mainstream media, of course, by doing what you and I do.
And so that means that the journalistic qualities go down more and more because they don't
have the resources to pay people who do really high quality and vestigative stuff.
And what have you?
Anyway, I'm being long-winded, but I have learned a huge amount.
It's something worth considering and contemplating in detail,
because this is a stunningly revolutionary new technology.
I mean, YouTube was just kind of a novelty item when it first popped up.
But the fact that everyone is now a video producer
and a sophisticated video consumer,
it changes the world in ways that have only barely begun
to manifest themselves.
And we certainly don't understand it
because the technology runs way faster
than our understanding of its consequences.
But it seems to me that it should become increasingly incumbent on people who have political ambitions
to engage directly with the public in this manner that that should become a standard expectation of political figures and of the general population.
Because if you can't handle yourself in a 90-minute conversation, if your ideas aren't well
enough developed, or if you don't have the character, or you reveal your hand in some manner,
well, that's something that should happen.
And the fact that everything has to be condensed down in some sense to sound bites means that
people who are good at doing that or who have a good team to do that, they get the spoils.
But it's no way to run a serious operation.
And this technology is available to anyone who cares to use it now.
So, what have you seen? What do you understand the understanding of political figures in Australia
with regards to social media? Do they understand the significance of its existence, the potential that it has?
Some do. Some do. Some set up massive cynical exercises to try and control social media to
participate in, you know, and set up movements, you know, come with me sort of stuff where it's all spin and it plays on the sort of hashtag type stuff.
But then at the other extreme, I have been delighted and amazed at the number of people
right up the political scale who listen to the conversations that I've held. And to go to the
Parliament House and have a senior person from the other side of politics to the one that I was involved with, and it's happened
several times, come up and say, do you enjoy your podcast?
That is gold to me.
And then to know that there are several cabinet ministers who often tap in, particularly
if I talk about defence, or if I talk about the sorts of things that you and I talk about.
And then one of the things that I have noticed, though, this is an interesting one,
and I've not got to the bottom of it. I don't quite understand it, is that my country
may not are more interested in listening to somebody from America or Britain than from anywhere else,
including their own country. So a couple of the most important conversations that I've done, or quite a few, on defence
with our former Prime Minister, who is now the father of the nation in many ways, and was
widely seen that way.
And yet there's relatively thin interest talking to, I mean, the conversations that you and I have had, this is actually the fourth
and it's very kind of you to have me as a guest. They have flown off the rack so it's
pretty congenerated, huge interest. And here's the one, I know I've said this many times
so forgive me listeners who have heard me say this, but nothing drives me on more than
when I met young men and women
Howers who are seeing through the
Porsity and the superficiality of what they've been fed as young Australians and I've really clicked
to you know a deep philosophical and
Meaningful understanding your point indeed
That the sort of things because I need to be learned through through long form discussions about why our country is different. When I was in Parliament, one of the few, I'm reasonably economically dry, one of the few
subsidy arrangements that I agreed with was that we subsidized kids' schools from around
Australia.
So, it was cheap for them no matter how far.
This is a very big country to come to Canberra and
see democracy in action. And I always used to look forward to meeting with them. It was always
fascinating. So we'd have a discussion about the Parliament House and the Enbus corridor and
the chambers and the Prime Minister and all of these sorts of things. And then I'd spring it
on to them and I'd say, now, how many of you've been told before you came down here by your mums and
dads and maybe even your teachers, are you going to Canberra? Are you that place? You know, it's all hot here and the politicians are used and the government's no good and
Every hand would go up
That's Australia, you know
We're we were once healthily skeptical and downright cynical
I think about our political processes and the people in them, but if you then said them
Okay, so if if the government's making a mess or you know come to you that you'd like to live in in preference to Australia. And occasionally,
somebody would say America, they'd say Canada, they might say New Zealand, they'd say they're all
democracies. And then we talk about the differences. And of course, it it had never hit them.
And once you start to unpack that stuff and the sort of conversations that you and I so enjoy because I enjoy them enormously
There's a lot of people tap into it and say, gee, that's interesting. That's really got me thinking and and
Was it Margaret made who said you know societies
You know, I've often been changed by just a small group of people getting together and thinking things through. Indeed,
that's the only way societies have ever changed. And so what drives me on is the hope that whether
they agree with me or disagree with me, even if they come out in a different place, if these
conversations that we have help raise up tomorrow's leaders, well, boy, we're going to need them. And they'll have to be people of vision
that encourage and encourage and of insight. And nothing struck me more. That first conversation
where you had a new or quite emotional about it, he said that you'd been in Melbourne and
you'd had some young men there who had responded positively what you'd said and you just said
they just need a little bit of encouragement
because they're not getting it and they're not. I've never forgotten that man and I resulted
that point because you're so open and you make yourself vulnerable and that must be very costly
at times that I would seek to do the same. So I've done that several times consciously as a result
of that first conversation I've opened up more about me
and the hope of that useful for young people.
And if others want to criticize me,
if older people say, oh, we wouldn't have said that
in our day, or whatever, so it doesn't matter.
If there's one person out there,
and I know there's more than that,
because I've met them, who have been impacted
and have thought things through,
put down some foundations that they otherwise wouldn't have,
well, it's all been worth it.
That's a great place to close. So thanks very much for agreeing to meet with me again, I really appreciate it and to wander through this minefield and you know it's it's it's not something that anyone knows how to do properly.
But, you know, we can all hope and strive to do it right
and hope that we don't do too much damage
while we're trying to figure it out.
So I'm hoping to come to Australia next year again,
to perhaps to tour again, if I can manage it.
So if I do come down there,
I'd sure be more than pleased to see you again and to meet.
And so I'd like that very much.
So thank you very much again for coming in.
Did Thon, and thank you very much.
It's an honor and it's it's terrific to see you firing on all eight again. to go.
you